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Democratic Patriotism vs. Domo
cratic Treason.
SPEECH OF
HON. HENDRICK B. WRIGHT,
OF PENNSYLVANIA,
In reply to Mr. la/lazuli ilium, on Peace 11,-
solntionB offered by the latter yentleman.
Delivered in the llonBe Depre,yentatives,
January 11, 16113.
SPRAK : I would not have partici
pated in the discussion of my resOlutions
to-day. my health is so feeble, but tearing
that I will not have another opportunity of
presenting my views and opinions Which I
have attempted partially to embody in the
pending propositions, I feel constrained to
claim the conaideration of the louse at this
time. I cannot agree, sir, with some of the
views just advanced by the gentleman from
Ohio, [Mr. Vallandighaind although it to
most of his argument, I have no hesitation
in saying I ag-ce with him. I differ with
him in respect to the continuance of this
war.
I am, Mr. Speaker, a pence man, but I am
not a peace man if that peace is to be estab
lished upon the dismembered fragments of a
broken and destroyed Union. lam a peace
man, if pence can be obtained with rebels
who are striking at the vitals of the Repub•
lie, upon terms that shall be alike honorable
to the patriotism and courage of the North.
While I am a peace man, I am no c , ,ward,
and while I may desire peace, I shrink from
no responsibility. I would even put myself,
as a Representative from the North, in a po
sition of absolute humiliation if pence could
be the result of it ; I will even hit myself
down and kiss the sword in the hands of Chat
arch traitor in Richmond, dripping with the
blood of my own loins, if I could obtain
peace upon honorable terms to my country.
But as my resolutions say, while the rebel
lion stands in a menacing attitude, and while
their guns are directed upon your very capi
tal itself, and while they themselves say they
will make no terms with us, 1 am not a peace
man, because under those circumstances I
could not be a peace map and preserve my
own honor, and my own country.
The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Vallandig
ham] said he would have the war stopped,
and that he. was opposed to it. What does
the gentleman from Ohio anticipate by the
cessation, upon our part,"ol hostilities? Does
be suppose that terms can be obtained from
these men who are in rebellion, if the North
says we will grant an armistice? Why, sir,
there can be nothing which could be more
cheering or more satisfactory to these men
who lead and conduct this rebellion, than to
have the North say that war shall stop where
it is, and let them have that republic which
they have been striving for during the last
two years. had the doctrines of the gentle
man from Ohio prevailed one Saar ago, the
members of this House of Representatives
would not have been in session here to-day.
Had the let-alone policy which be proclaim
ed here in opposition to the -ear been the
marked policy of the country within the last
year, we should not - now have the beggarly
privilege of occupying seats in the American
Congress to-day, but instead, we would have
had the chief traitor, and hi4 . toliorts and co
adjutors, occupying this Hall instead of our
selves.
We of the North did not bring this war
and desolation upon the country. We had
no hand in it. When my honorable friend
from Kentucky on my right [Mr. Crittenden,]
presented his resolutions last July a year age,
and we adopted them, we declared, with but
two dissenting voices, that this was a war
for the restoration of the Government, and
we meant to fight it out—it may become a
war of extermination before it is ended—
that it was immediately forced upon us by
the' seceding States. We of the North were
not the first who made an appeal to arms
the disposition and settlement, of civil and
private rights. Rebellion it was that first
tired its guns into the American flag; rebel
lion it was that first drove those States from
,the American Union and inaugurated the
reign of terror; rebellion it was that raised
the standard of oppo.ition, and sent her pi
ratical ships upon the seas to plunder our
commerce. And were we to Cola our arms
at these gross outrages, and to sit down
crying " peace," " let the war stop?" Had
not we had manliuess enough to raise our
.voices against it, and our arms to protect
ourselves and our 'Children, and had we pur
sued this kind of peace policy a year ago,
again repeat, we should not have the beg
garly privilege of occupying .seats in the
capitol of the nation.
And now that the war has been protracted
for the period of two years, are wo to meet
again by the same argument—that we must
lay down our arms? No, ivhile God gives
us the power to maintain our position, while
we have the force and the vigor, let us fight
like men, because it has got to Mlle to the.
question of extermination. The day of such
a peace has passed by, and passed by for
ever. These great wrongs which have been
perpetrated upon the part of the rebellious
States, we can hardly realize; we can hardly
contemplate. They have been the direct
and immediate cause of the sacrifice of three
hundred thousand of the loyal youth of the
country. Their bones, if they could all be
collected together in one grand mass, would'
form a mansoldum greater thati the pyra
mids of Egypt. There is not an inch of soil
between the Chesapeake and the Rocky
Mountains which has not been saturated with
the blood of our brethren and children,—
They have demoralized our people, almost
destroyed our national character, and now
say, in the language of Solomon, "bring the
sword, and the child shall be divided ;" and
,qeme hero say, "so be it." There is one
here that never i will say-it—never, while God
permits him to' breathe, will he say it.
