A
lrlftr-
'WE GO WHEEE DEMOCEATIC PRINCIPLES TOINT THE WAY WHEN THEY CEASE TO LEAD, WE CEASE TO FOLLOW.'
VOLUME VIII.
EBEiXSBURG, THURSDAY, JULY 22, 18-52.
MOIBER 40.
4
J II II
f IE! It
If- I L l II v
. .JUV
gpKfiCII OP HON". It. T003I11S,
OF CEORUIA,
On the Presidency ; delivered in the House of Rep
resentatives July 3, 1S2.
The House being iu Committee of the Whole
oa the state of the Union, and having under
consideration the deficiency bill
Mr. TOOMBS said : But I mast pass on from
this branch of the subject and hasten to a brief
examination of the constituent elements and
the action of the two late conventions. The
Democratic convention asseuiuieu mv. xuc j
rrospect was not favorable to its unity or Lar- j
mony ; the preservation of either was impossi- !
tie, except upon the principles I have already !
tjplaincl. The political convulsions which ra-
pcJ so violently smee its previous session nau
divided it into three parts. One portion had
wandered off to Buffalo, and struggled lustily to j
bring the great democratic family into disrepute j
i:i the ortn, ly cnargnig n mm "-ajiu6 n.
lo the South
Another portion wandered off to
' . , , . , lT o i i been here when it passed the House. I was not
tence that it had betrayed the South to the ,
i-i here at that time.
"orth. And yet another portion, which embra- !
ced the majority of the party in Congress, stood j Cries of "Go on !" "Go on !"
f.naly by the compromiso measures, and voted i In Pennsylvania, the candidate of that party
for their passage. Thejtwo sectional wing3 of , was a gentlemen who was known to be decided
this party stood in extreme opposition an a- j ly hostile to these measures. At both conven
greement between them in principle was impos- j tions which nominated for the presidency, and
tilde. The southern wing had denounced evory ' the candidates had the full benefit of the associ
r.uV.ic nau North, whig and democratic, as un- ation. These elections resulted disastrously to
wo-thr cf southern su- port. The southern men j
w supported the compromise measures were ;
f luai:yuenounceuuyiueu.. iuc-" .B
tcraratedthemselvs from the organization upon (
.hat they called great questions of -human ;
liberty." The condition of success was, that j
liirnam wooa snouia ue uniugui
this moral miracle must ue periormea. n ;
J.ine. The huge magnet ot patronage was ;
waived over the disaffected regions, and by its j
p'wtr oi attraction iunaiu uni .iuiuuhc nm. "tutio invu iwii- uui..0
tnught in council together at Baltimore. Free i friends of Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Webster na
soilers and hunkers, secessionists and Union j tional whigs who have upon all occasions since
men. compromise and anti-compromise men their passage avowed their determination to ac
J3 ?ha;a of opinio- goiUuvo.I tncether under j cept these measures as a peace offering, without
the power of democrats to select a candidate for j reference to their votes upon them. This was
the presidency. The result of their labors was i all we asked.
: preside
better than could have been fair expected. It
is true they threw overboard all those statesman
to whom public expectation and the, public mind
had been directed, and selected a candidate of
their own ; but the candidate selected is a fair
exponent of the compromise clement of the con-u-ntiun.
From my small knowledge of his his
t.iy, I take him to be capable, honest, and faith
ful to the constitution, and au early, consistent-,
oud energetic opponent of anti-slavery fanati
cism in all its forms, and a firm and decided
friend of the Compromise. His associate on
the ticket is entitled to equal commendation.
Th? resolutions which were adopted by this
body were numerous, and not creditable even to
them. I took occasion, about four years ago,
to review some of the most important of them
to which I refer for a fuller understanding of
my opinions thereon. But the convention did,
fullv and fivirlv. endorse and pie-ige tnemseives
. , . . i '
- i
aoiue oy ana aut i
fares The southern-rights division ot the con-
, , r ,,,. T
umion surrendered fully, if not gracefully. Ihe ,
.-.i" e-r. nnt n that it was done !
o-ivcu icuauit 1 w 1 - 1
in obedience to the voice of people of the South.
