Carlisle herald. (Carlisle, Pa.) 1845-1881, July 14, 1865, Image 1

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One Square ono insertion, .
For each subsequent insertion,
For Me candle Advertisements,
Legal Notices
Professionalflards without paper,
Obituary Notices au Co unsunic,
tioni rol ting to matte sof pH ,
vete interests alone, 10 coots per
line. •
108 PItINTLNG.--Our Job Printing (Oleo is the
OrgOat and most complete ostabliabwent In tho
oun y. Four good Promos, and a general variety, of
lnalerlll suited for plain and Panay work of every
onables un to do Job Printing at tho ahotteat
notion s and on Lion most reasonable tonna. Parsons
in Want tit Hifi% Marl i(B. or anything in the Jobbing
line, will find it to their lutanist to give us a call.
ginuval Oatinalatiou.
Vico q'rosidout--J.. S. FOSTER.,
Secretary or State—Wiii.ll.Sawsria,
Secretary of Interior—Jas.
Secretary of Troasury—HOO u MCCULLOCH,
Secretary Ot War—EhVlN M. STANTON, •
secrotitry of Navy—Gioeos WELtas,
Post Master Goner:ll—Wm. Ditaxisos.
• ttoriaJy thineral--3 Shwa S. SPNED.
LihiofJustice of tho Un cod States—Ssi.sios P. Cu SSE
(4overnor—ANoei w (i. CeimN,
Beeratery. of st.te—E. eLIF t,
,Surveyor (le AMES . BARR,
Attorney Ocoferal—Wm. M. 311: OEM .
Adjutant Gonerol—A t.. nowtem..
Stet° Treasurer—lit:Nor D. Moon e.
tThief.lwtie - of the <uprem , , Court--01:o. W. Worm.
%i Ann
Prosident vile —dibn dnmex IL. 0 rdbaut
Jegoolata Alan.) Cockle, Urn
II ugh Stuart.
District Attorney—J. W. D. ciiiiek„.
Prothonotary—Samuel Shirr elTifln.
t.ljerk and Recorder-4h 11111, Uorurnan.
Register-000 W. North.
High zihorift—John Jacobs.
County Treasurer—Henry S. Mlle,.
Coroner—David Smith
County Commissioners—ifenry Karns. Job. )1
!oy, Mitchell NicCielian t
Suporintendent.of Poor iloure—henry Snyder
Physician to Jail—Dr. W. W. Dale.
Physician to Poor house—Dr. W. W. Dale.
•Chief,Burgess—Johu Cempbell,
Assistant Burgess— Wilßem Cmithron,
Towti Council—Fast
,W. D. Ili Helen, An
drew 13. Zeigler, Geo, Wetzel, Chas. TI. Iletree, Barnet
Hoffman, West Ward—A. K It beete,dolirt Hass, 4 , 113.
M. Black, S. D. lllllmmu,. Clerk, .la, 31. 31tootrItatontee.
Borough 'Cresson, , Das lit ettsnoot
High Constable, Emanuel Soristz, Ward Constable,
Fast Ward, Andrew 1 fart in. West Wind, Jeanie SPId•
Assessor—Wllllate Noakes.
Tax colieetor—Aiplemv Herr. 1 Vat d
Ward, Jae I, Ooodyear. • West NI, ard, tl It Williams,
Street Connot laFfsner, Patrick Madden.
Jusle, of Ihe L. Sponslor, David Smith,
/Worm Polialt, Michael litilCocati.
Lamp DOI tors— A ley. 'Meek, Levi A 11.01 t.
First Presbyterian Ch ut ch. North wost angle 1.1
tro Shuare. Ron. 0.)o way P. Wing Pastor.--tiery
ovary Sunday Morning ;it 11 o'clock. A M., and
o'clock P. M.
Secant Presbyterian c urch, corner of South llan•
over and Pomfret streets. key. John C Li lies. Pastor
Sol vices cowmen, at 11 o'clock, A. M., and 7 ) . e.tlt
P. M.
I.:pisropal)nnrth.,,t t 01,410
uCt7entlt. Nuare. Itov. I; .1 Clore, hector.
At 11 o'clool: 1. %1., and 9 ' 1:1111 . K. 1? Al.
Ent;loth I-lain:ran Church, Bedford, hataven llain
nil Louth., stroat, IG c Sam'lSpro.:nn.r. Sor
.l. M.. and 6 !,4" !
Louther, hetwee., Ilan
.v,O ain't I'l[4. ,hracts. ltot. S annul Philips,
~ in•s at, I and 6 o'c•ln.l, P
oh ...Ind, k:llriroh (first charge) (•orlier ut Maiu
old iter.'rhornas 11. Sherirok, Pastor
i Att it "'dock A. M„ and 7 o'cluel. I' )1.
ot.i3 olist I•:. Church (second Chace ) Itry. F. 1,
1 ervires it Emory )1 I.:. Church kI 1
o'clock 31., and 3 1 , P. 11.
Church ot : - :.outh Wert cot . . of West St.
and Chap,•l Alley. IS, Beck, Pasta Serare.
at 11 a, w., lucid 5 p.m.
t, Patrick's Catholic Church, Pomfrut near East st
Rev Paster. Services every other Cal,
Lath. at In o'clock. Vespers ut P. I.
liertlllll 1A11,1101'21,1 Church, comer of Pomfret and
ttediord stratus. Rev C. Rr,ltze r Pastor. Sari ices at
I o'clock P. 01.
!R.when changes I s tho above are neeePsary tb
moor per,' •s are requested to notify no.
Rev H•'r ]w 11..lohnson,i5. D., Presid Liz and Pr
ossor of M rlf gefelieo.
Millar/1 Wilson, A. M., Professor of Nat or
Solonee ea a Curator o' the Museum.
Rev,. WuhanW L. It wiwe.ll, A. M. ProfosNor of 1.11
G rook and (7 011113.11 Lou g nage,
S...taulet D. Uttlomo, A. M., Prof° our of Matheumt.