Do the rebels sue for peace? No. Let
me read you• an extract or two to show what
tbese pe,ple are saying, and doing. On the
2.pth of last.Decomber, Jefferson Davis de
livered' a speech at-Jackson, before the Le
gislature of Mississippi, in whieb he says,
among other things, "from the Northw'est we
look jor thdfirst gleam of peace." Wbat kind
of a peace ddes Jefferson Davis contemplate
loin the Northwest? Godgrant it may not
be a peace establishing a line of defense and
offense between the South and West and the
Middle States. 1 have beard that suggested,
but it is too monstrous to believe.
. w
. ` ' "
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oj b ,. 0 a 1 A
14x
0
VOL. 63.
A. K. RPIERIVE, Editor & Proprietor
I have too good an opinion' of the virtue
and intelligence and patriotism of the people
of the Northwest, to entertain for a moment,.
the idea that they would join hands with the
m i sera bl e men en g er pd in their country's
ruin, for any compromise or arrangement by
which the Union is to be dismembered. I
discard it as a vile imputation.
After a compliinentary allusion to Missis
sippi and her soldiers. ffavis spoke of• his
love for the old Union. Now mark what
this renegade and rebel says of you Repre
sentatives, as reported in the Jackson Mis
sissippian
" lle alluded to it, however, 119 a matter
of regret that the best affections of his heart
should have been bestowed upon an object
so unworthy—that he should have loved so
king a Government which was rotten to the
very core. Ile had predicted, from the be
ft fierce war, though it had assume
inure gigantic proportions than he had cal
culated upon, lie had predicted war. not
because our rin.ht to secede was not an un
doubted o n e, and clearly defined in the spirit
of that declaration which rests the right to
govern upon the co sent of the governed ;
but the wickedness of the North would entail
war upon the country. Thu present war,
waged against the rights of a free people,
was unjust, such the fruit of the evd passions
of the North. It; the progress of the war.
these evil passions have been brought out
and developed ; and so far from re-uniting
with such a people—a people whose ances
tors Cromwell hid gathered from the hogs
and fens of Ireland and Scotland—the Pre
sident was emphatic in his declaration that
under no circumstances would he consent to
re union."
Here you have the head of this bogus
Confederacy laying out the line of policy--
With these men from the bogs and fens of
Ireland and Scotland, he never would con
sent to re•uuion. But he casts his eye over
the gleat Northiilest, and enterteius the hope
that there he shall first see the sun of his
righteousness arise. The men from the dis-,
trict I have the honor to •represent in the
Congress of the United States, who have
emigrated from the bogs am d tens of Ireland
and Scotland, are as 11111(211 superior in loy
alty and patriotism to that man Jeff Davis,
as the religion of Christ is above the religion
of Satan ; and ten thousand times sooner
would I trust the dolunee of free principles
and human liberty to the hands of t use
men from tilt fens and hogs of Ireland and
Scotland than to Jefferson Davis and his
treasonable associates. Ile will entertain
no terms of re-union,. and yet the gentleman
from Ohiu says the war must be stopped,
that we roust have peace and that we must
reunite.
Reunite with whom? Reunite with Davis
and his coadjutors, who say they never will
consent to it? Let me go a step further
with regard to his Southern reelin,,e.. I hold
in my hand resolutions adopted by the Le
gislature ul North Carolina. I will not read
the whole of them. When the Legislature
of North Carolina a+seuililed ott the 2d of
Dee-ember, -18U2-, -these -resolutions, among
others, were unanimously adopted :
" Resulred, That the Confederate States
have the means and the will to sustain and
perpetuate the Government they have estab
lished, and to that end North Carolina is
determined to contribute all of her power
and resources.
Road red, That the separation between the
Contederate States and Lhu United States it
Goal, and that the people of. North Carolina
will never consent to re union at any time
upon any terms."
