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PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S FIRST
ANNUAL MESSAGE.
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives :
To express gratitude to God, in the name
of the People, for the preservation of the
United States, is my first duty in addressing
you. Our thoughtS next revert to the death
of the late President by an act of parricidal
treason. Thegrief of the nation is still fresh;
it finds some solace in the consideration that
he lived to enjoy the highest proof of its
confidence by entering on the renewed term
of the Chief Magistracy, to which he had
boon elected ; that he brought the civil war
substantially to a close ; th t his loss was de
plored in all parts of the Union ; and that
foreign nations have rendered justice to his
memory. His removal cast upon the n hea
vier we ght of cares than ever devolved upon
any one of his predecessors. To fulfil my
trust I need the support and confidence of
all who are associated with mein the various
departments of Govern ufnt., and the support
and contidencemf the people. There is hut
one way in which I c m hope to gain their
necessary aid : it is, to state with frankness
the principles which guide my conduct, and
their application to the present 'date of of
fairs, well aware that the effiency of my
labors will, in a great measure, depend on
your and their undivided approbation.
The Union of the United States ef Ameri
ca was intended by its authors to last as long
as the States themselves shall last. " THE
UNION:7,IIAM, BE PERE ETUA nre the words
of the Confederation. T'o FORM A Mon 0
PERFECT UNION," by an ordinance of the
People of the United States, is the declared
purpitse of the Constitution. The hand of
Divine Providence WAS ll , Ver more plainly
visible in the affairs of men than in the
framing and adopting of that instrument It
is, beyond comparison, the greatest event in
American history and indeed, is it not, ()I'
all events in tniidern times, the most preg
mint with con equences for every pew lc ot .
the earth 7 The members of the Gin venti(in
which prepared it, brought to tloiir work
the experience of the Cwif,d,rutimi, of their
several States. and of other Republican Gov
erninen to, old and new: but they need e d.
and they obtained a wisdom superior to ex
perience. And when for its validity it re
quired the approval f a people that occuliied
a large part of a &ai mint and acted sepa
rately in ninny distinct conventions, what is
more wpffid7rful ti t an that, after earnest con
tention and long d.scussion. all feelings and
all ()pinions were ultimately - drawn in one
way to its support.
The Omstitution to which life w,us thus
imparted, contains within itself ample re
sources for its own preservation. It has
power to enforce the laws, punish tress n,
and ensure domestic tranquility. In case of
the usurpation of the Government of a State
by one roan, or an oligarchy, it becomes a
duty of the United States-to make good the
guarantee to that State of a republican ; form
of government, and so to maintain the ho
mogeneousness of all. Does the lapse of time
reveal defects? A simple mode of amend
ment is provided in the Constitution itself,
so that its conditions can always be made to
conform to the requirements of advancing
civilization. No room is allowed even for
the thought of a po sibility of its coining to
an end. And these powers of self-preserva
tion have always been asserted in their com
plete integrity by every patriotic Chief Ma
gistrate—by Jefferson and Jackson, not less
than by Washington and Madison. The
pa-ting advice of the Father of his Country,
while yet Pres dent, to the people of the
United States, was, that "the free Constitu
tion, which was the work of their hands,
might be sacredly maintained;" and the in
augural words of President Jefferson held
up "the preservation of the General Govern
ment, in its constitutional vigor, as the sheet
anchor of our peace at home end safety
abroad." The Constitution is the work of
'• the People of the United States," and it
should be as indestructible as the people.
It is not strange that the framers of the
Constitution. which had no model in the
past, should not have fully comprehended
the excellence - of their own work. Fresh
from a struggle against arbitrary power,
ninny patriots suffered from harrassing fears
of an absorption of the State Governments
by the ' ; General Government, and many from
a dread that the States would break away
from thhir orbits. But the very greatness
,of our country should allay the apprehension
of encroachments by the General Govern
ment. The subjects that come unquestiona
bly within its jurisdiction are so . numerous,
that it must ever naturally refuse to be em
barrassed, by questions that lie beyond it.—
Were it, otherwise, the Executive would-sink
Jbeneatb the burden . ; 'the channels of jtiStice
would be choked ; legislation 'would be ob
structed by' excess ; so that there is greater
temptation to exercise some of the functions
of the General Government through the
States than to trespass on their rightful
sphere. The absolute acquiescence in the
decisions of the majority" was, at the begin
ning of the century, enforced by Jefferson
"as the vital principle of republics," and
the events of the last four years have estab
lished, we will hope forever, that there lies
no appeal to force.
The maintenance of the Union brings with
the support of the State Governments in
all their rights; but it is not one of the rights
of tiny State Government to renounce its own
place in . the Union,
,or to nullify the laws of
the The largest liberty is to be
maintained in the discussion of the acts of
the Federal Government;, ,but there is ho
appeal from its :laws, except to the various
brahcheiof that GovernMent ibielf, or to the
people, who' grant to' the Members of the
LegiSlature,nrid of the executive Depart
ments 'ne tenure but a, limited one, and in
that manner always retain the powers of re-
dress. ; ,
‘! sovereignty of the States' , is, the
language of the Confederacy, and not the lan-,
guage, of the Constitution. The latter con
tains,the emphatic words : . The Constitu
tion, and, _the laws of 'the',X.iiited States
which shalyte: Made 'in pursuance'thereof,,
upd ill ireatieo'iAtide or Which shall be Made,
Middr the auP?l'lt).•• of' the nited States,
shall the BilPFama law q the ; hind ; and ihe
-judges in 43vory Statoshull bi.hound.therebY,
anything in thq constitution dro aw , o f any
State: to the cont!hry notwitimtanal,; o:2 7 •
dove'rninent of the'LA te d
~., and
IN
VOL. 65.