John K. Staynt an, A. )1., Professor of the Latin and
ire nch Languages.
lion. laraes 11. ()roll:Lot, LL. D . Professor of Law.
Itev. Henry C. Cheston, 1. It , Principal of the
John hood, Assistant In the Grammar School
Cinti.ORAUON : Th ai Jells ,Ind Vestry we
of St. Joint', l 'ho 3 113
Iter. Cie,. Ii 1,, fleeter awl Treasurer
Pi h.,. Liked.
311ss A E. lhad,t.rplt v. 11,It ucLut iu 1,11.1g1111K1,
L el, tor, Ln tor in Ilathenuttick, and
1, , val Must,
)11"o. !I. !I . Ego, 'foal, her of
Nlibs Tca,;.ci ul I i.,rliug and l'aluting,
L i e Pnihps, Lectutcr on El,,cution and Psychul
E. Cornman, President, James darnitton, U. Saxton
li. C. Woodward, Ilonry Sowsham, C. jP. liutnorich
Saet.'y , J. W. Eby, Troasoror, John Sphar, Messenger
Moot on tha let Nlonday oloach Month at 6 o'clock A
M., at Edueation lla I.
OVRLIBLE 1)E111IT IS k: , K.--I'reAdent, It. M ilunder
son, W. M. lectern Cash .1 P. Hashior and C. B. Prable
Tellers, W. M. Miller Clerk, Jna. Underwoo . Mon
conger. Directors, It
,11 Henderson, President Ii C
Woodward, Sanas Nlroodburn, Moses Bricker, Joh.
Zug, 55'. W. Dain, John D. (largos, Jonoph J. Logs (1,
Jno. Stuart, jr.
FIRST Ntnl MAL It kNK.—Vrosiii.irit, Samuel Hepburn
4 Ca , hior, Jos. 0. Hoffer, Teller, Abner C. Brindle, :lies
so oger, Jesse Brown Wm. Ear, John Dunlap, ltich'd
Woods, John 0. Duni.ip, .0:140 Brenneman, John S.
Sterrett, Sarn'l Hepburn, Directors.
Cl/3111EItIAND VKLLEY It COMI'ANY.--Prosldetil,
Frederick iVatts, Secretor and Treasurer, Edward
M. Biddle: Snipo,lntentleitt, 0. N. Lull. Paseenge,
trains throe thnrs :t day. Carlisle Acanthi:oo 'Atkin.
Etstward., leaves Carlible 05 A, M., arriving at Ca,
lisle 5.`2.4 P. M. Throti4ll I,nlno Esstward,lo.lo A, NI.
an d 2.45, v. 31, W..a.,ward at SI 27, A. 11 , and 2.55 I'.
cunung GAO AND {{'.At EP. COMPANY.— President, Lem
uel Todd; Treasurer, A. L. Spon , ler ; superiuttiecen,
George Wise : Directors, V. Watts, Wm. M. lliaitenit
Biddle, floury Saxton. B. O. Woodward,
Patton, B tlardoer and D. 9, Uroit.
Cumberland Stu Lodge No, 107, A. V. Al. moots al
Marlon Hall on the ~Ad nod JLh Tueralays of every
St. John's Lodge No, 2CO A. Y. 51. Meeta.3d Thura
day of each month, nt Marlon hail.
Carlisle faulgo No. Ot 1, Uof 0. Moot Monday
evening, at Trout's building
Letort Lodge No. (M. I. 0. nt 0 T. Meets every
Thursday neenlog Itt itheem's Hall, ad story.
The Union Piro Company was organized In 1780.
House ill bout or Pet woe', Pitt and Hanover.
The Cumberland Piro Company was instituted Feb
18. 1800. [Longo (n Ito d fort, !,etw eon Main and Pom
The Good Will Fire Company was luiddlutod In
March, 1855. [loupe in Pomfret, near Hanover.
The Emulra Molt' and LaddurCompany was Instltu
tad In 1851). 1111LINP n t near Main.
Postage on all lettors of one' half ounce weight, or
,under, J cents pro pald.
Postage on the 11 is`7lA Lb *lain the County, free.
Within the State 13 cents par annum. To any part
of the United Status, 20 cents Postage on all Iran
Meat papers, 2 cents per ounce. Advertised letters to
ho charged with cost of advertising.
Photographs, Ambrotypes, ivorytypes
Beautiful Albums 13eautiful Fratnes 1
Albums kir - Ladies and ( ontiomen,
_ AmumfLt.r_mbus,.aue-for Ohildront
Pookot Albums for Soldiers and,Civlau.l
Choicest Alnnms I Prettiest Albums! Oildepo'st Albunw4l
Fresh and Now from Now York ~nd Pkllndolpbin
I I? you wont satißiliotnry Pioturos and
l_polito attention call at Mrs. It. A. Smith's Photo
graphic Oallery, South 'East Comoro( Thanover Street
and Market Square, opposite the Court Ilouse and Post
Wilco, Carlisle, Pe.
Mrs: lt. A. Smith WWI kIIOWII as Alma A..lleynolds,
and so well known an a Daguerrean Artist, gives per
sonal attention• to Ladles and Gentlemen visiting her
Oallory, and h.tring the best of-Artlets and , ppolito• at
tendants can' safely promise that. in no 6Gier Gallery
can those who favor her .with a call get pictures impe
-1 for to here, not even lu Now York or Thiladelphia, or
uteet, With more kind and proMpt attention. !
Atibrotypes inserted In Rings, Lockets,,Dreast Pins,
Ac. Perfect copies of Daguerrotypea and Atobrotypos.
made 'of deceased friends. Where copies arp'.dofacod,
Ilia-like pictures may , still I, bad; either for !Waco or
for cards. Ali negatives preserved one year and orders
by well or otborwibopromptly-attooded to.