That is the unanimous determination of
the Legislature of North Carolina, that at
no time and upon no terms will they reunite
with us. Let Inc refer you, in the same con
nection, to a letter written on the Bth of De
cember, 1862, by John ',etcher, Governor of
the State, of Virginia. It seems that he had
been charged with correspondence with Fer
nando Wood, of the city of New York. It
Was asserted that Fernando Wood had been
making advances to John ',etcher, the Gov
ernor of Virginia, for the purpose of peace
and a reconstruction of the Union. That
charge was made against Gov. ',etcher, and
he came out with a letter denying it. 1 will
read only a part of his letter:
" It cannot be that the people of the con
federate States can again entertain a feeling
of affection and respect for the Government
Of the United States. Wu have, therefore,
separated front them; and now let it be un
derstood that the separation is and ought to
be final and irrevocable; that Virginia will,
under no circumstances, entertain any prop
osition from any quarter which may have
for its object ti restoration or reconstruction
of the late Union, on any terms or conditions
whatever."
This is the sentiment of Virginia, expres
sed through her Governor. I have also read
to you a quotation from a speech of Jeffer.
son Davis, president of the southern confed
eracy. I have given you the joint resolu
tions of the Legislature of North Carolina,
which passed unanimonsly, in which they
say that they will have nothing to do with
us, and that on no terms will they re con
struct the udlvertnuent ; and yet we have
gentlemen talking peace all over this land I
Peace! Peace upon what terms ?
Mr, VALLAxmottem. I will 'answer the
gentleman us I would have done if' I had
been allowed to conclude what- 1 desired to
say. What has produced and indicated the
great reaction in Northern and Western sen
timent? The ballot-box. The ballot-box is
a weapon in the hands of men in the South
yet, as potent and jllM,_llfl secure; and, through
thd agency of - that ballot.boX, after some
time, when passion has cooled and' reason
resumed its sway, I expect to see a return
of Union sentiment indicated, and ivhoso
ever in the so-called confederate government
or in the State governments stands in the
way will be superceded by other men, just as
those who would have waged this war upon
a particular line of policy have been super
seded through the ballot-box" in the North
and West.
M r ..winiuggr, cannot-oonceivo - by} what
principle of reasouing,_ the gentlentau can
satisfy himself that such a ieeutt could pa
silily, under any circuinstances,.be attained,
Mr. VALLANDIVLIAM, MiatOry and human
nature.
Mr. DAWES. The gontloman froni I'una
-Bylvania will allow MC to ask the, goutloaiau
CARLISLE, PA., FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1863.
from Ohio, in connection with his remark
that he expects that at some future day the
ballot-box will work a revolution in the
South, whether ho.proposes that we shall lay
down our arm now and wait for that revo
lution ?
Mr. VALLANDIUTIAM. Ido not propose to
lay down any arms at all. I said that long
since. The laying down of arms must be a
matter of common consent. But I would,
if I had the power, reduce both armies down
to a fitir and reasonable peace establishment
just as speedily as possible. [Laughter on
the Republican side of the House. 1 The
people of the Northwest and South can bring
about re-union through the instrumentality
of the ballot-box, the freeman's weapon.—
You said it could be done by fighting. You
have tried that for twenty months, and let
history answer with what results.
Mr. DAWF:S again sought the Iloor
Mr. Whinier. No, sir, I cannot yield any
further. What tho gentleman front Ohio
has just uttered surprises me more than any
thing he said while he occupied the floor
previously. The idea of laying down our
arms and permitting the time of our drafted
and enlisted twit to expire, and a sufficient
period to elapse to leave us without tin army,
is, in my opinion, a most monstrous propo
sition. Nor do I believe that if we were
even to send a committee front this House,
or a. joint committee of the two Houses, to
wait upon Jell! Davis, such a committee
would even be received and entertained by
hint. I understand that the Legisl;ttui•e of
N ew ..l,. Ne y h a , been making an attempt of
this kind. and that, their agents were not
even received by the officials in the city of
Richmond. I have seen such. a statement
in the newspapers and give it fur what it is
worth.
Mr. PERRY. There is not cite word of
truth in the assertion the gentleman has
made.
Mr. WRJOOT. • I
am very glad to hear that
it is not true, fur I have a better opinion of
that. State, being half a .imsyeman myself.
Mr. PERKY. Perhaps North Carolina could
do precisely what members upon this floor
have done. On the 22d of .luly last they
passed4l. resolution, and what have they done
since? PerhapOurth Carolina will do .the
salon.
