Carlisle herald. (Carlisle, Pa.) 1845-1881, February 06, 1863, Image 1
TERMS OF PUBLICATION The CARI.II3Le LIERALD Is published weekly on giargo 'heat containing twenty four 'column and furnished subscribers at sl,bo if paid strictly In advance, sl,7i t paid within the year; or $2 In all cases when pay. intent is delayed-until.after the expiration of thoyear. No subscriptions received for a less period than six months, and none discontinued until all the arroaragos ars paid, unless at the option of the publisher. Papers sent to subscribers living out of Cumberlend county must be paid for In advance. or ho payment assumed by souse responsible person living Is Cumbei land county. These terms will be rigidly adhered to In all cases, ADVERTISEGLIIENTS kdvortisaments will be charged 1.00 per square of t ernive lines for three insertions, and 25 cents for oaoh übstiq cent Insertion. All advertisements of osfi than twelve lines considered ns a square. Democratic Patriotism vs. Domo cratic Treason. SPEECH OF HON. HENDRICK B. WRIGHT, OF PENNSYLVANIA, In reply to Mr. la/lazuli ilium, on Peace 11,- solntionB offered by the latter yentleman. Delivered in the llonBe Depre,yentatives, January 11, 16113. SPRAK : I would not have partici pated in the discussion of my resOlutions to-day. my health is so feeble, but tearing that I will not have another opportunity of presenting my views and opinions Which I have attempted partially to embody in the pending propositions, I feel constrained to claim the conaideration of the louse at this time. I cannot agree, sir, with some of the views just advanced by the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. Vallandighaind although it to most of his argument, I have no hesitation in saying I ag-ce with him. I differ with him in respect to the continuance of this war. I am, Mr. Speaker, a pence man, but I am not a peace man if that peace is to be estab lished upon the dismembered fragments of a broken and destroyed Union. lam a peace man, if pence can be obtained with rebels who are striking at the vitals of the Repub• lie, upon terms that shall be alike honorable to the patriotism and courage of the North. While I am a peace man, I am no c , ,ward, and while I may desire peace, I shrink from no responsibility. I would even put myself, as a Representative from the North, in a po sition of absolute humiliation if pence could be the result of it ; I will even hit myself down and kiss the sword in the hands of Chat arch traitor in Richmond, dripping with the blood of my own loins, if I could obtain peace upon honorable terms to my country. But as my resolutions say, while the rebel lion stands in a menacing attitude, and while their guns are directed upon your very capi tal itself, and while they themselves say they will make no terms with us, 1 am not a peace man, because under those circumstances I could not be a peace map and preserve my own honor, and my own country. The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Vallandig ham] said he would have the war stopped, and that he. was opposed to it. What does the gentleman from Ohio anticipate by the cessation, upon our part,"ol hostilities? Does be suppose that terms can be obtained from these men who are in rebellion, if the North says we will grant an armistice? Why, sir, there can be nothing which could be more cheering or more satisfactory to these men who lead and conduct this rebellion, than to have the North say that war shall stop where it is, and let them have that republic which they have been striving for during the last two years. had the doctrines of the gentle man from Ohio prevailed one Saar ago, the members of this House of Representatives would not have been in session here to-day. Had the let-alone policy which be proclaim ed here in opposition to the -ear been the marked policy of the country within the last year, we should not - now have the beggarly privilege of occupying seats in the American Congress to-day, but instead, we would have had the chief traitor, and hi4 . toliorts and co adjutors, occupying this Hall instead of our selves. We of the North did not bring this war and desolation upon the country. We had no hand in it. When my honorable friend from Kentucky on my right [Mr. Crittenden,] presented his resolutions last July a year age, and we adopted them, we declared, with but two dissenting voices, that this was a war for the restoration of the Government, and we meant to fight it out—it may become a war of extermination before it is ended— that it was immediately forced upon us by the' seceding States. We of the North were not the first