Docomboe 23,1814—tf
' DR. WM. H. COCK, ' •
• Surgeon and Accona.hour ' •
QuFFIOE at hie residence lb 'Pitt
itrest, - addolning the ilithodist Char&
ly 1, arm. • . •
01 OD
25 00
4 00
7 CO
VOL. 65.
RHEEM & WEAKLEY, Editors & Proprietors
fs~ m~~~~~z~o
lie sat by the way, as the careless crowd scattered
Oh, pitiful vision to reel
A poor crippled soldier all battered and shattered
Both legs taken Wet the knee!
Awl I : " Noble fellow! How little is left hitt
No bless ! mg will come at Ma call:
The terrible bullet which cleft him beroft him
Of strength, hope, love, beauty—of all !
Yet stny! should he wish it"—my heart throbbing
"Pll be Ills (urn true-hearted wife;
With no by his side he may master Master
Act build up n beautiful life.
• Ills sorroo - , nipped oas ly—hle joy shall bloom biter
And I shall be proud of his sears ;
'his huro, thus marred by a traitor Is greater
Than any in gold•Inco and stars
th Sister"—a times voice Efltd at my shoulder
“Mistakenly kind, Oh, beware!
Lip mam with a load for one older and bolder
Already hoe all be ran hear!"
Before the Literary Societies of Dick
inson College, Carlisle, Pa., June
`2B, 1865.
CA It LIST:V., 28th June, 18G5
ii e : In behalf of the Literary Societies of
bi c kinson College, we have the honor to ex
press the high approbation elicited by your
oration deli\ erid before them this morning,
and reSrect.fttily reilill`St a copy or the SAllle
cl , r publication. Very re. ,, pectfully,
or übedient i , ervants,
.1011 N 11.1 XS,
,tif/.llll', (S .»e n iifjee
T o n on . j u n N W. riMN EY.
C Alt LisL E, .1 in 1865
)1 - r. Forney places the note, iii burrie
tiddresi, l ronounecd thi,ntnru ink he incite
lion of the literary si.cietie ,
Cidlege, nt t 1 disposition of Ow e4,ll)mitte(
Plutarch, the Greek, wrote history by par-
OH and compnratiN 0 biographies of the phi
losophers, statesmen, conquerors, and emper
ors of his own country and of flout' ,. . These
delightful memoirs, equally adinNVin his
own and in succeeding. ages, read in every
language, and translated into our, by some
of the noblest English scholars - one edition
h ie i ng e dit e d by John Dryden hill's:dr—ow e d
their popularity not simply to the style in
which they wore written, nor to the great
characters they described, ner to the won
derful evert , they' 1 . 1111M11111,1 in eternal re
membrance, but because the author extracted
from the materials so industrimis'y collected
and digested, as moral and a lesson t'or the
guidance and emulation of the youth his
own and of succeeding generations. Not
content with his portraits of the men, and
incidental sketches of the Welllen of two great
republics, he delineated with marvellous
grace the manners and customs of the people
themselves; and, although several of his
hookB have been lost, I ho , c which remain to
us are cherished among the classics of an
cient literature.
subject I have selected is entitled to a
solemn and a peculiar consideration. It is a
comparison between lhe character of the il
lustrious victim of one of the most terrible
tragedies in Ininnin recollection, and the
character of his immediate . constitutional
succesur:—Both of them representative men
—the one the most conspicuous personage in
the n,or years which Saw a rebellion of un
exampled dimensions culminate and frill, and
the other destined, in the providence of God,
to complete the stupendous mission left in
his keeping by a calamity as dreadful in its
incidents as it must be interesting and con
trolling in its conscquencus,
While what I may have to say must no
cessarily be compressed within the decent
limits usually set apart for such a discourse,
the main subject would tax the energies and
the intellects of a college of Plutarchs. They
would not only be called upon to compare
and to contrast the two great citizens ; to
understand the political and personal ante
cedents of the fathers of the American Gov
eminent and Constitution ; to trace with
exact and conscientious rectitude the mar
vellous adaptability of the various provisions
and clauses of that great instrument,' in
times of profound pence and extended war ;
but also to take up the , new issues evolved
in the growing greatness of the people and
the increasing dimenSiona of their territory.
Such a student called upon to examine these
events, and to study these characters, would
realize that before the Amer' ean people had
advanced far beyond one-half of the first
century of their existence as an organized
government, they had passed through u`Ser
les of civil revolutions, and emerged from a
state of semi-barbarism into almost imperial
civilization ; and that just when the whole
world looked upon their experiment with
amazement, vudden and bloody rebellion,
which, for nearly three years threatened to
destroy what had been so splemlidly and_ sa
rapidly erected, broke upon the land, and'
called forth en amount of military genius,
affluence, energy, and originality ) never
equalled in any age; and not less marvellous
than the magical development of the Repub
lic itself. The fall of the Rebellion, con
summated after the grandest battles of mod
ern times, was terminated by it deed of such
unutterable horror, and productive of such
Inconceivable results, that it will require
years for the statesman fully to understand
and for the historian faithfully .to describe
It is interesting to note hoW Providence
pi•epared us fdr the events which rescued the
casket of liberty from the strong grasp of
slavery, just as slavery was the strongest,—
You have read a thousand times how the
South broke; first the Whig, then the Demo
°ratio party, and compelled the formationof
a Northern organization, ,as if to fabricate
an excuse, for rebellion against the section
alism created by itself alone, Row easy to
' -:------ - ,
,:::-, iv
tii.,„,. ,i,
4 ( .4,Jlkt.
4 !,,.:.:
- )
v s
trace the hand of' Providence in these fren
zied follies 1 A few weeks after Mr. Lin
coln's election, the last session of the Thirty
sixth Congress assembled at Washington.