The reason was not discreditable, if sincere.
ti j '-1 1 . I ..vikTtilY-k.l in ctilluri Ki
ll!? iree-bOll umaiuu DUUVHUI.H.U 1 oui.ii ...
Itrncc, and not a blow was struck by either of
those divisions in defence of its peculiar teuets.
The compromise resolution which was adop
ted meets (he question fully ; the candidates
tominated have put themselves fully, and dis
tinctly upon it. Therefore the requisition of
the Union party of Georgia is fully complied
with, and these candidates are open to the sup
port of the members of that party, wiUiout any
surrender of its principles.
It is true there were many in that convention
'ho had uniformly opposed the Compromise
heretofore, and some who do now oppose it ; but
this class is neither numerous nor formidable.
The compromise division of the party succeeded
I bfilh in ita vM.A:rvlAa mvwI ita natnlnlarna I lioil
& A
triumph was complete, and promise to be endu
ring. It is deeply to be regretted that the same re
ult did not happen in the whig convention.
There were but two grand divisions in the latter
lody the friends and enemies of the conipro
lie measures. The former wero divided be
tween Mr. Fillmore and Mr. Webster, and the
fetter concentrated on General Scott. The re
sult of their labors was, that the Compromise
is adopted, and General Scott was nominated.
Jie free-soil whigs of the Noith have complete
cutrol of the whig organization in all of the
lon-slaveholding States, and Scott's success will
their triumph, and a triumph fatal to the
fr"iciples of the Union whigs, both. North and
South. The whigs who supported General Scott
or lke nomination were the men who had been
a6t active, by speech and pen, from the be
ginning f this excitement, in promoting acc
rual strife and discord.
The men who stood here in 1850 were, from
e beginning to the end of this great slavery
'fltation, opposing the settlement of it, and are
0 this hour deadly hostile to the principles up-
kica it was made. In their party conven-
i IU I'l 1 ill. 1 I Ml. U 1 1VA 11J vuli'Hi'.'' -
tions at home, throughout the whole North, du
ring the last year, not one of them, to my knowl
edge, has conformed to those principles. In
their elections last year in the two great States
of Ohio and Pennsyluauia that party ran candi
dates who were known to be averse to them in
this House, who voted against them in the Bal
timore Convention, and who, I believe, is now
chairman of the whig general committee of the
i United States.
I Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio. Will the gentle-
maa aUow me tQ ask hira & que8ti(m , j dtfsire
t0 know if the gentleman di(J not Limself vote
aglin9t a portion of tuat series 0f measures ?
Mf TOOMBS. I did. I Toted against the
bm aJmitti California into the Union.
Mr. CAMPBELL. Did not the gentleman al
so vote against that abolishing the slave trade
-n th(J Digtrict of ColumLia ?
l not but
I will give
the gentleman the full benefit of his question.
j I should have voted against that bill if I had
the Scott free-soil whigs ; and at the opening of
this session it was announced to the country that j
- 0 - ...
Compromise. It was very soon
though that no friend of General Scott could j
be found among its supporters. The question
- .
--V
bi - a nuia "' i.ivj "'-" -v a " i
against ine compromise; uieru were uui
twelve northern whigs who voted fur it ; and I
We do not wish to go behind the passage of : history of the men who offer them to me to af
these measures for objections to public men. ) f01-j me anv reasonable security that these pria
We were willing that this settlement should j cve5 would be honestly maintained. When I
stand as a pacification what we approved, and ; l00k to the record, when I look to their votes,
and what we did not approve. We wer vr-:" ig v,.ju.,, j t thc-ir individual action, when j
to do it for the sake of giving tr.tn pil'it , , re
pose, peace to the country and all scction-i of
the country. We were willing that tlr-s adjust
ment should be considered an act of amnesty
for past differences of opinion upou the gener
al question of slavery, and to support in good
faith any and all who were ready to stand by
and maintain it. There are many in this House
who voted against some and even all of these
measures, but who arc still willing to stand up
on that ground, and who do stand there ; who
had opposed them as, in their ju Jgnient, iujuri-
ous to the rights of their own sections of coun. ,
! try, but, for the sake of the peace and quiet of ;
- '
. , ,. , , . .1
ine rcpuouc,
and inasmuch as they were acqui- j
esccd in by a large majority of the American !