RHEEM & WEA.KLEY, Editors & Proprietors.
ment. With us, this idea oflimitation
spreads through every form of administra
tion, general, Stato and municipal, and rests
on the great distinguishing principle of the
recognition of the rights of man. The an
cient republics absorbed the individual in
the State, prescribed his religion, and con
trolled his activity. The American system
rests on the assertion of the equal right of
every man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness; to freedom of conscience, to the
culture and exercise of all his faculties. As
a consequence, the State Government is Mb
ited, as to the General Government in the
interest of the Union, as to the individual
citizen in the interest of freedom.
States, with proper limitations of power,
are essential to the existence of the Consti
tution of the United States. At the very
commencement, when we assumed a place
among the Powers of the earth, the Declara
tion of Independence was adopted by States;
so also were the Articles of Confederation ;
and when • 'the People of the United States"
ordained and established the Constitution, it
was the assent of the ,States, one by one,
which gave it vitality. In the event, too, of
any amendment to the Constitution, the pro
position of Congress needs the confirmation
of Slates. 'Without States, one great branch
of the legislative government would be want
leg. And, if we look beyond the letter of the
Conatitution to the character of our country,
its eapaeit . for comprehending within its
juri•dliction a vast continental empire is due
to the system of States. The best security
for the perpetual existence of the States is
the stipreine authority" of the ConsiitutiOn
of the United States. The perpetuity of tne
Constitution brings with it the perpetuity of
11,,, States ; their mutual relation makes us
whdt we are, and in mir political system
their connexion is indissoluble. The whole
cannot exist without the parts. nor the parts
without the whole. So long as the Constitu
t on of the d States endures, the States
will endure ; the destruction of the one is the
destruefion of the other ; the preservation of
the one is the pre,ervation of the other.
have thus explained my views oY the
onitwo c ,,,i,,tion: or the CunatitLLion nnil the
Slab s, canto Ihev unf o ld the principles on
which 1 have sought to solve the momen
Ines questions and overcome the appalling
difficulties that mot me at, the very com
mencement of my administration. It has
been my steadfast object to escape from the
sway of momentary passions, and to derive
a healing policy from the fundamental and
unchanging principles of the Constitution.
I found the States suffering from the effects
of a civil war. Resistance to the General
Government appeared to have exhausted it
self. The United States has recovered pos
session of their Mrts and arsenals; and their
armies were in the occupation of every State
which had attempted to secede. Whether
the territory within the limits of those States
should be, held as conquered territory, under
military authority mum sting from the Pre
sident as the head of the army, was the first
question that presented itself for decision.
Now, military governments, established
for an indefinite period, would have offered
nn Seenrity for the early suppression of dis
content ; would have divided the people into
the vanqui.hers and the vanquished ; and
would have en \ enomed hatred, rather than
have restored affection. Once established,
no precise limit to their continuance was
conceivable. They would have oceasioned
an incalculable and exhausting expense.
Peaceful emigration to and from that portion
of the, country is one of the' best means that
can be thought of for the restoration of har
mony; and that emigration would have been
prevented ; for what emigrant from abroad,
what industrious citizen at home, would
place, himself willingly under military rule?
The chief persons win. would have followed
in the train of the army would have been
dependents on the General Coverninent, or
Men \‘'ll) expect pt :: otit from the miseries of
their erring fellow-citizens. The powers of
patronage and rule which would have been
exercised, under the President, over a vast,
and populous, and naturally wealthy region,
are greater than, unless under extreme ne
cessity, I should be o willing to entrust to any
one man ; they are such as, for myself, I
could never, unless on occasions of great
emergency, consent to exercise. The wilful
use of such powers, if continued, through a
period of years, would have endangered the
purity' of 'the general administration and the
liberties of the States which remained loyal.
Besides the policy of military rule over a
conquered territory would have implied that
the States whose inhabitants may have taken
part in the rebellion had, by the act of those
inhabitants, ceased to exist. But the true
theory is, that all pretended acts of secession
were, from the beginning, null and void. --
The States cannot commit treason, nor screen
the individual citizens who may have com
mitted treason, any more than they can make
valid treaties or engage in lawful commerce
with any foreign Power. The States at
tempting to secede placed themselves in a
condition where their vitality was impaired,
but .not extinguished—their functions sus
pended, but nut destroyed.
But if any State neg.ects or refuses to per
form; its offices, there is the more need that
the General Government should maintain
all its authority, and, as soon ns practicable,
resume the exercise of all Its functions. On
this principle I have acted, and have gradu
ally and quietly, and by almost impercepti
ble steps, sought to restore the rightful en
ergy of the Geneinl, Government and the,
States'. To that and, Provisional Governors,
have been appointed for the States, Conven
tions called, Governors elected, Legishitures
assembled, and Senators and Representatives
chosen to the Congress of the United States.
At the seine time,'the Courts of the United
States, as far as could be done, have beep re
opened, so that the laws of the
,United States,
may be enforced thtbuglitheir agency.. The
blockade has been removed and the custom
houses established in ports of entry, so that
revenue of the United States may bo col
]acted. The Post Office Department renews
its ceaseless activity, and the General Gov
ernment iS thereby enabled to `noinmunicate
proniptly. withrrits officenir 'wird 'agent's'. The
Ciffirts bring security to" persons r and prop._
brty - the - opening of . - the ports invites %the
restoration of industry,and commerce; the
post office renews the facilities of social in
tercourse and' of busiisois. ~And is .it not
happy. for Us all,,that the restoration of 'each
(if these functions of the General Gorirn
WM
ment brings with it a blessing to the States
over which they are extended ?\ Is it not a
sure promise of harmony and; renewed at
tachment to the Union that, after all that
has happened, the return of the General Gov •
ernment is know:l only as a beneficence?