The conspirators came, hot with hate and
fierce with a fixed resolution. They plotted
daily and nightly. Wrought up to the pitch
of a desperate resolve, and not for a moment
awed by the fact that they were about to
force a war without pretence of right or
reason, and that they must start with the
whole burden of provocation on their souls,
they opened the conflict with violent insults
of the friends of Mr. Lincoln. Take up the
Congressional Globe, and you will find that
not a moment was lost before the conspira
tors showed their premeditated purpov.—
Congress met on Monday, the 3d of Decem
ber, 1860. On the next day, in both House
and Senate, the work began. Notoriously
preconcerted, there was no effort to hide the
object, or to heal the breach. They were so
eager to precipitate the actual conflict, and
to terrify the majority into submission to
the minority, that they no longer made a
show of loyalty. Clingman begun the de
-bate. He had been the most moderate of
his school ; and yet he transcended truth
and history in every word he uttered. He
echoed the most ultra opinions, and deman
ded the most decided resistance. In the
House, on the same day, Hawkins, of Flor
ida, declared that " the day of compromise
has passed." Miles, of South Carolina, as
serted that his State ' , was already withdrawn
from the confederacy." Wednesday, the
next day, Lane, of Oregon, followed in the
same strain of abuse and ridicule of the
friends of Lincoln. Then came Iverson, of
Georgia, Brown, of Mississippi—Jefferson
Davis, whose very first words included the
threat that '' before a declaration of war is
Made against the State of which I tun a citi
zen, I expect to be out of the chamber ;"
Wigfall, foul and malignant—and so on in
regular succession, including nearly all the
conspirators to the 'irtith (W December,. In
this long and acrimonious discussion, with
the exception of sowe short speeches by Sen
ators Hale, Wade and Sumner, nothing had
yet been boldly said in favor of the Union
Icy a single Senator. Mr. Seward, the great
leader of his party, sat silent in his seat.—
Already chosen Secretary of State by the
l're,i , lent elect—a fact know'. to but one or
Iwe saw through the schemes of
the traitors, end implored his friends to let
the tempest rave. The object of Davis was
" to lire the Southern heart ;^ to arouse the
people of the slave States to war ; to give
him and his associates, when they left their
seats, an army to lead against the Govern-
meat of their fathers. If the friends of Mr.
Lincoln could be goaded into bitter retorts,
tie -first work of the traitors would have
..bti-n more than half done. It was not for
Mr Lincoln's friends, however, to engage
in this pleasing pastime. And as the fiends
of treason—how well they proved their claim
to this title in after years I—scoffed, and
domineered, and shrieked in very agony of
rage, they got no ribaldry and anger in re
turn. At last, however, the champion ap
peared. Not the unknown knight who en
tered the lists to do battle for Rebecca, the
Jewess, as described in the dazzling pages Or
Ivanhoe—not the faithful Damon, after be-
g eagerly waited for by the true frien
whose life had been placed in pledge for his
return—was more rapturously welcomed,—
He had made no noisy demonstrations be
tween the cont nding parties. The champion
was horn in the South, and held a Southern
Senator's seat. fie had no tics binding him
to a Northern party or a Northern men.—
And yet Andrew Johnson offered himself as
the irresistible foe of the scheming Southern
eatalines. Seated in Mr. Seward's parlor,
some evenings ago, und listening to the wise
awl patriotic sentiments of that wonderful
man—in my judgment now unapproached
by any statesman on earth, and recalling all
at we know of the most eminent publicists
of other nations—l reminded him of the ap
pearance and - tho7pecch of Andrew Johnson
on the 18th and tho 19th of December, 1880.
' said Mr. Seward, "he came in happy
season. It required a Southern man to say
what he said. It needed a Southern Demo
crat to expose the efforts of the ball men who
were leading our country to ruin. A Re
pt: lican, and a friend of Abraham Lincoln,
would have only added fuel to the flame, had
he given expression to such thoughts; and
an Old-line Whig, even born and roared in
the South, like John J. Crittenden, created
the slightest favorable impression. When
Andrew ohnson spoke, however, the trai
tors themselves felt that a voice had gone
forth which would roach thoinnermost hearts
of the people they were hurrying into rebel
lion, and would there keep alive a religious
devotion to the Union, and that a power
more potent than armies had been given to
the duly-elected Chief Magistrate and the
Administration soon to enter upon the re
sponsibilities and dangers of the Govern-
ent. "lie who bell yes," said Mr. Seward,
that there is a special Providence oven in
o fall of a sparrow, cannot doubt that the
and of God was visible in this opportune
When it became necessary to nominate a
candidate for the, Vice Presidency in
notwithstanding the general belief that Mr.
Hamlin had proved himself to be wide and
faithful, the fidelity and constancy of hun
dreds and thousands who had opposed Mr.
Lincoln in 1860, in supporting his adminis
tratibn of the Government in the prosecution
of the war, impressed' manylwith the idea
that the common cause would be greatly
strengthened by giving the Vico Presidency
to a representative Democrat; and when the
Haltimoi;e Convention 'assembled in Juno of
that year, Andrew Johnson was nominated
as the candidatis; and it,stands to the credit
of Mr. Hamlin that no one endorsed the
nomination more heartily than himself.—
Here again we must trace the presence of a
superintending Providence; for While the
destinies and the interests of, the people
would have been safe in the hands of any,
loyal citizen, does it not seem to'have been
ordained that a Southern man like Andrew
Johnson should take•up the lines when they
had fallen from the hands of , another South
ern man like Abraham LincOln, and'ilytt
the wont having been hegun by the
Whig, ix should be completed I)Sr the old-line
No living man is ,better adapt
ed to meet and Master the questions of thO
hour: than - Andre Johnson.. 4aving suf.
fered more than human tongue can tell, or
human pen describe, at the hands of the
rebel leaders, ho is probably bettor qualified
to determine the extent of their punishment,
and to forgive those they forced into the re
Now, not only can Andrew Johnson deal
with the crime of treason with a boldbr hand
than if he had been born and reared amidst
the party prejudices oftlie North, but he can
bring to the solution of the questions arising
out of the military and constitutional aboli
tion of slavery, a practical knowledge ac
quired in the experience of a life-time in the
midst ore'lavery. Understanding far better
the relations between master Mid slave than
if he hfid been reared in the free States, and,
by consequence, better qualified to organize
a system of compensated labor, I am dispos
ed to entrust to him all the resulting prob
lems. The man who did not fear in the face
of a tempest of calumny and prejudice, which
bore down thousands and tens of thOugands
of the bravest spirits in the South, to grapple
with treason; to hazard his own life and
property and all his personal and political
hopes, and to act with those with whom he
had never co-operated, will not fear to grap
ple with the difficulties of the new situation.