Mr. Wittowr. Tam very g'rid to hear the
members .from New .Jersey repudiate the
idea that any . peace committee has been ap
pointed in that State, and sent South for
the purpose of entertaining terms IM a res
toration of the Government. They ,)cave
Sustained their character as patriotic men.
'l'here is no man, I will venture to say, I do
not care what may be his complexion in
politics—he map be as black as he pleases
ulpon the extreme radical side, or he may be
as deeply imbued with secession sympathies
as ally man you can find upon the Demo
cratic side—there is nu man who does not
desire peace; not peace upon dishonorable
terms, not peace that would destroy our
great Government, riot peace that would lay
us in an humble attitude at the feet of trai
tors: lait peace that shall make liberty ; that
shall establish the tt•:rual principles handed
down to u 5 by .our fathers, the peace of
Washington, the peace of Lafayette, whose
images decorate the walls of this House; a
peace upon principles that will not defame
the character of these men, is that I would
see'estabt ished in this country; not peace
upon the princ:ples that emanate front the
but beds ut treason ill thl!South or secession
in the North. (Suppressed applause.) That
is the hind of peace that 1 want to see es
tablished. Neither du I want to see any el
fbrts wade that shall attempt to thwart or
endanger the success of this principle.
Thegentleman from Ohio [Mr. Valhi:it
digham,] has alluded to the result of the .I,ato
elections, as though that established a peace
policy. 1 assure the gentleman if he enter
tains that idea, than never was mortal man
more mistaken on earth. The great change
i 1 public opinion as evidenced in these elec•
Lions, results, in my opinion, from a want of
confidence in the manner in which ihe war
has been conducted, and the blunders of the
Administration. The people of this country
have not abandoned the idea- of saving their
country, but they have adopted the idea of
changing their rulers. There has been no
victory, so far as I understand it, in the State
of Pentisylvsnia, that has been achieved upon
a principle hostile to the maintenance of the
Government by a vigorous prosecution of
the war. 1 learn by all the speeches made
by Mr. Seymour, of New York, both before
and since his election, that he speaks un
qualiiimlly in favor of a vigorous prosecution
of the, war. Ido not believe that any man
could maintain a political position iu Penn
sylvania fur a day, who would declare him
self iu favor of peace on any terms, whether
with the Government broken, or with the
Government supreme, No, sir; the change
of principles as evinced by the late elections
has been caused by the unfortunate failure
in the conduct of the war ; because never
was it war so bunglingly managed, from the
time of Alexander the Great down to the
great Napoleon.
As to who is to blame, it is no part of the
purpose of my resolution- to declare. Ido
not stand here for crimination or recritninar
lion. Perhaps the evil was in the removal
of McClellan—perhaps the Administration
may have been wrong in a thousand other
things. But because there have been blun
ders committed in the management M. the
war, are we to stand up and publicly abandon
our country and liberty ? Great God I is it
to be supposed that because a single cam
paign lots not come up to the public expec
tation, we aro therefore to lay down our
arms, and sue for peace at the toot of treason
and traitors? Not at all. Mr. Speaker, does
it follow, even, that because AbrahaM
coin, the President of the United States, has
issued a proclamation emancipating slaves,
therefore we, as the Democratic party, are
to abandon our country, are to go in peace,
and allow th? Republic to be rent asunder?
Not at all, sir. We must have time to change
all these matters. The fact that certain men
have triumphed_
- at the recent elections, frmn
their, silence and a refusal to •make: their
views public, furnishes no ground for believ
ing that the peclde favor the .abandonment
.of the war and its great feature—the preser
vation and salvation of the country. Poll
ticht us who indulgo iu this idea will soon
find themselves at fault. A storm is ahead.
TERMS :--$1,50 in Advance, or $2 within the year
Gentlemen who entertain the idea that the
recent elections are the result of a peace
policy, will find out, if the army has to be
disbanded. and if the Government is to be
cut in two, what their responsibility will be
to the people of the country—because as
God lives, there shall be a day of reckoning.
The man who is on the side of his country
and on the side of liberty now, his nano and
reputation shall live forever ; and that man
who says, "down with your arms, and let the
enemy prosper nod take possession of your
capitol," shall have a reputation and mem
ory as infamous and damnable as that of the
Cowboys of the Revolution.
Mr. VALLANDIGHAM
Chat
Mr. WRIGHT. The gentleman from Ohio
says " Amen." God: bless me! he ought to
have a straight•jar,ket on him. [Laughter.]
Mr. VALLANDIGLIAM. Will the gentleman
loan me Om one he has been wearing for the
last twenty months.?