c 4, ., . , ,
people North and South they accept and
... T .nr , .. , . T , , I
' " ' ,
none such among the friends of Gen. Scott. j
They have endeavored in every way to stifle
those principles when presented, and they en
deavored to prevent their affirmance whenever
and wherever they could. To prevent their af
firmance, both northern and southern suppor
ters of Gen. Scott made speeches on this floor,
advocating the policy of going into the
next presidency without the enunciation - of
any principles whatever. Some gentle
men from the South who had been supporters,
but, I admit, reluctant supporters, of the Com-
promise, were willing to accept Gca. Scott with- j
out any pledge of his fidelity to these great 1
principles, while they knew hisfrienl3 were op" j
posed to them. But the voice which came up
from the people, even through the imperfect .
medium of the delegates to their convention,
compelled them to pause, to tremble, to yield.
They did wisely to heed that voice in demanding
the resolutions ; but they will hear its thunders
again, for not heeding it and giving it true ut
terance in the selection of the candidate ; they
will not, they ought not, to submit to have their
principles put into the keeping of their enemies.
They will demand principles and men, and make
that demand effectual at the ballot-box in No
Tember. The friends of the Compromise demanded no
sectional candidate. They were content to ac
cept the present Chief Magistrate, whose name
and fame have been identified with these niea
sures. They were willing to accept the great ;
New England statesman, notwithstanding their j
manv noints of disasreement with him in tho S
' J I w
past. He had thrown tue weigni 01 nis nuguiy
intellect into the scales of concord in the dark
est and most perilous houi'of the conflict ; and
southern compromise whifts, at least, .would
have struggled with pride and energy to have
seen the greatest intellect of the age preside
over and direct the affairs of the great republic
in the world These men were defeated in the
convention by the enemies of the compromise
measures because they were its friendi. This
was the true reason of their exclusion. And it
is a sufficient reason for the friends of that mea
sure, North and South, to oppose and defeat
this nomination. My actions shall respond to
my convictions.
Shall we select between these two candidates?
My preference would be for some citizen known
to the people for his public services and civil
life some citizen disconnected from these or
ganizations some citizen devoted to his coun
try, and not to faction one whose wisdom and
virtue have been tested by experience in public
affairs. If such a name shall be presented to
the American people, without reference to re
sults, I would give him my support.
I will affirm the principle, and maintain the
truth, and though I may not be able to succeed
against this combination ; yet, though all else
may be lost in such a contest, honor will be sa
ved, duty will be performed, and a great princi
ple will be asserted. We must leave the rest
to time and truth.
But whai are the Union whigs to do if that
contingency does not happen ? This question
would not be at all embarrassing if the majority
in the convention which nominated General
Scott had put him before the country on their
) own principles. The difficulty arises from the
I fact that the resolutions passed by that body
i annouce sound principles principles which we
I approve. I object to but one resolution in the
! series, and that one is at ljast equal to, if not
j better, tli'in the resolution upon the same sub-
democratic ,atfurm. x laC:U1 tho
one relating to internal improvements. The vl,5g
resoklion assers the con8lUutional power ia
. m mentg
lMtr -t -t, -t, ;f w,stlr
ftdhcreJ to TM!jjtr:p oir IR0St of the objec-
t -t
The other nlatform denies the con
stitutional power to make such improvements in
a particular manner, and, in mv iu l-rmcnt, in
' the very way in which it ought to ba done.