who made an appeal to arms the disposition and settlement, of civil and private rights. Rebellion it was that first tired its guns into the American flag; rebel lion it was that first drove those States from ,the American Union and inaugurated the reign of terror; rebellion it was that raised the standard of oppo.ition, and sent her pi ratical ships upon the seas to plunder our commerce. And were we to Cola our arms at these gross outrages, and to sit down crying " peace," " let the war stop?" Had not we had manliuess enough to raise our .voices against it, and our arms to protect ourselves and our 'Children, and had we pur sued this kind of peace policy a year ago, again repeat, we should not have the beg garly privilege of occupying .seats in the capitol of the nation. And now that the war has been protracted for the period of two years, are wo to meet again by the same argument—that we must lay down our arms? No, ivhile God gives us the power to maintain our position, while we have the force and the vigor, let us fight like men, because it has got to Mlle to the. question of extermination. The day of such a peace has passed by, and passed by for ever. These great wrongs which have been perpetrated upon the part of the rebellious States, we can hardly realize; we can hardly contemplate. They have been the direct and immediate cause of the sacrifice of three hundred thousand of the loyal youth of the country. Their bones, if they could all be collected together in one grand mass, would' form a mansoldum greater thati the pyra mids of Egypt. There is not an inch of soil between the Chesapeake and the Rocky Mountains which has not been saturated with the blood of our brethren and children,— They have demoralized our people, almost destroyed our national character, and now say, in the language of Solomon, "bring the sword, and the child shall be divided ;" and ,qeme hero say, "so be it." There is one here that never i will say-it—never, while God permits him to' breathe, will he say it. Do the rebels sue for peace? No. Let me read you• an extract or two to show what tbese pe,ple are saying, and doing. On the 2.pth of last.Decomber, Jefferson Davis de livered' a speech at-Jackson, before the Le gislature of Mississippi, in whieb he says, among other things, "from the Northw'est we look jor thdfirst gleam of peace." Wbat kind of a peace ddes Jefferson Davis contemplate loin the Northwest? Godgrant it may not be a peace establishing a line of defense and offense between the South and West and the Middle States. 1 have beard that suggested, but it is too monstrous to believe. . w . ` ' " ' 0 • 4 oj b ,. 0 a 1 A 14x 0 VOL. 63. A. K. RPIERIVE, Editor & Proprietor I have too good an opinion' of the virtue and intelligence and patriotism of the people of the Northwest, to entertain for a moment,. the idea that they would join hands with the m i sera bl e men en g er pd in their country's ruin, for any compromise or arrangement by which the Union is to be dismembered. I discard it as a vile imputation. After a compliinentary allusion to Missis sippi and her soldiers. ffavis spoke of• his love for the old Union. Now mark what this renegade and rebel says of you Repre sentatives, as reported in the Jackson Mis sissippian " lle alluded to it, however, 119 a matter of regret that the best affections of his heart should have been bestowed upon an object so unworthy—that he should have loved so king a Government which was rotten to the very core. Ile had predicted, from the be ft fierce war, though it had assume inure gigantic proportions than he had cal culated upon, lie had predicted war. not because our rin.ht to secede was not an un doubted o n e, and clearly defined in the spirit of that declaration which rests the right to govern upon the co sent of the governed ; but the wickedness of the North would entail war upon the country. Thu present war, waged against the rights of a free people, was unjust, such the fruit of the evd passions of the North. It; the progress of the war. these evil passions have been brought out and developed ; and so far from re-uniting with such a people—a people whose ances tors Cromwell hid gathered from the hogs and fens of Ireland and Scotland—the Pre sident was emphatic in his declaration that under no circumstances would he consent to re union." Here you have the head of this bogus Confederacy laying out the line of policy-- With these men from the bogs and fens of Ireland and Scotland, he never would con sent to re•uuion. But he casts his eye over the gleat Northiilest, and enterteius the hope that there he shall first see the sun of his