I know very well that this policy is atten
ded with some risk ; that for its success it
requires at least the acquiescence of the
States which it concerns ; that it implies an
invitation to those Statesby renewing their
allegiance to the United States, to resume
their functions as States of the Union. But
it is a risk that must be taken; in- the choice
of difficulties, it is the smallest risk ; and to
diminish, and; if possible, to remove all dan
ger, I have felt it incumbent one me to as
sort one other power of the General Govern
ment—the power of pardon. As no State
car. throw a defence over the crime of trea
son, the power of pardon is exclusively
vested in the Executive Government of the
United States. In exorcising that power, I
have taken every precaution to connect it'
with the clearest recognition of the binding
force of the laws of the United States, and
an unqualyled acknowledgment of the great
social change of condition in regard to sla
very which has grown out of the war,
The next step which I have taken to restore
the constitutional relations of the States, has
been an invitation to them to participate in
the high office of amending the Constitution.
Every patriot must wish for an amnesty at
the earliest epoch consistent with public
safety. For this great end there is need of
concurrence of all opinions, and the spirit
of mutual conciliation. All parties in the
late terrible conflict must work together in
harmony. It is not too much to ask, in the
mune of the whole people, that, on the one
side, the plan of restoration shall proceed in
conformity with a willingness to cast the
disorders of the past into oblivion; and that,
on the other, the evidence of sincerity in the
future inaintenanee of the Union shall be
put beyond any doubt by the ratification of
the proposed amendment to the Constitution,
which provides fur the abolition of slavery
b,rever within Iho Limits of cur country. So
long as the adoption of this am , ndment it
delayed, so long will doubt, at d jealousy,
a.,d uncertaintyprevail. '1 his is the measure
which will e nee the sad memory of the past;
this is the measure which will most certainly
call population, and, capital, and security to
those parts of the Union that need them
most. Indeed, it is not too much to ask of
the States which are now resuming, their
places in the family of the Union to give
this pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace,
Until it is done: the past, however much we
may desire it, will not betorgotten. The
adoption of the amendment re-unites us be
yond all power of - disruption.. It heals the
wound that is still imperfectly closed ; it re
moves slavery, the element which has so long
perplexed and divided the country ; it makes
us once more a united people, renewed and
strengthened, - bound more than dyer to mu
tual affection and support.
The amendment to the Constitution being
adopted, it would remain for the States, whose
powers have been so long in abeyance, to
resume their places In the two branches of
the National Legislature, and thereby com
plete the work of restoration. Here it is for
you, fellow-citizens of the Senate, and for
you, fellow-citizens of the House of Repre
sentatives, to judge, each of yoti for your
selves, of the elections, returns, and qualifi
cations of your own members.
The full assertion of the powers of the
General Government requires the holding of
Circuit Courts of the United States within
the districts where their authority has been
interrupted. In the present posture of our
public affairs, strong objections hay been
urged to holding those courts in any of the
States where the rebellion has existed ; and
it wars ascertained, by inquiry, that the Cir
cuit Court of the United States would not
be held within the District of Virginia dur
ing the autumn or early winter, nor u - Ltil
Congress should have "an opportunity to
consider and act on the whole subject." To
pint. deliberations the restoration of this
branch of the civil authority of the United
States is therefore necessarily referred, with
the hope that early provision will bo made
for the resumption of all its functions. It
is manifest that treason, most flagrant in
character; has been committed. Persons who
are charged with its commission should have
fair and impartial trials in the highest civil
tribunals of the country, in order that the
Constitution and the laws may be fully vin
dicated ; the truth clearly establiihed and
affirmed that treason is a crime, that traitors
should be punished and the offence madein
famoits;
_and, at the same time,. thal. r the
question may 'he judicially settled;' fiply
and forever, that no State of its own will has
the right to renounce its place in the Union.'
The relations of the, General Government
towards the four millions of inhabitants
whom the war has called into freedom, have
engaged my most serious consideration. On
the propriety of attempting to make the
freedmen electors by the proclama'ion of
the Executive, I took for my counsel the
Constitution itself, the interpretations of
that instrument by its authors and their
contemporaries, and recent-legislation by
Congress. When, at the first movement to
wards independence, the Congress of the
United States instructed the , several States
to institute governments of their own, they
left each State to decide for itself the condi
dims for. the enjoyment of the elective fran.
chiso. During the .period of the Confeder
cy, there continued to exist a very great
diversity in the qualifications of electors in
the sevoyal States; and even within a State
a distinction of qualifications prevailed with
regard to the officers who were to be chosen.
The Constitntion of the United States recog
nizes these diversities when it enjoins that,
in the choice of members of the, House of
Representatives of the United States, ""the-
electors in each State 'shall' have the quali
fication's reqUisito for, electors' of , the most
numerous branch, of the State•Logislature."
After the formation of the Constitution, it
reniairiefi, ru3 * before, the uniform usage' for
eack :State te i 'sifflArOc • tbe 41:14y, 91, , ti! I,4pp -
tors, acebedineto - , its own , judgment ; , and,
under_this,system,..one„Stato ..after-another
has" proceeded to - increase the - number of its
electors, now universal suffrage,. or
somethirigNery near it, is the general
So fixed was thieyeservation of.power in the
habits of the
,people, - and so unquestioned
IniretflttO 13. e (1041=',
inter ,„„
Carlisle, Pa., Friday, December 15, 1865
tution, ttiiit during the civil war the lute
President never harbored the purpose—cer
tainly never avowed the purpose—of disre
garding it(; and in the acts of Congress, du
ring that period, nothing can be found
which, during the continuance of hostilities,
much less after their close, would have
sanctioned any departure by the Executive
from a policy which has so uniformly ob
tained. Moreover, a concession of the elec
tive franchise to the freedmen, by act of the
President of the 'United States, must hati
been extended to all colored m en, wherever
found, and so must have established a change
of suffrage in the Northern, Middle, and
Western States, not less than in the South
ern-and Southwestern. Such an net would
have created a new class of voters, and .
would have been an assumption of power by
the President which nothing in the Consti
tution or laws of the United States would
ha'i,e,,warranted.