Therefore, upon the question, I prefer the whig
; to the democratic resolution, though approving
i of neither. But while the compromises resclu
j tion of the whig party is all I desired, and the
other principles announced are m the mam sound
and republican, I have seen nothing in the past
look it tliii struggle through which we recently
prtss-ji! in relation to the most important of these
resolutions, I cannot believe these principles
will be safe in such hands They are my prin
ciples, and I intend to maintain them now, here
after, and at all times here and wherever I
may be. .
1 have already shown that General Scott'g
friends arc not to be trusted with these princi
ples, and has given no assurance that the' re-
ceive his approval, or will be maintained by him-
jJotll p:irt;es having auirmed the Compromise,
it is important to examine how the candidates
0f each stand in relation to it.
The four candidates nominated by the two
parties have all answered : and lest I might be
1 ' r
charged with being hypocritical, I will give the
: , ?,
m re:auoii .0 epiauorras 01 inc par-
ties, of'all four. The fact we wish to know is,
whether the candidates approve and will main
tain the principles declared by their respective
parties. Every party has the right to demand
this of its candidates, and without it no party
man is under the least obligations to sustain his
party's nominee.
General Pierce says :
"I accept the nomination upon the platform
adopted by the convention, not because it is ex
pected of me as a candidate, but because the
principles it embraces command' the approba-
0f my judgment."
That is explicit. That is what General Scott
ought to have'done, especially as he was afraid
of disgusting the people by writing anything
before his nomination. Laughter.
Colonel King replies :
"The platform, as made by the convention,
meets my cordial approbation. It is national in
all its parts, and I am content not only to stand
upon it, but upon all occasions to defend it."
That is fair, open, and honest. These candi
dates stand pledged to the American people that
they approve and will maintain these principles
and they are both honorable men. We have
from them all tho pledges we had a right to ex
pect or demand, and their uuiform action an!
declarations consistent therewith, before as well
as after their nomination.
We then come to the whigs. Mr. Graham,
the caudidate for the vice presidency, says "he
cordially aitroves of the declarations made in
the resolutions," and that "should the people of
the United States give their sanction to the
nominations of the Baltimore Convention, so
far as I shall be invested with authority, a faith
ful adherence to those .doctrines may be expec
ted." That is equally full, and explicit, and
satisfactory. These men did not intend to con
ceal their opinions. They did not take counsel
of the enemies to their principles, and their lan
guage needs no Expounding.
But what does Gen. Scott say,? He said he
trrote no letters to secure the nomination. That
is true. Ka. he declined to write any because
it was conformable to the policy, cf those who
sought to ic it to him. Laughter. Tbey
wanted silena, and he gave it to them. Wc
demanded to enow his opinions upon those great
questions of public policy which we intended to
make parSx.-r vu.it to all others in the election.
We could not get them. My friend from Ten
nessee, Mr. Gentry, and from Florida, Mr.
Caeeto., and, according to Scott's own state
ment, aiany others, were clamorous before the
nomination, demanding to know whathe thought
about them what were his opinions upon them
did he approve them and would he carry
them out in good faith. They heard no voice
from him, sir; and it could not be brought out,
an 1 there was but one reason why it was not
got. We were told that when he should obtain
the nomination we should receive it. lie would
not write letters to secure the nomination, but
it would be fair, open sailing when it should be
made. How has he answered those questions ?
"I accept the nomination, with the resolutions
annexed." I take it cum onerc. Laughter.
Thi-rc is not a single line iu the whole letter
which expresses his approval of the Compro
mise, or commits him to its faithful maintenance.
It does not require much writing for a man to
say whether he likes the platform or whether
he would carry out its principles or not. But
he took a great deal of writing to get around
it. lie s;-ys, I accept it. There is no declara
tion here that it should be the policy of Lis a l.
ministration ; but, on the contrary, he says
he docs not intend ''to reduce This Tiartvl
ly- prescription to exact conformity to" hisprin-
L A - -I
ciples, whatever they are.
Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio, (interrupting.) I
desire to know of thz gentleman from Georgia,
Mr. Toomes, inasmuch as he is assailing the
letter of General Scott, whether he did not cend
a telegraphic despatch to the State of Georgia
caljng upon his friends taere to oppose the nom- present me a system which would solve it wise
ination before that letter of General Scott ap- ! ly and well. But Gen. Scott has not done so.
peared ? ) lie has no undertaken to' grapple with it. He
Mr. TCOME3. Certainly, sir; I did.
Laughter. My dear sir, I ttouIJ give vou my
whola history if I had time. Laughter. I
do not carry my principles in my pocket. I
shall shun n question whenever 1 am asked,
vjsu.v'" iwivuv 11 1 uiu tAwr..ji
and no man has ever to hunt for my position in j
politics. I deem it to be the high duty of every
public man tj declare his sentiments, and my
rule has been, that whoever is a voter Las a
right to my opinions, and he can get them when-
ever it suits his convenience. This 13 what I tenance nor tolerate any sedition, disorder, fac
understand to be the true principles of repres- j tion, or resistance to the law or the Union, on
entative government, and I would scorn to rep- any pretext, in any part of the land." The
resent men upon this floor, or in the highest State of Georgia has solemnly declared that she
office in the world, by a concealment of my opin-
ions upon questions of public policy.
I did not intend to support General Scott in
any event. I thiukhim unfit for the office un
der any circumstances, and dangerous to the
country, in the hichest degree, in Lis rreseut
' position. I am now offering additional reasons, ' t''a- an Webster both affirm her right in
! furnished by himself, why he should not be elec- j onc of tliCse contingencies to resort to those ex
; ted to the office which he seeks. The reluctant trenic measures. General Scott does not seem
members cf the convention r.re told. -Y0U ; to be able to discriminate between lawless mobs,
went to Baltimore, and vou are bound bv the ! Christiana mnrdcrs, and the action of the sovcr-
action of the convention. " Butlv. ish to show
them that this is not a sound principle of party
action, and that you have the right to demand
of your candidate to stand up to general rules
cf honor and good faith. Whenever parties de
clare their principles, they have a right to have
a candidate to carry them out. They have a
right to know whether the candidate approves
of those principles or not. If he ssj s he will
net, then nobody is bound by the nomination.
Those are my opinions of party nominations.
General Scott has not done it. He has not
declared his approbation of these principles in
any part of this letter; but, on the contrary, he
has declared that principles shall make no dif
ference when it comes to the important business
of becoming the almoner of fifty millions of dol
lars of the public money.
It was very easy for him to say whether or
not he agreed with those principles and approv
ed of them, as Fierce, and King, and Graham
have done. He is painfully obscure where it
was Lis duty to be plain, but sufficiently certain
where obscurity would at least have been pru
dent. His additions to the platform are cer
tainly not to my taste. Ho has put two addi
tional planks to it. Laughter. That is a lit
tle singular, as his friends seemed so much op
posed to this kind of political structure. Gen.
Scott is for enlarging and making the platform
broad enough, not only for you and me, and this
country, but also to cover Lis own past errors,
and get himself out of his past committals. It
became neossary to him to rc-write a part of
his own political history. He Lad certain com
mittals to the tenets of an exploded party. His
former opinions of our naturalization laws were
not agreeable to a large class of our countrymen.
He therefore proposes to alter them. He pro
poses to give "to all foreigners the right of citi
zenship who shall faithfully serve, in time of
war, one year on board of our public ships or in
our land forces, regulur or volunteer, on their
receiving an honorable discharge."
I am opposed to that positiou, and I think he
will find the great body of the people aro oppo
sed to it. I do not think he cares much about
it, and probably if he Lad not been trammelled
by part errors we might probably never have
had the suggestion. This new mode of Link in"
citizens is liable to many and grave objections.