righteousness arise. The men from the dis-, trict I have the honor to •represent in the Congress of the United States, who have emigrated from the bogs am d tens of Ireland and Scotland, are as 11111(211 superior in loy alty and patriotism to that man Jeff Davis, as the religion of Christ is above the religion of Satan ; and ten thousand times sooner would I trust the dolunee of free principles and human liberty to the hands of t use men from tilt fens and hogs of Ireland and Scotland than to Jefferson Davis and his treasonable associates. Ile will entertain no terms of re-union,. and yet the gentleman from Ohiu says the war must be stopped, that we roust have peace and that we must reunite. Reunite with whom? Reunite with Davis and his coadjutors, who say they never will consent to it? Let me go a step further with regard to his Southern reelin,,e.. I hold in my hand resolutions adopted by the Le gislature ul North Carolina. I will not read the whole of them. When the Legislature of North Carolina a+seuililed ott the 2d of Dee-ember, -18U2-, -these -resolutions, among others, were unanimously adopted : " Resulred, That the Confederate States have the means and the will to sustain and perpetuate the Government they have estab lished, and to that end North Carolina is determined to contribute all of her power and resources. Road red, That the separation between the Contederate States and Lhu United States it Goal, and that the people of. North Carolina will never consent to re union at any time upon any terms." That is the unanimous determination of the Legislature of North Carolina, that at no time and upon no terms will they reunite with us. Let Inc refer you, in the same con nection, to a letter written on the Bth of De cember, 1862, by John ',etcher, Governor of the State, of Virginia. It seems that he had been charged with correspondence with Fer nando Wood, of the city of New York. It Was asserted that Fernando Wood had been making advances to John ',etcher, the Gov ernor of Virginia, for the purpose of peace and a reconstruction of the Union. That charge was made against Gov. ',etcher, and he came out with a letter denying it. 1 will read only a part of his letter: " It cannot be that the people of the con federate States can again entertain a feeling of affection and respect for the Government Of the United States. Wu have, therefore, separated front them; and now let it be un derstood that the separation is and ought to be final and irrevocable; that Virginia will, under no circumstances, entertain any prop osition from any quarter which may have for its object ti restoration or reconstruction of the late Union, on any terms or conditions whatever." This is the sentiment of Virginia, expres sed through her Governor. I have also read to you a quotation from a speech of Jeffer. son Davis, president of the southern confed eracy. I have given you the joint resolu tions of the Legislature of North Carolina, which passed unanimonsly, in which they say that they will have nothing to do with us, and that on no terms will they re con struct the udlvertnuent ; and yet we have gentlemen talking peace all over this land I Peace! Peace upon what terms ? Mr, VALLAxmottem. I will 'answer the gentleman us I would have done if' I had been allowed to conclude what- 1 desired to say. What has produced and indicated the great reaction in Northern and Western sen timent? The ballot-box. The ballot-box is a weapon in the hands of men in the South yet, as potent and jllM,_llfl secure; and, through thd agency of - that ballot.boX, after some time, when passion has cooled and' reason resumed its sway, I expect to see a return of Union sentiment indicated, and ivhoso ever in the so-called confederate government or in the State governments stands in the way will be superceded by other men, just as those who would have waged this war upon a particular line of policy have been super seded through the ballot-box" in the North and West. M r ..winiuggr, cannot-oonceivo - by} what principle of reasouing,_ the gentlentau can satisfy himself that such a ieeutt could pa silily, under any circuinstances,.be attained, Mr. VALLANDIVLIAM, MiatOry and human nature. Mr. DAWES. The gontloman froni I'una -Bylvania will allow MC to ask the, goutloaiau CARLISLE, PA., FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1863. from Ohio, in connection with his remark that he expects that at some future day the ballot-box will work a revolution in the South, whether ho.proposes that we shall lay down our arm now and wait for that revo lution ? Mr. VALLANDIUTIAM. Ido not propose to lay down any arms at all. I said that long since. The laying down of arms must be a matter of common consent. But I would, if I had the power, reduce both armies down to a fitir and reasonable peace establishment just as speedily as possible. [Laughter on the Republican side of the House. 