Mr. ViTUGHT. If the gentleman gets on
the jacket I have been wearing, he will have
a better Democratic jacket than he was ever
wrapped up in during his whole life, and I
am of the opinion he will feel so comfortable
that he will wonder in amazement that. he was
ever without one like it.
Mr. VALLANDIOIIAM. Perhaps tho gen
tleman will have . the kindness to loan it to roe
a little while•
Mr. WRIGHT. There is a reckoning in
store for men on both sides of this question.
There is a record made up of the men who
sustain their country in the hour of its trial.
I grant you that the cowboys of the revolu
' Con might have been very respectable peo
ple, if King George had but succeeded in
mantaining his government over the colonies,
but as he did not happen to be successful,
the names of Cowboys and Tories has become
somewhat disreputable. Let their memory
he a warning to those men now, who, in rho
dark hour of peril and dang er, lend their
sympathies to their country's foe. Let them
profit by history.
So you peace men, when this great Gov
ernment is' restored, as it shall be, you who
cry "peace," and stay at home in the enjoy
ment of ease and luxury, while the sons
and brothers of loyal men are doing battle
manfully in the field and for the great cause
of human liberty, shall hoar a sound rung in
your ears, from the voices of indignant men,
as terrible as that rung iu the ears of the
Cowboys and Tories of the American Revo
lution. They need not think that by your
crying ''peace" our army is to be disbanded.
our country destroyed Our army went into
the field for the express purpose of the pre
servation of the Union. - 1 differ front the
Executive of the nation, and I have always
differed from the ultra men of this House who
want to 'nuke this a war of negro emancipa
tion, instead of a war fur the restoration of
the Union. Here was the grand error here
arose half our troubles. The Army went
into the field for the purpose of restoring the
Government. Its numbers have reached to
over eight hundred thousand men, larger than
any army which ancient or modern limes have
seen. That Army is still in the field, and its
destiny is to preset ye the Union and protect
the flag--rand it has the power and the cour
age to do so, and will do so. (Applause )
do not care how men there in ty be singing
peace anthems, or crying out at tire Nor!'
that blunders have been committed in the
management and conduct of the war. The
hurt th.tt there have been blunders does not.
furnish to loyal men any reason why they
should turn their backs upon the country,
and stretch out their arms to embrace its
ettentim We must getaloug,Wlt h these blun•
ders the best way we can. We must appeal
to the ultra Ropublic ins to let the negro
alone, and to stand by tile Constitution and
the Union. Then you will have such a united
power at the North as, when brought to bear
and concentrated against this rebellion, will
put an end to it forever.
Mr. Speaker, when I cast my eyes around
the galleries of this house, when I cuter a
church on the Sabbath day, or look around
[no in the hotel, how glaringly do I see the
evidences of mourning there. It strikes home
to my heart that there is some great pesti.
Immo stalking through the land. Perhaps.
out of every ten families at the North there
are not three of them that have upon the do
mestic hearth stone the bloody footprints of
those infamous mon who are attempting to
destroy the Government. Their marks are
everywhere. There is not a graveyard front
this Capitol to Maine that does not show its
monuments of sorrow and woe ; not a vil
lags that has not evidence of mourning all
over it. And yet these damnable outlaws,
who have attempted to stab and destroy lib
erty, have their friends Anil sympathizers at
the North. They are not my brothers," in
the cant phrase of Northern sympathizers.—
Tffey aro rebels. It is only loyal men who
are my brothers. [Applause.] Yes, sir,
with all the great wrongs they have commit
ted, with the sufferings that they have heaped
upon the nation; with thaSe red handed
crimes whose enormity must make even hu
manity blush, these men have their friends,
alders, and abettors scattered all over the
North, and are held up as public martyrs.—
And we are asked to disband our army for
their relief and benefit. On what. principle Y
On the principle that if you leave them alone
six months they will change their policy and
come book again into the Union. Leavo them
alone 1 Was there ever yet a criminal who
did not :want to to lot alone?
"No rogue e'er felt the halter draw,
' With good opinion of the law."
Why, sir, these men's necks ache for the
halter. And yet,we are told that they are
innocent men; that they have been person".
Lod! Oh! to slay our citizens is entirely ex•
(alembic. They are openly encouraged to do •
Minato the North, murder our people, rav
age our seas, destroy the best Government
that ever. God or man devised. And with
these men we are to make peace upon such
terms as they may prescribe. I will make
terms with them, but they tuustbe such terms
as shall not destroy my manhood andltiy - lib - -
erty, and, above all, shall not destrby my
country. None other have they a right 'to
demand, and none other will the loyal men of
the land over concede to them. To do so
would be to commit a crime as great as that
charged on the enemies of the Union.