There is a great question lying under it, and
1 wish I had time to consider it in all its bear
ings before this Ifoi'se and before tLe American
people. The polT -j of this government, from its
beginning, has been, that the ag of this repub
lic hhull be upheld and defended by American
citizens those who are citizens either by birth
or naturalization and none others ; and I hope
never to see the day when it will become neces
sary for this mighty nation to have that flag de
fended by any body else. When you need mer
cenaries, owing you no allegiance, to fight your
battles, you will be ready for a master, and you
will soon find one. When you arc not willing
to defend yourselves, either from internal com
motions or foreign aggressions when you trust
that flag to other hands than those of citizens,
either native-born or fully adopted you betray
the cause of liberty and your country. I want
the ffr.g of my country to be defended enly by
those who are entitled to demand and receive
her protection. Thc-y are able to do it, they
are willing to do it ; and I trust they ever will
be both able and willing. Let those w ho come
among us assume the obligations of citizenship
voluntarily, according to the constitution and
laws ; then they have an interest in that flag,
and have the right to join in its defence. It is
a bad plan, if it agreed with the constitution cf
your country, which is a matter of more than j
doubt. 1
I have but a few moments more, and I shall ',
not be able to review all of this letter of Gentr- S
&! S-3". j
! He has another plank in relation to the public !
j Lands. Well, this is a vexed question. It is a
j question I should have been gratified to have ;
I seen any great statesman attempt to solve to '
j wants it solved, so as to bci:et actual settlers.
of ! irj-arc nobody upou tue fuce of the earth.
That is 6afe, but, it is not definite. I do not
know whether I agree with him or cot. I can
not tell until he shall have submitted some plan
fur effecting his object.
There is auother clause in General Scott's let
ter especially offensive to my own and the decla
red opinions of the great body of the people of
! Georgia. He says: "I should neither coun
i holds the Union secondary in importance "to
the rights and principles it was designed to per
petuate," and has pointed out certain principles
settled by the Compromise, for the reversal of
which she "will and ought to resist, even (as a
last resort) to a disruption ofrihe Union." Mr.
eigTi States of this Union. lie seems not to
have studied to advantage the republican fath
ers. These opinions of Gen. Scott make it still
more important to know what he thinks of these
great pi;ff 'pies settled by the Compromise, and
whether h will abide by and maintain them.
Wc can get. aeither the one nor the other from
him. He ttl'.s us. "Finally, for my strict ad
herence to the principles of the whig party, &c,
I can offer r.o other pleJgc or guarantee than
the 1: nown incidents of a Ic'itg life now under
going the severest examination." Laughter.
That life has been a long and brilliant one. No
man now living cn this continent, certainly, has
added more to the military reputation of thss
country than Gen. Scott. I Lave been very wil
ling to award to him freely tLis justice. That
he is a great general nobody denies, but he has
shown no aptitudes for civil life. And we have
had too recent experience that a great military
genius may be wholly without fitness for civil
life, to repeat the experiment. Laughter.
Let us be admonished by our late almost fatal
experience. General Scott's brilliant military
history gives me no. clue to his opinions upon
these controverted questions of public policy.
His civil history is to be found chiefly iu half a
dozen letters, and they offer me no satisfactory
pledge for Lis future.
General Scott would have acted wisely and
well not to have invited scrutiny into his past
opinions on slavery. There are no known inci
dents iu that life which commends itself upon
these great questions to the approbation of a
southern man. I'oint to it. He is a faithful
soldier and an honerable roan, I know. That
he will do what ho says, I believe. I object
that he has not said -what we require ; that he
has not piedged hiuibclf to stand by and firmly
carry out these great principles, and, therefore,
as I believe him to be true to Lis own princi
ples, and honest in holding them. I will not
trust him where it is not clear that they agree
with mine.
My hour, I am informed, is near its termina
tion ; and 1 shall, therefore, be compelled to
pass by his Canada letter, to which I intended
to make reference. I intended to examine Ida
likiDson letter, and to show that every one of
the incidents of that history to which he Las so
unwisely invited the scrutiny of the people i
against Lim, and speaks trumpet tongud -gainst
his being trusted upon this great ques
tion. I do not know of a single sentiment,ever
uttered by Gen. Scott in relation to the princi
ples settled by the Compromise, or in relation
to the subjec of slavery in general, thrt ii i
unison with l.f own or the convictionf f t th
slaveholding Sties of th:s Unieu. ll 7 J .id
stood upon these great questions wfcere h
ought to have stood, there would have been no
need for his friend, the senator from New York,
Mr. Sewakd, attempting to relieve him by
letter to the public from 6omewhat of the odium
of his alliance. But he did not stand there.