On the other hand. .every danger of con
flict is avoided when the settlement of the
question is referred to the several States.—
They can, each for its elf, decide on the
measure,, and whether it is to be adopted at
once and absolutely, or introduced gradual
ly and with conditions. In my judgment,
the freedmen if they show patience and
manly virtues, will sooner obtain a partici•
pation in the elective franchise through the
States than through the General Govern
ment, even if it had power to intervene.—
When the tumult of emotns that have been
raised by the suddenness of the social change
shall have subsided, it may prove that tiny
will receive the kindliest usage from snie of
those on whom they have heretofore most
closely depended.
But while I have no doubt that now, after
the cliise of the war, it is not competent for
the General Government to extend the elec
tive franchise in the several States, it is
equally clear that good faith requires the se
curity of the freedmen in their liberty and
their right to claim the just return of their
labor. I cannot too strongly urge a dispas
sionate treatment of this subject, whieh
should he carefully kept aloof from all party
strife. We must equally avoid hasty as
sumptions of any natural impossibility ti,r
the two races to live side by side, in a state
of mutual benefit and good will. The ex
periment involves us in no inconsistency :
let us. then, go on and make that experi
ment in good faith, and not be t o easily
disheartened. The country is in need of la
bor, and he freedmen are in need of em
ployment, culture -and protection.. While
their right of voluntary migration and ex
patriation is not to be questioned, I would
not advise their forced removal and coloni
zation. Let us rather encourage them to
honorable and useful industry, where it may
be beneficial to themselves and to the coun
try ; and, instead of hasty anticipations of
the certainty of failure, let there be noticing
wanting to the fair trial of the experiment.
The change in their condition is the substi
tion of labor by contract for the status of
slavery. The freedman cannot fairly be ac
cused of unwillingness to work, so long as
a doubt remains about his freedom of choice
in his pursuits, and the certainty of his re
covering his stipulated wages. In this the
interests of employer and the employed coin
cide. The employer desires in his work
men spirit and alacrity, and these can be
permanently secured in no other way. And
if the one ought to be able to enforce the
contract, so ought the other. The public
interest will be best promoted, if the several
States will provide adequate protection and
remedies for the freedmen. Until this is
in some way accomplished, there is no chance
for the advantageous use of their labor ; and
the blame of ill-success will not rest on them.
I know that sincere philanthropy is ear
nest for the immediate realization of its re
motest aims ; but time is always an element
in reform. It is ono of the greatest acts on
record to have brought four millions of peo
ple into freedom. The career of free indus
try must be fairly opened to them ; and then
their future prosperity and condition must,
after all, rest mainly on themselves. If they
fail, and so perish away, let us bo careful
that the failure shall not be attributable to
any denial of justice. In all that relates to
the destiny cf the freedmen, we need not be
too anxious to read the future; many
inci
dents which, from a speculative point of
view, might raise alarm, will quietly settle
themselves.
Now that slavery is at an end or near its
end, the grofitness of its evil, in the point of
view of public economy, becomes more and
more apparent. Slavery was esentially a
monopoly of labor, and as such locked the
States where it prevailed against the incoml
ing of free-industry.-- :Where labor was the
property of--the capitalist, the whim man
mtip excluded from employment, or had but
the second best chance of finding it r'and•
the foreign emigrant turned away from the
region whore his condition would be so pre
carious. With the destruction of the mo
nopoly, free labor will hasten from all parts
of the civilized world to assist in develop
ing varLus and immeasuranle resources
which have hitherto lain dormant. The
eight or,mine States nearest the Gulf of Mex
ico have a soil of exuberant fertility, ft cli
mate friendly to long life, and can sustain
a denser population than is found as yet in
any part of our country. And the future
influx of population to them will be mainly
from the North, or from the most cultivated
nations in Dirope. From the sufferings that
' have attended them during our late strug
gle, let us look away to the future, which is
Sure to be laden for them with greater pros
perity than has ever before beeil known.—
The removal of the monopoly of'slavelabor
is a pledge that_those regions be peo
pled by a numerous and enterprising pociu
lotion; which will vie with' any in the Union
in compactness, inventive genius, wealth,
and industry. '
. .
Our Government springs from and .was
made for the people—net the people for the
doveromOnt. To them it, owes allogianeb ;
front them it, must , derive its courage,
strength, and wisdom. 4u: while the Gov
, ernment,is pins ;bound to
,defer to the; pep
ide,:frine,.wherri it derives its : existence, it
"`should;frnm - the*Ty`Votisicle'ration of-.its
.. origin, tie , strong in . itakower of resistance
to the, establ.shment .Orineq ualities. Mo
nopeiieg, PP , TOnities, and of iss legislation,
are cptitrary
; to the genius of free govern
; Meet; and ought n)t, to be' allowed. . , Here,.
fe no room for: fair9re4.9l,aagee,*ll4co-,
nopolies, the principal:of our Government,
is that of equal laws and freedom of industry.
Wherever monopoly attains a foothold, it i.
sure to be a scource of danger, discord and
trouble. We shall but fulfil our duties as
legislators by according "equal and exact
jnatice to all. men." special privileges to
none. The Government is subordinate to
the people; but., as the agent and represen
tative of the people; it must be helttsPperior
to the monopolies, which,' in themselves,
ought never •o' be granted, and which,
where they exist, must be suborditrt te and
yield to the Government.