I know that apprehensions are entertained
in some quarters that he may be too tolerant,
or that he may not be willing. to, go to the
uttermost extreme on the subject of universal
suffrage. To those who entertain such fears,
I would say, ho cannot be disqualified for the
imposition of a severe sentence who has him
self suffered the severest ; nor is he apt to
startle at the bestowal of the right of suffrage
upon his fellow-man, whose whole life has
been a battle for the largest individual and
political freedom. Andrew .Johnson is a
practical, not a theoretical statesman. In
his frequent allusions to the power of the
people he must be understood as indicating
not simply his confidence in them, but his
knowledge that a nation whiek . iS periodically
disturbed, or rather exercised and purged by
popular elections, must be governed with
strict deference and reference to the judg
ment and the interest of the masses. A des
pot, whose actions were not subjected to re
vision, would strike off the head of every one
of his enemies, and take froidor give to mul
ti tudes of men the most precious of franchises;
but here, where the intelligence of the mas
ses is as pervading as it is vigilant and jea
lous, that rule is the mo-t lasting which is
the nest judicious. Could there be'any ea-
lamity so vast as that the final adjustment
of the great questions growing out of the war
should be left to men who did not believe in
the necessity for crushing out the rebellion?
Hence the superior obligation of so disposing
of these intricate subjects as that they will
defy intelligent scrutiny, satisfy the require
ments of the immediate present, and prepare
the way for the highest contingencies Of the
teeming future. The individual man may
insist upon his peCuliar opinions. They aro
his own, and he may proclaim them freely.
How different with the same individual
when selected as the custodian of the rights
and interests of others! It may shock the
sensibilities of those who contend that a po
litical platform should guide a great ruler,
and that the rapid utterances from party
hustings should bind a public servant when
the disposition of the highest interests is
,p:aced in his hands. But the chief of a peo
ple spread over a domain of different cli
mates, divided into different populations,
swayed by different opinions—political, so
cial, and religious—such a chief, however
wedded to certain fixed opinions, ceases to
be his own master when ho becomes the
guardian and the trustee of the rights, inter.-
ests, and welfare of millions of human beings.
It has been said, and truly, that power is
conservatism—not that conservatism which
trembles before wholesome innovation, and
rejects reform because it may unsettle old
abuses; but that which does nothing in haste,
which deliberates before it strikes, and which,
once decided, is fixed and unalterable. I
know of no living statesman whose life is a
butter illustration of this quality of conser-
Vatisna than Andrew Johnson. With hist
strong, impulsive, and daring nature, had
he lived in Pennsylvania or Now York, ho
would have led the extremest radicals; but
born in the South, warring from boyhood
against intolerance and bigotry, and con
tending with poverty and with ignorance,
and the bitter hates and envies of caste and
class, he was constrained to pause and take
his reckoning before he acted. had lie al-
owed his own reaentments or his own desires
o control him, he would have been in a per-
petual and pitiable minority. He compro
mised where ho could not control; and so,
by degrees, but marvellously rapid and sure,
because previously well deliberated, he rose,
step by step, to the proud height he now oc
cupies. It is in this school that the present
Chief Magistrate has been educated. Now
we might have had what is called a better
anti-slavery man—taken, if you please, from
Bangor, Maine, or Boston, Massachusetts—
one who would have carried a strong, inex
orable purpose to Washington, and enforced
it without looking to the right hand or the
loft in the Southern States, and in doing so
might have pleased his constituency and ex
hibited to posterity the'character of a states
man whO discharged his duty as he under
stood it, without reference to consequences ;
but I fear such a leader soon would have
been the loader of a forlorn Napo; and before
the termination of a year the fortresses of
civil liberty would have been roconquered,
and --the--enemies- of- constitutional'fieedom
practically restored to the positions from
which' they have been driven, as well on the
.battle field as at the ballot-box.
Note the extraordinary similarity in
he character and the * career of the two
men, Abraham Lincoln and Androw.lohn-
son. They, were nearly the same ago
Johnson was born on the 29th of Decem
bber! 1808 ; Lincoln on the 12th of. Fe-
ruarY, 1809. Southern men both, they
.were the children of hard working and
needy parents. Lincoln's biographer says :
" What Robert Barns has proverbially
been to the people of his native land; and
to all lands, as a bard, Abraham Lincoln
has become to us as a statesman and f a ,
patriot,, IV his intimate relatioils .witkthe t
humbler and higher milks of life The
experiences of the toiling millions,
er of gladness or of sorrow, have ,been,.
his eiperienees." Johnson's biographer
says : Andrew , Johnson's position in the
community was of that character which
naturally - pude him ichnical to what
ever would give power and wealth to
the few, at the expense of the many ;
and thanks to the tuition of his wife,
and to his own natural powers, he soon
became known as one of the most able
exponents of the views of' the work
ing men in Greenville. He talked with
them, and to them, and by their influ
ence, and power suceeded in crushing a
powerful aristocratic sentiment, which
had until that time ruled in th. 2 town,
and bad prohibited honest citizens, who
labored for their daily bread, from occu
pying even the most trivial political
It was natural that two men whose be
ginning was so similar should agree in
their hatred to every form of tyranny
over the mind of man. It is, true they
belonged to adverse political parties, but
their opinions were singularly alike en
vital questions. Andrew Johnson when
he removed from North Carolina to Ten.