For more than a year Gen. Scott has been tha
known candidate of the free-soil wiDg of th
whig party. Even his friends in the South co
operations with them to strangle all acknowl
edgement of the Compromise in Congress or th
convention. They finally gave him the nomina
tion ; to them he must look for his election ; to
them he must mainly look, if elected, for aid
and advice in carrying on the government.
His election would reopen the sectional strife
which we have just terminated, and imperil all
that was gained to the country by the Adjust
ment. Under these circumstances he can never
receive my support. Let the compromise men
everywhere Ur.ion'v.higs in the North and th
South rally once more ia support of their prin
ciples. Let them make an cpeu and manly re-fcisti-uee
to the election -f General Scott; use
all Icccrable ways and means to defeat him.
If we succeed, we shall Lave "conquered
peace" a lasting, enduring pes .-; and what
ever may be the result, we shall have done our
duty to ourselves, our principles, and our coon-trv.
Xattoiialities lit Politic.
Another protest against the attempt to bring
Irishmen as a body into politics, distinctly from
the general community of the citizens, is con
tained in the Democratic liifle, edited by an
Irishman :
"There is an effort being made by the leaders
of tho whig party (says the Democratic RifleJ
to gain over the support cf the Irish democra
cy. So far as these efforts are made on the
ground of rnixcirLE, we do not object : but w
do object to this sycophantic demagoguery prac
tised by the federal leaders towards the Irish
men of the country.
"We have a deep interest in the welfare of
the Irishmen and Ireland ; we have suffered for
our devotion, and feel proud of it ; we shall
ever defend either when assailed by merciless,
heartless politicians ; and we ask no furthtr
recompense than to see Irishmen united and
free. We do n-.it believe that Irishmen are so
devoid cf natural sense as to be the weathercock
for either of the political parties of the day.
Irishmen know full well where their natural
rights are best maintained, and we mistake the
character of our race if they can be divided in.
their political support. : Some few of the whig
papers are lavishing their encomiums upon th
Irish character : 'The serpent covers with its
slir. e the object it intends to devour I
"Let Irishmen select either of the parties,
taking principles for their guide, and then show
to the world that they know their righU and
w ill exercise them."
Murder.
A shocking outrage occurred at Tittsburg on
Monday last, the particulars of which aro thu
given in the American of that city.
"It seems that David Jewell, jr., and Jame
Cochran hai been for some time trying to pick
a quarrel with Samuel Mitchell a. peaceable,
quiet laboring man, at that time employed as a
deck hand on board of one of tho steamboats.
Mitchell appears to have been sober, and trying
to get out of the way of the ether two, who fol
lowed him up Water street, about o o'clock ia
the'evening, when onc of them knocked him
down, and Jewell stabbed him with a large knifa
striking him three different times to the heart
The poor man, as may be supposed, fell dead
when this demon, Jewell, cut him across the
thigh with the knife nearly severing the flesh.
Jewell, who is a desperate and well known
rowdy, with Cochran, have been secured, and
at this writing undergoing an examination be
fore the Mayor. Mitchell resided in Allegheny
City, where he has left a family to mourn tii
untimely and cruel taking off."
g5""The New YorkJ Herald, an independant
paper, after noticing the signs of the times relat
ing to the Presidency, saysj: "It is evident,
from these indications of public opinion, both,
frdm the newspapers and the assemblies of the
people, that the nomination of Gen. Scott has
by no means been received, in the different sect
ions of the country,with the same unanimity tm
the nomination of Gen.rierce by the Democra
cy." A bill authorising the President of the United
States to call into service five hundred Texan
Rangers for2the protection of the Ilio Grand
frontier has been repoted from the Committ
on Military Affairs in the Senate, with. & report
earnestly pressing the passage of the bill.
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