1 The people of the Northwest and South can bring about re-union through the instrumentality of the ballot-box, the freeman's weapon.— You said it could be done by fighting. You have tried that for twenty months, and let history answer with what results. Mr. DAWF:S again sought the Iloor Mr. Whinier. No, sir, I cannot yield any further. What tho gentleman front Ohio has just uttered surprises me more than any thing he said while he occupied the floor previously. The idea of laying down our arms and permitting the time of our drafted and enlisted twit to expire, and a sufficient period to elapse to leave us without tin army, is, in my opinion, a most monstrous propo sition. Nor do I believe that if we were even to send a committee front this House, or a. joint committee of the two Houses, to wait upon Jell! Davis, such a committee would even be received and entertained by hint. I understand that the Legisl;ttui•e of N ew ..l,. Ne y h a , been making an attempt of this kind. and that, their agents were not even received by the officials in the city of Richmond. I have seen such. a statement in the newspapers and give it fur what it is worth. Mr. PERRY. There is not cite word of truth in the assertion the gentleman has made. Mr. WRJOOT. • I am very glad to hear that it is not true, fur I have a better opinion of that. State, being half a .imsyeman myself. Mr. PERKY. Perhaps North Carolina could do precisely what members upon this floor have done. On the 22d of .luly last they passed4l. resolution, and what have they done since? PerhapOurth Carolina will do .the salon. Mr. Wittowr. Tam very g'rid to hear the members .from New .Jersey repudiate the idea that any . peace committee has been ap pointed in that State, and sent South for the purpose of entertaining terms IM a res toration of the Government. They ,)cave Sustained their character as patriotic men. 'l'here is no man, I will venture to say, I do not care what may be his complexion in politics—he map be as black as he pleases ulpon the extreme radical side, or he may be as deeply imbued with secession sympathies as ally man you can find upon the Demo cratic side—there is nu man who does not desire peace; not peace upon dishonorable terms, not peace that would destroy our great Government, riot peace that would lay us in an humble attitude at the feet of trai tors: lait peace that shall make liberty ; that shall establish the tt•:rual principles handed down to u 5 by .our fathers, the peace of Washington, the peace of Lafayette, whose images decorate the walls of this House; a peace upon principles that will not defame the character of these men, is that I would see'estabt ished in this country; not peace upon the princ:ples that emanate front the but beds ut treason ill thl!South or secession in the North. (Suppressed applause.) That is the hind of peace that 1 want to see es tablished. Neither du I want to see any el fbrts wade that shall attempt to thwart or endanger the success of this principle. Thegentleman from Ohio [Mr. Valhi:it digham,] has alluded to the result of the .I,ato elections, as though that established a peace policy. 1 assure the gentleman if he enter tains that idea, than never was mortal man more mistaken on earth. The great change i 1 public opinion as evidenced in these elec• Lions, results, in my opinion, from a want of confidence in the manner in which ihe war has been conducted, and the blunders of the Administration. The people of this country have not abandoned the idea- of saving their country, but they have adopted the idea of changing their rulers. There has been no victory, so far as I understand it, in the State of Pentisylvsnia, that has been achieved upon a principle hostile to the maintenance of the Government by a vigorous prosecution of the war. 1 learn by all the speeches made by Mr. Seymour, of New York, both before and since his election, that he speaks un qualiiimlly in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the, war. Ido not believe that any man could maintain a political position iu Penn sylvania fur a day, who would declare him self iu favor of peace on any terms, whether with the Government broken, or with the Government supreme, No, sir; the change of principles as evinced by the late elections has been caused by the unfortunate failure in the conduct of the war ; because