Talk about making terms with those - Meti.
You min make no toms with them that will.
not come within, ono or the' other of these al-
ternatives, and the. men who cry "peace
know it. Great , God !. is not this country
With all the insi t itutiens of civil liberty which
our lathers planted. upon/ this continent, wor
thy of every effort, that loon call put forth to
save it? It twenty million men cannot do:
t` it '1 4.
fond those institutions against eight million
rebels, if they must yield, it must be set
down not to their weakness, but to the de
generacy of the ago; and it is time for us to
repent in sorrow over our depravity and our
cowardice. Sir, I toll you we have the soon,
we have the money, and we have the loyally
and courage to accomplish that end, in spiie
of any cry of "peace" that they may come
up to us.
Whets "peace" men ask, can you hold con.
quered States in subjugation? I say I do
not care how you hold them. I do not care
what you do with them in the emergencies of
war. They . are in rebellion now, and the
only thing foe us to decide for the present is,
whether we shall conquer them or permit
them to conquer us. One or the other event
is inevitable. When a thief is caught in the
ant of taking your property, and you arrest.
him, do you stop to listen to his inquiry, and
debate the question what you are going to do
with hint ? You hurry him off to the magis
trate, and leave him for the officers of justice
to dispose of. It is not at this time a de
batable question what are you going to do
with those men. They are in rebellion; and,
as all rebels ought to be, they must be put
down. We can put them down, notwithstand
ing all the blunders that have been commit
ted since the commencement of tho war, and
notwithstanding the obstacles we have to
encounter. I know the people of the coun
try are discouraged with taxation ; they are
discouraged by sending armies into the field
to be slaughtered by tho careless manner in
wnich our campaigns have been conducted.—
't know all (hese things; but I have my eye
upon it single object, which is the polar star
of my destiny—the flag of my country and
the gorgous temple of American liberty ; and
wnen I cannot see and behold them any long•
er, may God Almighty blot out its light for
ever.
I say " Amen" to
No, Mr. Speaker, you cannot preserve or
restore peace by yielding to men Who are
fighting to tear down the groat temple of lib.
clay. - Vie spirit that animates such conduct
cannot be appeased. There can he no peace
but in their submission. The gentleman from
Ohio (Mr. Yallandigharn) this morning talked
of a dividing line between the two sections,
and undertookto speak for the great North
west, as to the course she would pursue--
Pio gentleman could see in the East a divid
ing line between the North and the South in
the Potomac, or the Susquehanna; but for
the West he saw no such line of demarkation.
no lino of soporation between the heed waters
of the Mississippi and the Oulf. What. was
passing, pray, in the gentleman's brain "
Why can he discover a natural biundary be
tween the Middle States and the South and
the Northwest?
Mr. VALLANnicinAn. Lot mo say to the
gentleman from Pennsylvania that 1 itavociat,
ell no such lino. On the contrary, I sought
expressly to show that it could not be estab•
lished.
Mr Wninicr. I will toll the gentleman
precisely what. inference could, in my judg•
meat, only be legitimately drawn from what
he did say.
Mr. VALLANIMITIAM. I cannot answer for
the gentleman's inferences. I expressly ar
gued ipgainst any such line; and_ beg,.if the
genilernan IsaiiT, lie will not
misrepresent me.
Mr. \Valour. 1 have a right to draw toy
own inferences: and it any be that the gen
tleman cannot show that they are very far
wrong after all. At all events, the gentleman
did say that it was impossible to mark out
any boundary that shall servo the Mississippi
river iu its course to the Gulf. Now. wheth
er it he the destiny of the great Northwest to
unite its destinies with the States of tiro lower
Mississippi, time unions will determine; I
should not be surprised to tied that there are
men residing in the Northwest whose opi
ions are in sympathy with those of the South
engaged iu this rebellion. But in the gentle
man's plan for the joining of the Northwest
with the Southern States in rebellion, he
leaves New England, Now York, and Penn
sylvania. out.
Mr. VALLANDICIIIAM. Nu, I want, thorn all
to go together.
Mr. Well, I can tell the gentle
man he will not get Pennsylvania into any
such scheme as Giat.
Mr. VALLANDIGII.I.M. I suppose the gentle
man goes for reunion, does he not?