The Constitution confers on Congress the
right to regulate commerce among the sev
eral States. It is of the first necessity for
the maintenance of the tniun, that that com
merce should be free and unobstructed. No
State can be justified in any device to tax
the transit of travel and commerce between
States. Theposition of many States is such
that, if they were allowed to take advantage
of it RS': purposes of local revenue, the com
merce between States might be injuriously
burdened, or even virtually prohibited. It
is best, while the country is still young, and
While the tendency to dangerous monopolies
of this kind is still feeble, to use th power
of Congress so as to prevent any selfish im
pediment to the free circulation of men and
merchandise A tax on travel and mer
chandise, in their transit, constitutes one of
the worst forms of monoprly, and the evil is
increased if coupled with a denial of the
choice of route. When the vast extent of
oar country is considered, it is plain that
every obstacle to the free circulation of
commerce between the States ought to be
sternly guarded against by appropriate
legisration, within the limits of the Con4i
tution.
The report of the Secretary of the interior
explains the condition of the public lands,
the transactions of the Paten. Office rind the
Pension Bottom, the 'management of nor
Indian tifTvirs, the progress made in r he con
struetion of the P.icitic railroad,and furniAt s
information in reference to !natters of locvl
interest in the Di-trict of Columbia.
also pr.•sentd evidence of the successful opt -
ratio!, of .he Homestead Net, under the pro
vkimis of which 1,190, 1, 33 acres of the public
lands were- entered during the last fiscal
year—more then one-fourth of the whole
number of acres sold or otherwise dispoSed
f during that period. It is estimated that
the receipts derived from this SCOUITC are
sufficient to covet the expenses incident to
the survey and disposal of the lands entered
under this act, and that payments in cash
to the , xtent of from forty to fifty per cent,
will be made by settlers, who may thus at
any time acquire title before the expiration
of the period at which it would otherwise
wee:. The homestead policy was established
onlyilfter,long and earnest resistance; expe
rience proves its wisdom. The hands, in the
hands of industrious settlers, whose labor
creates wealth and contributes to the pub
lic rescource••, are worth more zo the United
States than if they had been reserved as a
solitude for future purchasers.
The lame- table events of the last four
years, and the sacrifices made by the gal-.
lent men of our Army and Navy, have F welled
the records of the Pension Bureau to an
unprecedent extent. On the 30th day of
June last, the total number of pensioners
ivas 85,986, requiring for their annual pay,
exclusive of expenses, the sum of $8,023,449.
The number of applications that have been
allowed since that date will require a large
increase of this tar oust for the next fiscal
year. The means for the paymentofthe Sti
pends due; under existing laws, to our disa
bled soldiers Rod 81111,11'8, and to the families
of such as have perished in the service of
the country, will no doubt be cheerfully and
promptly granted. A grateful people will
will not hes . tate to sanction any measures
having for their object the relief of soldiers
mutilated and families made fatherless in
the efforts to preserve our national existance.
The report of the Postmaster General pre
sents an encouraging exhibit of the opera
tions of the Post Office Department during
the year. The revenues of the past year
from the loyal States alone exceeded the
maximum annual receipts from all the States
previous to the rebellion, in the sum of $6,-
038,091 ; and the annual average increase of
revenue during the last four years, compared
with the revenues of the four years immc
dately preceeding the rebellion, was $3,533,
845. The revenues of the last fiscal year
amounted to $14,556,158, and the expendi
tures to $13,694,728, having a surplus of
receipts over expenditures of $861,430.
Progress has been made in restoring the
postal service in the Southern States. The
views presented by the Postmaster General
against the policy of granting subsidies to
ocean 'mail steamship lines upon established
routes, and in favor of continuing thepres
ent system, which limits the compensation
for ocean service to the pdstagetairnings,are
recommended to tb • careful consideration
of Congress. '
It appears from the report of the Secretary
of the Navy, that while, at the commence
ment of the present year,there were in com
mission 530 vesssels of all classes and des
criptions, sinned 'with 3,000 guns, and
manned by 51,000 men, the number of ves
sels at pressent in commission is 117, with
830 guns and 12,128 men. By this l rompt
reduction of the naval forces the expenses
of the Government have been largely dimin
ished, and a number of vessels, purchased
for naval purposes from the merchant ma
rine, have been returned to the peaceful
pursuits of commerce. Since , the suppres
sion of active hostilities Our foreign squad
rons have been re-established, arid consist
of vessels rouch , more efficient than those
employed on, similar service previous to the
rebellion. The suggestions for the enlarge-
Ment of the, nayy yards, and
. espeeially for
the estabTishinont of ono in fresh water for
iron-elad' vessels, is deservingbf considera
tion, as is also the recommendation for a
different location and toot e, ample igrounds
for, the Naval Academy.
In the report of the Secretary of War, a
genehit'snminar,y ,Is gkedof„th'e military
campaigns of 1864. and 4866,.endingin the,
snppression of armed'eefiiiitiineo:toJthe;na:
tionat' authei•ity in the insurgent, Staten.—
The opermious,of the general administra
41vmBureaus of the War .Department during
thelsastlenr are detailed, and•tin' estimate .
Made';Of the aOrepiiintiOns that.*ill,he.sez
-quired' for ± military Ourpoaea.,
TERMS:-42,00 ih Advance, or $2,50 within the year
year commencing the 30th day of June, 1866
The\ national military force on the Ist of
May, 1865, numbered 1,000,516 men. It is
proposed to reduce the military establish
ment to a peace footing, comprehending
fifty thousand troops of all arms, organized
so as to admit of and enlargement by filling
lip the ranks to eighty two thousand six
hundred, if the circumstances of the coun
try should require an augmentation of the
army. The volunteer force has already
been reduced by the discharge from service
of over eight hundred thousand troops, and
the Department is proceeding rapidly in tht
work of further reduction. The war esti
mates are reduced fr0m5516,240,131 to $33.