never was it war so bunglingly managed, from the time of Alexander the Great down to the great Napoleon. As to who is to blame, it is no part of the purpose of my resolution- to declare. Ido not stand here for crimination or recritninar lion. Perhaps the evil was in the removal of McClellan—perhaps the Administration may have been wrong in a thousand other things. But because there have been blun ders committed in the management M. the war, are we to stand up and publicly abandon our country and liberty ? Great God I is it to be supposed that because a single cam paign lots not come up to the public expec tation, we aro therefore to lay down our arms, and sue for peace at the toot of treason and traitors? Not at all. Mr. Speaker, does it follow, even, that because AbrahaM coin, the President of the United States, has issued a proclamation emancipating slaves, therefore we, as the Democratic party, are to abandon our country, are to go in peace, and allow th? Republic to be rent asunder? Not at all, sir. We must have time to change all these matters. The fact that certain men have triumphed_ - at the recent elections, frmn their, silence and a refusal to •make: their views public, furnishes no ground for believ ing that the peclde favor the .abandonment .of the war and its great feature—the preser vation and salvation of the country. Poll ticht us who indulgo iu this idea will soon find themselves at fault. A storm is ahead. TERMS :--$1,50 in Advance, or $2 within the year Gentlemen who entertain the idea that the recent elections are the result of a peace policy, will find out, if the army has to be disbanded. and if the Government is to be cut in two, what their responsibility will be to the people of the country—because as God lives, there shall be a day of reckoning. The man who is on the side of his country and on the side of liberty now, his nano and reputation shall live forever ; and that man who says, "down with your arms, and let the enemy prosper nod take possession of your capitol," shall have a reputation and mem ory as infamous and damnable as that of the Cowboys of the Revolution. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM Chat Mr. WRIGHT. The gentleman from Ohio says " Amen." God: bless me! he ought to have a straight•jar,ket on him. [Laughter.] Mr. VALLANDIGLIAM. Will the gentleman loan me Om one he has been wearing for the last twenty months.? Mr. ViTUGHT. If the gentleman gets on the jacket I have been wearing, he will have a better Democratic jacket than he was ever wrapped up in during his whole life, and I am of the opinion he will feel so comfortable that he will wonder in amazement that. he was ever without one like it. Mr. VALLANDIOIIAM. Perhaps tho gen tleman will have . the kindness to loan it to roe a little while• Mr. WRIGHT. There is a reckoning in store for men on both sides of this question. There is a record made up of the men who sustain their country in the hour of its trial. I grant you that the cowboys of the revolu ' Con might have been very respectable peo ple, if King George had but succeeded in mantaining his government over the colonies, but as he did not happen to be successful, the names of Cowboys and Tories has become somewhat disreputable. Let their memory he a warning to those men now, who, in rho dark hour of peril and dang er, lend their sympathies to their country's foe. Let them profit by history. So you peace men, when this great Gov ernment is' restored, as it shall be, you who cry "peace," and stay at home in the enjoy ment of ease and luxury, while the sons and brothers of loyal men are doing battle manfully in the field and for the great cause of human liberty, shall hoar a sound rung in your ears, from the voices of indignant men, as terrible as that rung iu the ears of the Cowboys and Tories of the American Revo lution. They need not think that by your crying ''peace" our army is to be disbanded. our country destroyed Our army went into the field for the express purpose of the pre servation of the Union. - 1 differ front the Executive of the nation, and I have always differed from the ultra men of this House who want to 'nuke this a war of negro emancipa tion, instead of a war fur the restoration of the Union. Here was the grand error here arose half our troubles. The Army went into the field for the purpose of restoring the Government. Its numbers have reached to over eight hundred thousand men, larger than any army which ancient or modern limes have seen. That Army is still in the field, and its destiny is to preset ye the Union and protect the flag--rand it has the power and the cour age