nessee, became the great exponent and
champion of the liberties of the poor
whites—a race nearly as much impover
ished as the slaves themselves, and in
many instances equally ignorant and des
pised. Abraham Lincoln, after he had
removed from Kentucky to Indiana, and
then to Illinois, soon became the leading
opponent of the enslavement of the
blacks. And it is noticeable that while
Johnson was fighting the great battle of
his own class in the Southwest, Lincoln
was unconsciouly helping him in the
Northwest. Now, in all the bitter con
tests in the slaves Statesagainst what have
been called the Abolitionists, Andrew
Johnson neversoughtor wasassigned a pro
scriptive prominence. But when his State
Constitution was to be removed ; when the
basis of suffrage Was to be broadened and
deepened ; when the people were to be
educated or the press to he made more
free—he was sought out as the leader and
the organ of the masses. Johnson and
Lincoln sat together in the same Con
gress from 1847 to 1849, and though
they did not agree on the Mexican war
and Texas, yet did they cooperate on
the homestead bill—a measure never aban
doned by Andrew Johnson. Even when
it was crovrned With success, be continu
ed to - watch. over it. This measure show
ed where Johnson stood on the question
of emigration. If slavery has hated any
one thing more than freedom, it is the
annual addition of thousands of hardy
men, women, and children trom other
lands to the bulk of our population, so
essential to the redemption of those mighty
expanses which, as they are covered with
industry and thrift, protect and push
forward the flag of the Republic to the
shores of distant seas, and obliterate
heretofore savage, inhospitable, and illimi
table wastes. But below this question,
having, if possible, a closer relation to
yet more sacred destinies, was undoubt
edly the consideration in the mind equally
of Johnson and Lincoln, that if we in
vited emigration to our new territories,
and offered homesteads to the brave men
who have fought for the liberties of the
country, the day was not far off when
that aristocratic system, copied and in
herited from the feudal times, by which
:vast bodies of land were held in fee aim
ble by a single individual, would be
broken, up and that false and illegitimate
nobility, which has subsisted upon slavery
and upon the land monopoly in the South,
be succeeded by a host of farmers, own
ing convenient homesteads, which each
might till comfort ibl e and profitably for
himself and his
It would seem as if it was intended
that these two men should be brought
closely together, in the last few weeks
which made the oue a glorious martyr
and the other the chief of a great people.
When the day of the second inaugura
tion of Mr. Lincoln approached, Gover
nor Johnson was at Nashville, engaged in
his efforts to reorganize Tennessee and
bring her back into the Union. Ile tel
egraphed me, asking if his presence was
absolutely necessary, adding that his
heart was in his .work, and that he would
rather aid in sending his adopted Com
monweAh back to the hearthstone of the
old Uhion than to bo Vice President of
the United States. On conshlting tv.tli
mutual friends, and especially with Mr.
Lincoln, it" With decided to insist upon his
presence. Row warmly the departed
sage regarded "Andy Johnson" a butt-
dyed-instances - might be cited- to illus
trate. His knowledge of the citizen, th'a
Senator, and the military governor nos
sufficient to inspire confidence ; and the
terrible sufferings of the hunted and out-
Jawed ,refugee made Andrew Johnson the
object of his keenest sympathy. They
were at Metimond almost on the same
occasion, and 'reached Washington' a few
hours apart from each other—in time to
hear the great intelligence that closed
tho rebellion. I am not of those who
who think that, when , two men, whom
God seemed to have made almost coßiea
or oeuntorparts,whoee livee were eo
tink l e d and whose patriotism so equal and
so genial—are suddenly severed by the
bolt of death, it is a dispensation to be
received if not with something like sat
pfaction, at least with a very ready res.
ignation. T accept the decree. it would
tt\ rt
L •
be most impious to quarrel with the in
scrutable fate that permitted it, encl..'
thank Heaven that we have, in Andrew
Jol , nson, a patriot so tried and so true,
and so ready for the fierce etnergenoice
of the future. But the loss of Abraham
Lincoln cannot be replaced. It ,was as
if some great orb had fallen from eternal
space into everlasting chaos, jarring the
whole earth, and making the very pillars
of the skies to tremble. Our country is
not destroyed, but he who saved it died
in the effort of saving it, and can no
more be replaced than the mother who
gives her owl) life for that of her offspring.
And how beyond all price is the exam
ple of Abraham Lincoln. It has almost
revolutionized forties. Not one strong
word that Mr. Lincoln said when he en
tered office, and maintained when he was
most violently assailed, has ever• been
mollified and explained, but rather itera
ted and strengthened ; yet is it true that
long before the assassin stole away his
life, he bad almost conquered antagonism,
and dumbfounded envious faction itself.
I may be answered that, "Success wins
sometimes more than virtue ;" and this is
true of vulgar minds. But Lincoln's
victory was in this : he never let go the
helm. Dark, thick, and tempestuous
were many of the heavy hours of the past
four years; but the star of hope shone
,steadify on the altar of his heart. The
darkest month of the year 1861 was the
month of April ; the darkest part of the
year 1865 was the middle of the month
of April. The rebellion broke upon us
in the first and ended in the last. The
'earliest martyrs to the cause of liberty
gave up their lives in April, four years
ago ; and the most illustrious martyr of
the century gave up his life in April of
1865. We were unprepared for war in
April of 1861 ; we were prepared for
Peace in April 1865; and when the
faithful recorder shall come to compile
the materials for the illustration of the
close of this mighty struggle, he will be
overawed to note that a month which
commenced with such • fair prospects
should have so gloomily ended. Early
in the month, the first fruits of Grant's
masterly strategy were gathered. On
the 2d of April he announced the trium
phant success of our armies, after three
days' hard fighting. On the 3d of April,
he sent word to the President that he had
taken Petersburg and Richmond, and
was in full pursuit of Lee's retreating
army. On the 6th of April Sheridan,
and Humphreys and Meade and Wright
reported the continuous triumph of their
conquering columns. On the 9th of
April General Grant telegraphed the Sec
retary of War that Lee had surrendered
the army of Northern Virginia upon the
terms proposed by himself.