814,461, which amount, in the opinion of the
Department, is adequate for a peace estab
lishment. The measures of retrenchment in
each Bureau and branch of the service ex
hibit a diligent economy worthy of common
dation. Re erence is also made in the re
port to the necessity of providing for a uni
form militia s; stein, and to the propriety of
making suitable provission for wounded
and disabled officers and soldiers,
The revenue system of the country ism sub
ject of vital interest to its honor and prosper
ity, and should command the earnest consid
eration of Congress. The Secretary of the
Treasury will lay before you a full and de
tailed report of the receipts and disburse
ments of the last fiscal year, of the probable
receipts and expenditures for the other three
quarters, and the estimates for - the year fol
lowing the 30th of June, 1866. I might
content myself with a reference to that re
port, in. which you will find all the informs
tioncequired for your deliberations and deci
sion. But the paramount', importance of the
fillbinet so presses itself on my own mind,
that I cannot but lay before you my views
0: the measures which are required for the
good character, and, I might almost say. for
the existence of this people. The lite of are
public lies certainly in the energy, virtue,
and intelligence of its citizens ; but it is
equally true that a good revenue system is
the life of an , rganized government. I meet
you at a time when the nation has voluntari
ly burdened itself with a debt unprecedented
in our annals. Vast as is its amount, it fades
away into nothing when compared with the
counthss blessings that will be conferred up
on our Country and upon man by the preser
vation of the nation's life. Now, on the first
occasion of the meeting of Congress since the
rettr•n of peace, it is of the utmost impor
tlinee to inaugurate a just policy, which shall
at once he put in motion, and which shall
commend itself to those who come after us
for its continuance. We must,ahtat noth
ing less than the complete effacement of the
financial evils that necessarily followed a
state of civil war. We must endeavor to
apply the earliest remedy to the deranged
state of the currency, and not shrink from
devising a policy which, without being op
pressive to tl e Inamed lately be
gin to effect a reduction of the debt, and, if
persisted in, discharge it fully Within - a
de
finitely fixed number of years.
It is our first duty to prepare in earnest for
our recovery from the ever-increasing evils
of an irredeemable currency, without a sud
den revulsion, and yet without untimely pro
crastination. For that end, we must, each
in our respective positions, prepare the way.
I hold it the duty of the Executive to insist
upon frugality in the expenditures; and:a
sparing economy is itself a great national re
source. Of the banks to which authority
has been given to issue_notes secured by
bonds of the United States we may require
the greatest moderation and prudence, and
the .law must be rigidly enforced when its
limits are exceeded. We may, each one of
us, counsel our active and enterprising coun
trymen to be constantly on their guard, to
liquidate debts contracted in a paper curren
cy, and, by conducting business as nearly as
possible on a system of cash payments or
short credits, to hold themselves prepared to
return to the standard of gold and silver. To
aid our fellow-citizens in the prudent man
agement of their monetary affairs, the duty
devolves on us to diminish by law the a
mount of paper money now in circulation.
Five years ago the hank-note circulation of
the country amounted to not much more
than tWo hundred millions; now the circu
lation, bank and national, exceeds seven
hundred millions. Tho simple statement of
the fact recommends more strongly than any
words of mine could do, the necessity of our
restraining this expansion. The gradual re
duction of the currency is the only measure
that can save th , business of the country
from disastrous calamities; and this can bo
almost imperceptibly accomplished by grad
ually funding the Lational circulation in se
curities that May be made redeemable at the
pleasure of the Government.
Our debt is doubly secure—first in the ac
tual wealth and still greater undeveloped re
sources of the country ; and next in the char
acter of our institutions. The most intelli
gent observers among political economists
have not failed to remark, that the public
debt of a country is safe in proportion as its
people are free ; that the debt of a republic
is the safeit of all. Our history confirms and
establishes the theory, and is, I firmly be
lieve, destined to give it a still ewe) signal
illustration. The secret of this superiority
springs not merely from the fact that in
republic the national obligations are distri
buted more widely through countless num
bers in all classes of society ; it has its root
in the character of our laws. More all men
contribute to the public welfare, and bear
their fair share of the publialurdens. DurL.
ing the war, under the impulses of patrio
tism, the mon of the great body of the.Pe,o
ple, without regard to their own comparn-'
tive want of wealth, thronged • to our armies
and tilled our fleets of war, and held them
selves ready, to offer their lives for the Pub
lic good. . Now, in their turn, the property
and income of the country, should hear their
just proportion of the burden of taxation,
while in dui impost system,
,through* means
of 'which increased vitality is incidentally
imparted to all th industrial interests of the
nation, the duties shall be so adjusted as to
fall 'most' heavily on• articles of luxury,
leaving the necessaries; of , life as free from
taxation as ,the absolute wants of 'the Gov
ernment, economically administerek:Will
justify. : , No • favored class shoUld demand
freedom. from assessment, and: the taxes
should Ito so distribqed at not to fallmoduly
on the ppor;_hut,rat..er. on the :accumulated
*oath 'of the country. We should loek.nt
the national debt just as it is—not as a na
tional blessing, but as a heavy burden on
the industry of the country, to be discharged
without unnecessary delay. •
It is estimated by tha, Secretary of the
Treasury that the expenditures for the fiscal
year ending the 30th of June, 1866, will ex
ceed the receipts $112,194,947. It is grati
fying, however, to state that it is also esti•
mated that the revenue for the year ending
the 30th of June, 1867, will exceed-the ex
penditures in the sum of $111,682,818. This
amount, or so much as may be deemed suf
ficient for the purpose, may be applied to
the reduction of the public debt, which, 'on
the 31st day of October, 1865, was $2,740,-
.854,750. Every reduction will diminish the
otal amount of interest to be paid, and so,
tenlarge the means of still further reductions
until the whole shall be liquidated ; and this,
as will be seen from the estimates of the Sec
retary of the Treasury, may be accomplished
by annual payments even within a period not
exceeding thirty years. I have faith that
we shall do all this within a reasonable time;
that, as we have amazed the world by the
suppression of a civil war which was thought
to be beyond the control of any Government,
so we shall equally show the superiority of
our institutions by the prompt and, faithful
discharge of our national obligations.