to do so, and will do so. (Applause ) do not care how men there in ty be singing peace anthems, or crying out at tire Nor!' that blunders have been committed in the management and conduct of the war. The hurt th.tt there have been blunders does not. furnish to loyal men any reason why they should turn their backs upon the country, and stretch out their arms to embrace its ettentim We must getaloug,Wlt h these blun• ders the best way we can. We must appeal to the ultra Ropublic ins to let the negro alone, and to stand by tile Constitution and the Union. Then you will have such a united power at the North as, when brought to bear and concentrated against this rebellion, will put an end to it forever. Mr. Speaker, when I cast my eyes around the galleries of this house, when I cuter a church on the Sabbath day, or look around [no in the hotel, how glaringly do I see the evidences of mourning there. It strikes home to my heart that there is some great pesti. Immo stalking through the land. Perhaps. out of every ten families at the North there are not three of them that have upon the do mestic hearth stone the bloody footprints of those infamous mon who are attempting to destroy the Government. Their marks are everywhere. There is not a graveyard front this Capitol to Maine that does not show its monuments of sorrow and woe ; not a vil lags that has not evidence of mourning all over it. And yet these damnable outlaws, who have attempted to stab and destroy lib erty, have their friends Anil sympathizers at the North. They are not my brothers," in the cant phrase of Northern sympathizers.— Tffey aro rebels. It is only loyal men who are my brothers. [Applause.] Yes, sir, with all the great wrongs they have commit ted, with the sufferings that they have heaped upon the nation; with thaSe red handed crimes whose enormity must make even hu manity blush, these men have their friends, alders, and abettors scattered all over the North, and are held up as public martyrs.— And we are asked to disband our army for their relief and benefit. On what. principle Y On the principle that if you leave them alone six months they will change their policy and come book again into the Union. Leavo them alone 1 Was there ever yet a criminal who did not :want to to lot alone? "No rogue e'er felt the halter draw, ' With good opinion of the law." Why, sir, these men's necks ache for the halter. And yet,we are told that they are innocent men; that they have been person". Lod! Oh! to slay our citizens is entirely ex• (alembic. They are openly encouraged to do • Minato the North, murder our people, rav age our seas, destroy the best Government that ever. God or man devised. And with these men we are to make peace upon such terms as they may prescribe. I will make terms with them, but they tuustbe such terms as shall not destroy my manhood andltiy - lib - - erty, and, above all, shall not destrby my country. None other have they a right 'to demand, and none other will the loyal men of the land over concede to them. To do so would be to commit a crime as great as that charged on the enemies of the Union. Talk about making terms with those - Meti. You min make no toms with them that will. not come within, ono or the' other of these al- ternatives, and the. men who cry "peace know it. Great , God !. is not this country With all the insi t itutiens of civil liberty which our lathers planted. upon/ this continent, wor thy of every effort, that loon call put forth to save it? It twenty million men cannot do: t` it '1 4. fond those institutions against eight million rebels, if they must yield, it must be set down not to their weakness, but to the de generacy of the ago; and it is time for us to repent in sorrow over our depravity and our cowardice. Sir, I toll you we have the soon, we have the money, and we have the loyally and courage to accomplish that end, in spiie of any cry of "peace" that they may come up to us. Whets "peace" men ask, can you hold con. quered States in subjugation? I say I do not care how you hold them. I do not care what you do with them in the emergencies of war. They . are in rebellion now, and the only thing foe us to decide for the present is, whether we shall conquer them or permit them to conquer us. One or the other event is inevitable. When a thief is caught in the ant of taking your property, and you arrest. him, do you stop to listen to his inquiry, and debate the question what you are going to do with hint ? You hurry him off to the magis trate, and leave him for the officers of justice to dispose of. It is not at this time a de batable question what are you going to do with those men. They are in rebellion; and, as all rebels ought to be, they must be put down. We can put them down, notwithstand ing all the blunders that have been commit ted since the commencement of tho war, and notwithstanding the obstacles we have to encounter. I know the people of the coun try are discouraged with taxation ; they are discouraged by sending armies into the field to be slaughtered by tho careless manner in wnich our campaigns have been conducted.