Mr. Wltiou-r, Igo upon the principle of
the restoration of all the materials-dull-at, form
ed this Union, without leaving out one State
or one Territory.
Mr. VALLANDWIIAIe I ask the gentleman
to permit mo to say, in spite of repeated cor
rections, the gentleman bases his argurneu6,
all the way through. upon the assumption of
in position on my part against, the whole tenor
of my speech. lam for the reunion of all
these States, and a hundred more that may be
carved out of the limits of this Union. I beg
the gentleman not again Co misrepresent me
upon that point.
Mr. WILIULIT. I have no disposition to mis
represent the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. Speaker, my policy, as I said a moinent
ago, when I was interrupted, is tho restoration
of all the States and Territories, organized
or unorganized, that once wore united under
our national flag. I desire to see them all
one people, one Government, one Union, with
one destiny and one liberty pervading the
whole. That is the kind of reconstruction I
want. I desire to see no peace on any other
terms. I want no armistice. Let me suppose
a ease. Suppoge there is such a peace de
clared as the gentleman from Ohio would ask,
or such,a peace as those who, two yelrs ago,
were supporting Breckenridge for the Tres
ideney—
Mr. VALLANDIGUAM. The gentleman sure
ly does not mean to indicate that I supported
Breckenridge.
Mr. IVntanr. Certainly' not. The gentle
man supported Douglas, as I supported him.
I did not allude to the gentleman..
Mr. VALLANDIGLIAM. Thogentlemanseemed
to address the remark to me.
Mr. WILIGHT. Well, I will look some other
way. 1 Bay, Suppose a peace is established 1
Suppose you declare an armistice for thirty ot•
forty days? If so, you need never talk about
getting together your armies again. And
what would be the next stop ? The next stop,
,inevitably, would be to establish a boundry.
How ? Where ? A boundary lino between
the bogus confederacy of the Sou&nitd.tito
lofat States of the North,- What line ? Have
you considered where that lino shall be?—
Would you make the ?Moreno' the line," and
throw- all of Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky
and Tonnessoo_ii4o. the Itande.of Abe corrupt
leaders of bastard government?: • :Would you
pass over the Capitol, aadabandon this place,'
sacred as it his 'been made by tho,assembling
within its walls oflho boat urea who over drew
the breath of life, from lynehington and his
compbers;clown.7. 3Vould4au mike the Chei3:4
npealto'boy:upd t,ho "Stisquehannit"the hoot—.
If yen , grazit.n peace or declare as atininticei
depend upon it the establishment of ta line will
be -the nest step in the programme. •
Then wouldarise that- greatquestion, wheth
er the Nortli*Osi would consent to Unite her
destinies with - Tenuaylvania, Now - York and
New England.
New England has been made the subjeot of
reproach. She has her Faneuil Hall, which,
in the days of the Revolution, responded to
the House of Burgesies. She has Bunker
Hill and Lexington, and her history is united
with all the glorious deeds of the past. Be
cause some of her people may have acted un
der fanatical impulses, we are therefore td
displace her from the (Mart of American States.
Then arises the question, supposing that
the Ohio was established us the lino, hovi long
would your peace last Y About as long as the
peace of Amiens, or the peace of Tilsit, and
more fatal in its consequences than the peace
which followed the dismemberment, and dig
truction of Boland.
NO. 5.
I prophesy,sir, that. if you establish a boun -
dary line 'detween the North and the South,
between free and slave labor, it will not be pre
served for six months. It is shrinking front
our responsibility and postponing to our pos•
terity that which we should meet and dispose
of ourselves. Lot us meet this great question
now. If three hundred thousand lives of our_
best young men have been sacrificed, let us
sacrifiee throe hundred thousand more and
put an end to the rebellion forever. (Ap
plause.) It is better to make that sacrifice
than a dishonorable treaty with rebels. As
touch as I love peace, as much as I covet it, as
much as I would like to see it, how can I, or
any reasonable men, ask or consent. to at the
price of the destruction of the Government?
Then so long as peace is dishonorable I say
fight, fight like men, for the restoration of the
Government and for that alone ; tight for the
Constitution and Unieh ; fight for the old flag;
fight for human liberty: and with skillful lea
ders on the part of our Government to conduct
okir armies, and I have no doubt that we will
prosecute this war to n successful close.
This talk of peace is a delusive hope now.
It is said that a desire for peace controlled
the recent elections in Pennsylvania and New
York. There is no foundation for that belief.