On the 11th of April, full of gratitude
to God, forgiveness to his foes, and love
for all, Mr. Lincoln spoke from the win
dows of the Presidential mansion those
words which, precious as his last on
earth, sound like the syllables of inspira
tion as we read them now. The rejoic
ing thousands bad called upon him the
evening before, but that he might weigh
and condLtise his opinions he asked fur
time to deliberate On the 12th we had
another day of jubilee, and on the 13th
the night was set apart for special illumi
nation. Never did the political capital
of the nation shine more resplendently in
the roles of light. It was as if Peace
and Reconciliation had joined buds over
the graves of the illustrious dead—as if
war and woe had fled to the extremest
shades. The next was Friday, the 11th
of April—another morning of happiness.
But what a night ! As Igo bacicto that
dreadful recollection, I go back to the
frightful agony that made millions mourn.
was in Richmond when it Wail announced
that Mr. Lincoln had been murdered.—
It seemed to me as if Nature had taken
a pause—as if, between the fading night
of war and the dawning blushes of peace
stood our farewell sacrifice—as if having
jiist learned to love, to revere, to depend
upon him, to place our cares and hopes
iu his keeping, as in a sacred repository
—he should bo called away. As Elijah
was swept from earth to Heaven, so was
our deliverer taken from us. If there is
a solace for such a calamity, it is that he
died without shame, in the midst of his
glory, and at the very threshold of the
temple of a rescued and purified Repub
Nothing is more wonderful than to see
how the President gone, and the Presi
dent here, agree on the questions of the
day—the very issues, in fact, which Mr.
Lincoln may be said to have died in the
very act of solving: Long years ago An
drew Johnson denied the right-of any.
State to secede from the Union. lie in
sisted that rebellion could not, destroy a
State government. This doctrine, uni.
versally accepted• by loyal men from the
first day of the war, is now oheapened by
some who would hold it in abeyance to
secure, an imaginary party advantage. As
it is the very kernel of - the nut—the very
. .old of the mine—in fact, the.vital spirit
of the Government —for whioh our sol•
diers 'fought and • our statesmen deliber.
ated—it is worth something to know ex
actly where these two repitsentative char
lidera stood iaregard to it. Mr. Lincoln,
on Tuesday evening, the 11th Of April,
1865, in the last speech •he ever wade;
TERMS: I -$2,00 in Advance, or $2,50 within the year
thus met the question, in terms substan
tially identical with the words of John
son in the Senate, in 1860 and 1861, and
in the Presidential canvass of 1864:
"We all agree that, the seceded States,
so called, are out of their proper practi
cal relation With the Union ; and that the
sole object of the Government, civil and
military, iu regard to those States, is to
again get them into that proper practical
relation. I believe it is not only pc ssible,
but in fact easier to do this, without de
ciding or even considering whether these
'States have ever been out of the Union,
than with it.
"Finding themselves safely at home it
would be utterly immaterial tvhether they
had ever been abroad. Let us ail join in
doing the acts necessary to restoring the
proper practical relations between these
States and the Union ; and each forever
after innocently indulge his own opinion
whether, in doing the acts, Ile brought
the States from without into the Union
or only gave them proper assistance, they
never having been out of it. The amount
of constituency, so to speak, on which
the new Louisiana Government rests,
would be more satisfactory to all, if it
contained fifty, thirty, or even twenty
thousand, instead of only about twelve
thousand as it really does.
' "It is also unsatisfactory to some, that
the elective franchise is not given to the
colored man. 1 would myself pr,:liT that
it were noir conferred on the eery
yenl (71/(1 on those who sem, fm I. reillSi . ar
SONirl'S. Still the question is not wheth
er the Louisiana government, as it stands,
is quite all that is desirable. The ques
tion is 'Will it be wiser to take it as it
is, and help to improve it; or to reject
and disperse it?' Can Louisiana be
brought into proper practical relation with
the Union sooner by sustaining or by dis
carding her new State government?"
Referring to his former views the new
President who succeeded Mr. Lincoln,
said, in his speech to the Indiana dele
gation, on the 22d of April, 1865 :
" Upon this idea of destroying States,
my position has been heretofore well
known, and I see no cause to change it
now, and I am glad to hear its reitera
tion on the present occasion. Some are
satisfied with the idea that States are to
be lost in territorial and other divisions;
are to lose their character as States.—
Pot their II:le-breath Aran been only sus
pended, and it is n high constitutional
obligation we hove trt secure each of these
States in the possession and enjoyment rf
a re/odd/eon form of Government.-
4 1. State may be in the Government with
a peculiar institution, and by the opera
tion of the rebellion lose that feature •
but it tras It S(taf' lc/u'7l I( 10'11 t into re
bellion, um/ ',Atmm it comes out met . fhout
institution, its still a State."
The question of colored suffrage, which
Mr. Lincoln would give to " the very
'intelligent," and "to those who serve our
cvuse as soldiers," is thus wet by Presi
dent Johnson, in his address to the south
Carolina delegation, on Saturday last :
" I will again say to you that slavery is
gone. Its status is changed. There
is no hope you can entertain of being ad
mitted to representation, either in the
Senate or House of Representatives, till
you give evidence that you, too, have ae
cepted.and recognized that that institu
tion is gone. That done, the policy
adopted is not to restore the supremacy
of the Government at the point of the
bayonet, but by the action of the people.
While this rebellion has emancipated a
great many negroes. it has emancipated
still more white men. The negro in South
Carolina that belonged to u man who
owned from one to five hundred slaves
thought himself better than the white
man who owned none. He felt the white
man's superior. I know the position of
the poor white man of the SOuth, corn
pelled to till the barren, sandy, and poor
soil for a subsist( pee. You cannot deny
bow he was, in your eyes, of less value
than the negro. Some here in the North
think they can control and exercise a
greater influence over the negro than you
can, though his future must materially
depend on you. Let us speak plainly on
this subject. I, too, am a Southern man ;
have owned slaves, bought slaves, but
never sold one. You and I understand
this better; we know our friends are mis
taken, and I tell you that I. don't want
you to have control of these negro votes_
against the vote of this poor white man
I repeat, our friends here are mistaken,
as you and I know, as to whore the con
trol of that negro vote would fall. When
they come to talk about the elective fran
chise, I 'say let each State judge for it
self. I amr—for free Government; for
emancipation ;and I am for emancipating
the white man as well as the black man."