The Department of Agriculture, under its
present direction, is aceo.r plishing I nueh in
developing and utilizing the vast agricultu
ral capabilities of the country, and for in
formation respecting the details of its man
agement, reference is made to the annual re
port of the Commissioner.
I have dwelt thus fully on our domestic
affitirs because of their transcendent impor
t,nce. Under any circumstances, our great,
extent of territory and variety of climate,
producing almost everything that is neces
sary for the wants, and even the comforts or
man, !mike US singularly ind..pendont of t h e
varying policy of foreign Powers. and pro
feet us again -t every temptation to ••entan2;
ling alliances," while at the present mo
meat the re-estald harmony, and
the stn•ngth that comes win
be our best security against "nation , who
feel power and forget right.'' For myself.
it has been and will Ine my constant aim to
promote, peace and amity with all foreign
nations and Powers : and I have every rea
son to believe that th y all, without excep
tion, are animated by the same disposition.
Our relations with the Emperor of China,
so recent in their origin. are most friendly.
Our commerce with his dominions is receiv
ing new developernents; and it is very pl -ris
ing to find that the Gove'rntnent of that
great empire.manifelst's satisfaCtion with our
policy, and reposes':just confidence in the
fairness which marks our intercourse. The
unbroken harmony between the United
States and the Emperor of Russia is receiv
ing a new support fro in an enterprise de
signed to carry telegraphic lines-across the
continent of Asia, through his dominions,
and so to connect us with all Europe by a
new channel of intercourse. Our commerce
with South America is about to receive en
couragement by a direct line of mail steam
ships to the rising Empire of Brazil. The
distinguished party of men of science who
have recently left our country to make a
scientific exploration of the natural history
and rivers and mountain ranges of that re
gion. have received from the Emperor' that
generous welcome which was to have he n
expected from his constant friendship for the
United States, and his well-known zeal in
promoting the advancement of knowledge.
A hope is entertain, d that our coimnoree
with the rich and populous countries that
border the 'Mediterranean sea may be large
ly increased. Nothing will be wanting on
the part of this Government, to extend the
protection of our flag over the enterprise of
our fellow-citizens. We receive from the
Powers in that region assurances of good
will; and it is worthy of note that a special
envoy has brought us g messages of condo
lence on the death of our Into Chief Magis
trate from the Bey of Tunis, whose rule in
cludes the old dominions of Carthage, an
•the African coast.
Our domestic ..ontest, now happily ended,
hits left some traces in our relations with one
at least of the great maritime Powers. The
formal accordance of belligerent rights to
the insurgent States was unprecedented, and
has not been justified by the issue. But in
the systems of neutrality pursued by the
Powers which made that concession, there
was a marked difference. The materials 'of
war for the insurgent States were furnished
in a great measure, from the workshops of
Great Britain; and Brisish • ships, manned
by British subjects, and prepared for receiv
ing British armaments., sailed from the:
ports of Groat Bribunte ft - lake war on A vier'
lend' commerce, under the shelter of a corM,
tnis,-ion from the insurgent States. These
ships, having once escaped from British
ports,. ever afterwards entered them in every .
part of the world, to refit, and so to renew
their depredations. The consequences of
this conduct were most disastrous to the
States - then in rebellion, increasing their des
olation and misery by the prolongation of
our civil contest. It had, moreover, the of
feet, to a great extent, to drive the Ameri
can flag from the sett,, and to transfer much
61• our shipping and our commerce to the
very Power whose subjects had created the
necessity for' such a change. These events.,
took place before I vas called to the admin
istration of the Government.
.The sincere'
desire for peace by which I am animated led •
mo to approve the proposal, already made,'
to submit the questions which had thus arisen
between the countries to arbitration. These
questions are -3f such moment that theimtist
have commanded the attention of the great
Powers, and 'aro so interwoven with the
peace•and interests of every one: of them as
to have ensured an impartial deeisiCm; I ro-'
grotto-inform you that -Great Britain de
clined the arbitrament, but, on tho other hand:
invited , us to the formation .of. a joirit.' - '6O . M .
mission'to settle mutual claims between the'
two countries, froM which those fOr the der.
rogations before mentioned should be exclu
ded. The proposition, in that very ttnsatis
faetory-forrn, has been declined. ' :
The United ,stutes did-not present thOenb
ject as an impeachment .of the•goeilittith'of
a Power ; which was. professing :thet most
friendlY..divoitions, but asinvolving,ques'.
tiene.ef
.pohlie law, of whichtho.settlenierit
is, ossontial ;, to: , she peace:•of
though pecuniary roparatiOxklo their
a
•
citizens would hitve followed incidentally oft
a decision agttin.t Great . Britain,. such cbm
pensition:Wat not their primary object;—
They had, re liigher motive, and it was in the
illterests'Of peace and justice to establish im
portant principles of international law.—
The correspondence will be placed before
0
you. The ground,en'whiCh the British Min
ister rests his justification is,.*substrintially•
that the municipal law of a nation, and the
domestic interpretations of that law, are the
measure of its duty as,a, n0141'131 , 1, and I feel
bound to declare . 64.7 opinion, before yon'and
before the world, that that justification can
not be sustained before the tribunid of na
tions. At the same time I do not advise to
any present attempt at redress by acts of
legislation. For the future, friendship be
tween the two countries must rest on the ba
sis of mutual justice.