Take the New York Herald during the cam
paign. I regard that as a paper that has
uni.orally taken a strong position, It has at
all times urged a vigorous prosecution of the
war for the restoration of the Government,
and the Government alone. Those who are
for pacific measures, so long as the Govern
ment has strength to contend against armed
rebellion, entertain a delusive hope, as well as
commit a great moral and political wrong:
The sentiment of the people throughout the
land it for preserving the Government that
their fathers gave them at tall hazard and
every cost. They are fur the vigorous prose
cution of the war to the bitter end for thd
restoration of the Constitution and the Union
This sentiment has been 'every where pro
claimed. There is universal concert among!
the masses on this question. The leaders
may have faltered, the people have not.
I know that the negro emancipation
lion has created dissatisfaction and division.
I know that it has imposed its troubles and
difficulties, but the Government has power
and strength enough to overcome these and
put down rebellion effectually.
A word about intervention. We learn that
both the English and French governments"
have a desire to enter the affray oil this con
tinent. Let them come While this might
not be desirable, we may rest under the as
surance that our own power and resenrces'are
great, and that,, though civil war is making
sad havoc over our land, we can meet them
too. One benefit might probably grow out of
their interference. It would unite a divided'
North. It would, at least stop this ,everlast,
ing cry of peace. To Exeter Hall half of our
troubles at burro may be attributable. Ebk
-1:1nd may now make the attempt to take ad
vantage of the seeds of discord Imr misirrabla
eful.S.Stiries hif.Ve Scattered broadcast over our
once happy land If she sends her ironclad
ships of war, we must meet them. We have
the /1112!IIIS 101 , 1 will to feed her famished peo
ple, as well as the courage and prowess to re
pel her' tirtuieS and navies We must pre
pare for great exploits, We fight for em
pigs!. Our battle grounds will commemorate
the deeds of a race of men who, if they fail,
fought for liberty and the rights of man. Our
cause is worthy of success ; and we can only
he defeated in ti morbid sensibility which has
found, unhappily, a lodgment in the North,
which is in sympathy With the blackest trea
son.
'ho men who entertain these views may
tiouri9h now, but the day of retribution will
come. The mask shall be torn from the face
of the leaders, and their followers shall stand
aghast at their moral deformities.
There has been cause for popular complaint
and distrust as to the conduct of the war and'
management of the public affairs: but there
has been no cause as yet for them to abandon
the Union and desert their Government.—
Demagogues cannot corrupt the people, and
woe to the men who have deceived them,—
The people desire peace; but peace on terms
alike honorable to theta and the success of
free principles. They want peace, but with'n ,
whole Union ; and on any other terms they
will indignantly reject it.
Mr. iipettker, I am so much exhausted that
I must bring toy remarks to a close. Wheee
I stood when rebellion began, I stand to
day on the same platforM. I have undergone
no change in my sentiments or opinions. I
denounced rebellion at the threshold ; I de
nounce it now, _ I have no terms to make
with traitors which look to the destruction
of the Union. lam 9 atisfied none ethereal'
be obtained. Time will determine whether
my position is right or not. I abide it.
The war has cost we its trials and tribula
tions. I can truly close my remarks with . a
quotation from an ancient philosopher, utter
ed over the dead body of his son, slain in
in battle :
"I should havn blushed if Catd'a house bad stood
Secure, and FLOURISHED in a chit wat'."
ECCENTRIC TRAVELERS.---TO anecdotes
of eccentric travelers may be added the
story of the Englishman who made a bet
that Van. Atuburgh, the lion tamer would
be eaten by his ferocious pupils within a
given time, and who followed him about
the continents of Europe and America in
the hope of seeing him at last devoured.,
and so winning his stake. The Russians
also have a story of an Englishman, who
posted overland, in the depth of winter, to
St. Petersburgh, merely to see the fatuous
wrought iron gates of the Bummer Garden.
He is said. to have died of grief At finding
tha gates,superior to those at:thaentranee
Of his own park at home. Add to this -the
lying. traveler who boasted. that he had
been everywhere,, and who being asked
.howite liked Persia replied that lie scarce
-ly knowias - liehad'only staid there a day.
Nota;likerrise . - among eccentricities the
nobleman, still living, of whom it was in
quired at dinner, what he lad thoUght of
.-Athens during an oriental tour. He turn
od his body servant, waiting behind
his. chair, and said: "John, what did - I
tiduk of Athens!"—Note„i and Queries.