It will be seen, therefore, that Presi
dent Lincoln, while recommending that
"the very intelligent" negroes, and those
who have fought for the flag, should vote,
does not once propose that Congress shall'
take charge of the subject. All is left to
the. States; -- President johiikiiiritikeit the
-same ground in stronger ‘languege. * He
believes if Congress could confer the right
of inffrago upon the' South' Carolina ne
groes, their former masters would control
them; 'and he qmpbatically del:dares that
be does not desire thin . to be so, used as
'these votes would be against 'the
whites,of the State, .and for the benefit of
the_ariatneraoy of the sell. I might add
Many other sustaining thoughts. The
danger of giving to Congress the right to
regulate suffrage - firm is . that it may be
used hereafter to enable a mere party ma
jority to oppress a State orseetion. In
all the 66.i:tailed Heeding States, save two,
the white population egeeeds the colored ;
and in most of them largely so. The
white people of those. States, with almost
entire unanimity, are intensely hostile tp
the principle of negrosufirago. However •
unreasonable or unjust this hostility may
be, it is a fact which stares us in the face,
and with which the Government is com
pelled to deal. If, in reorganizing these
States preparatory to their full reinstate
ment in the Union, the right of the ne.
groes to vote should be guaranteed to
them by the interposition of the General
Government, would it not have the effect
of so uniting the white voters, in all elec
tions, upon candidates of their own ex--
elusive selection that the colored voters;
being in the minority, would be render
ed utterly powerless? Even in the States
of South Carolina and Mississippi, where
the blacks are in the majority, it is by no
means probable that at aftrst election they
would 'be able to rally to the polls in suf
ficient numbers to out-vote the more in
telligent though less numerous raoe. It
would take time for them to learn that
they had the right to vote; and even if
.aware of the right, they would scarcely
have the intelligence necessary to its ex
ercise in any effective manner. If the
effect would be so to unite all white voters
on the same candidates as utterly to nul
lify the political power of the negroes,
would the men elected under such cir
cumstances, probably be of the class most
favorable to the amelioration of the con
dition of the colored population ? These
are practical considerations which it will
not do to wholly ignore in our eagerness
to establish abstract principles of right
NO, 28.
and justice.
But let us leave the question to time—
to the care of a loyal Congress— to the
vigilant fidelity of a devoted Union Presi
dent who proclaimed himself the friend
of the masses of the colored race of Ten
nessee, and will never allow them to be
oppressed by their recent masters. It
will not be many days before these latter
realize, by the best evidences, that the
only way to secure the admission of their
:Senators and members to Congress is to
adopt the amendment of the Constitution
, abolishing slavery, to provide for the edu
cation of the colorid population, and for
the payment of colored labor by a wise
and generous plan, and to repeal the odi
ous penal codes made necessary by the
accursed eystew of slavery. Till these
things are secured, they will be kept out
of the hulls of the nation's legislature.
When they are secured, the American
citizen of African' descent will have a
chance to fit himself for that sacred -citi
zenship which ought never to have been
bestowed upon ignorant or lazy men, white
or black. Both Lincoln and Johnson a
gree, therefore, that there can be no de
struction of State sovereignty by seces
sion—that fhe question of suffrage be
longs to the States, and not to Congress
—and that slavery is dead by military
success, by Executive proclamation, by
Congressional statute, and by the acts
soon to be completed by three.fourths of
the States, ratifying the amendment of
the National Constitution forever abolish-
When the impulsive Romeo, eager to
propitiate his love, would have hurried
the philosophical and tranquil Friar Lau
rence, who promised to aid him in his
suit, the patient priest exclaims :
y and slow; they stumble that runfast."
Let us take the axiom and the moral to
our own hearts. The swiftand dazzling
panorama of war, which flashed its meteor
changes before our astounded eyes, and
achieved reforms that could not have been
wrought by centuries of peace, should not
tempt us into a spirit of fatal imitation.
The fabric of free Government saved in
the shock of battle will soon resettle into
the regular grooves of law and order.
Institutions necessarily set aside, that trea-
son n.ight be punished, and Government
be able to put forth all its energies'in the
struggle for its existence, will soon re
blithe there wholesome influence. Time,
reflection, system, aro the essential auxil
iaries. Nor, indeed, need we Lil 3 in haste.
Least of all should we apprehend failure,
because of,present doubts and contingent
dfficulty. "Behold the catalogue of won
ders on the page of the last four years,
history—wrought in the progress of this
triumphant war for human freedom. In
an age that compared with the last gene
rations, seems like an age of miracles,
the overthrow of the rebellion was the
grandest and most sublime of miracles.
The malignant prophecies of our enemies
everywhere, which they aro now so anzi
ens to forget, glare upon them froni " the
page offlistory, like so many reproaotes
of their ignorance and their hatred. In
war, on land and sea, in finance, in
statesmanship, in diplomacy, in the inex
haustibility of our resources, in our in
ventions„ in the wondrous prosperity'and
comfort of the loyal people, in the de
liverance of four millions of human beings
rom Slavery in the disbanding of a mul-
titudinous army, and the dismantling of
a navy larger than that of any of the
nations of , the earth, we may find not
only the material for felicitation but for
a superior and solid consolation. There is
no lion in the path of our future• Bo
fierce as those which have -been subdued
and slain the paths of the past,
_rot us„
therefore coifide - our destiny to the - to:mail;
tuted and , constitUtional agencies of the
Government,ind . to that benio.l!rola-
donee which his wato4ed 'over usfrom
he perilous hegiUs irig,to the victorious
• jgerLauoseet defi,pec pliotogicpby to: be
justice without mercy •