'NO. 50
From the moment of the establishment of
our free Constitution, the civilized world
has been convulsed by revolutions in the in
terest of democracy or of monarchy; but
through all those revolutions the United
States have wisely and firmly refused to be
come propagandists of republicanism. It is
the only government suited to our condition;
but we have never sought to impose it on
others; and we have consistently followed
the advice of Washington to .recommend it
only by the careful preservation and prudent
use of the blessing. During all the interven
ing period the policy of the European Pow
ers and of the United States I as, on the
whole, been harmonious. Twice, indeed,
rumors of invasion of. some parts of America,
in the interest of monarchy, have prevailed;
twice icy pred - cessors have had occasion to
announce the views of this nation in respect
to. such interference. On both occasions the
remonstrance of the United States wits re
spected, from a deep conviction, on the part
of European Governments, then the system
of noninterference and mutual abstinence
from propagandism was the true rule of the
two hemispheres. Since those times we have
advanced in wealth and power ; but we re
tain the same purpose to leave the nations
of Europe to choose their o4n dynasties•and
Corm their own systems of government.—
This consistent moderation may justly de
mand a corresponding moderation. We
should regard it as a great calamity to our
selves, to the cause of good government, and
to the peace of the world, should any Euro
pean Power challenge the American people,
a; it were, to the defence of republicanism
against foreig'n interest once. We cannot
foresee and are unwilling to consider what
opportunities might present themselves, what
combinations 'night idler to protect ourselves
against design: ininairul to our form of goy
, ',went. The United States desire te act
in the lbture as they have ever acted hereto
fere ; they never will be driven from that
course but by the aggression of Eurepean
Powers; and we rely on the wisdom and
. justice .1 those Powers to respect the system
of non-interference which has so long been
time, and which, by it good
results, has approved itself to both continents.
The correspondence between the United
States and France, in reference to questions
which have become subjects of discussion
between the two Governments, will, at a
proper time, be laid before Congres.
When, on the organization of our Govern
ment, under the Constitution, the President
of the United States delivered his inaugural
address to the two Houses Of Congress, he
said to them, and through them to the coun
try and to mankind. that "the preservation
of the sacred tire of liberty and the destiny
of the republican model of government are
-justly considered as-deeply, perhaps as final
ly staked on the experiment intrusted to the
American people."—And the House of Rep
resentatives. answered Washington by the
voice of Madison : "We adore the invisible
band which has led the American people,
through so many 'difficulties, to cherish a
conscious responsibility for the destiny of re
publican liberty." More than seventy-six
years have glided away since these words
were spoken ; the United States have pass
ed through severer trials than were foreseen;
and now, at; this new epoch in our existence
as one nation, with our Unithi purified by
sorrows, and strenglhed by conflict, and es
tablished by the virtue of the people, the
greatness of the occasion invites us once more
to repeat, with solemnity, the pledges of our
f titers to hold ourselves answerable before
our fellonrien for the success of the repub
lican form of government. Experience has
proved its sufficiency in peace and in war :
it has vindicated its authority through dan
gers, and afflictions, and sudden and terrible
emergencies, which would have crushed any
system that had been less firmly fixed in the
heart of the people. At the inauguration of
Washington the foreign relations of the
country were few, and its trade was repress
ed by hostile regulations ; now all the civil
ized nations of the globe welcome our com
merce, and their Governments profess to
wards us amity. Then our country felt its
way hesitatingly along an untried path, with
States so little bound together by rapid means
of communication as to be hardly known to
one another, and With historic traditions ex
tending over very 'few years; now-inter
course, between the States is swift and inti-'
mate ; the experience of centuries has been
crowded into a few 'generations, and has
- ificaTEd an intense, indestructible nationality.
Then our jurisdiction4l not reach beyond
the inconvenient bouTidaries of the territory
'which had achieved.-independence ; now,
through cessions of lands, first colonized
b 7 Spain and Fiance, the cetintry . has ac
quired a more complex character, and has
fur its natural limits the chain of Lakes, the
Gulf of Mexico, and on the east and the
west the two great oceans. Other nations
were wasted by civil wars for ages before
they could establish for themselves the neces
sary degree of unity ; the latent conviction
that our form of Government is the best over
known to the world, has enabled us to 'emerge
from 'civil war within four years, with a
comp'ete vindication Of the constitutional
authority of the Gonqal Govan client, and
with our local liberties and State institutions
unimpaired. The throngs of emigrant that
crowd to our shores are witnesses oftile con-
Hidenco of all peoples - in our permatence.
Here is the great land of free labor, • where
industry is blessed with unexampled rewards,
and the bread of the worbingman is sweet
ened by the consciousness that the cause of
the Country, "is his own cause, his•own safe
ty; his own • dignity.'". Here every One : en
joys the free use of his faculties and the choice
of activity its a natural right. Here, under
the combined influence of fruitful soil, genial
"clinics; and happy institutions„ pOpulation
has increased fifteen-fold within. • century.
.11Cre,• • through 'the • easy development, of
boundless resources, wealth has increased
with two-fold, greater rapidity than numbers,
so that•we have bpoome secure ,against the
financiahvieissitudes of : c then countries,. and
alike in business and , in
,opinion, aro self-con-'
• .
trod and truly independent. Hero more and
. more cure is given ,to providc.ed,ueation2 for:
ovary one born,oa.•our •Here religion,'
released , from ; political , ,connetiton, with the .
_civil-gnyerjainentrefuses ~tn'ltimerye ;the
($O4 Foul:i/t,•Pas")
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