— 't know all (hese things; but I have my eye upon it single object, which is the polar star of my destiny—the flag of my country and the gorgous temple of American liberty ; and wnen I cannot see and behold them any long• er, may God Almighty blot out its light for ever. I say " Amen" to No, Mr. Speaker, you cannot preserve or restore peace by yielding to men Who are fighting to tear down the groat temple of lib. clay. - Vie spirit that animates such conduct cannot be appeased. There can he no peace but in their submission. The gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Yallandigharn) this morning talked of a dividing line between the two sections, and undertookto speak for the great North west, as to the course she would pursue-- Pio gentleman could see in the East a divid ing line between the North and the South in the Potomac, or the Susquehanna; but for the West he saw no such line of demarkation. no lino of soporation between the heed waters of the Mississippi and the Oulf. What. was passing, pray, in the gentleman's brain " Why can he discover a natural biundary be tween the Middle States and the South and the Northwest? Mr. VALLANnicinAn. Lot mo say to the gentleman from Pennsylvania that 1 itavociat, ell no such lino. On the contrary, I sought expressly to show that it could not be estab• lished. Mr Wninicr. I will toll the gentleman precisely what. inference could, in my judg• meat, only be legitimately drawn from what he did say. Mr. VALLANIMITIAM. I cannot answer for the gentleman's inferences. I expressly ar gued ipgainst any such line; and_ beg,.if the genilernan IsaiiT, lie will not misrepresent me. Mr. \Valour. 1 have a right to draw toy own inferences: and it any be that the gen tleman cannot show that they are very far wrong after all. At all events, the gentleman did say that it was impossible to mark out any boundary that shall servo the Mississippi river iu its course to the Gulf. Now. wheth er it he the destiny of the great Northwest to unite its destinies with the States of tiro lower Mississippi, time unions will determine; I should not be surprised to tied that there are men residing in the Northwest whose opi ions are in sympathy with those of the South engaged iu this rebellion. But in the gentle man's plan for the joining of the Northwest with the Southern States in rebellion, he leaves New England, Now York, and Penn sylvania. out. Mr. VALLANDICIIIAM. Nu, I want, thorn all to go together. Mr. Well, I can tell the gentle man he will not get Pennsylvania into any such scheme as Giat. Mr. VALLANDIGII.I.M. I suppose the gentle man goes for reunion, does he not? Mr. Wltiou-r, Igo upon the principle of the restoration of all the materials-dull-at, form ed this Union, without leaving out one State or one Territory. Mr. VALLANDWIIAIe I ask the gentleman to permit mo to say, in spite of repeated cor rections, the gentleman bases his argurneu6, all the way through. upon the assumption of in position on my part against, the whole tenor of my speech. lam for the reunion of all these States, and a hundred more that may be carved out of the limits of this Union. I beg the gentleman not again Co misrepresent me upon that point. Mr. WILIULIT. I have no disposition to mis represent the gentleman from Ohio. Mr. Speaker, my policy, as I said a moinent ago, when I was interrupted, is tho restoration of all the States and Territories, organized or unorganized, that once wore united under our national flag. I desire to see them all one people, one Government, one Union, with one destiny and one liberty pervading the whole. That is the kind of reconstruction I want. I desire to see no peace on any other terms. I want no armistice. Let me suppose a ease. Suppoge there is such a peace de clared as the gentleman from Ohio would ask, or such,a peace as those who, two yelrs ago, were supporting Breckenridge for the Tres ideney— Mr. VALLANDIGUAM. The gentleman sure ly does not mean to indicate that I supported Breckenridge. Mr. IVntanr. Certainly' not. The gentle man supported Douglas, as I supported him. I did not allude to the gentleman.. Mr. VALLANDIGLIAM. Thogentlemanseemed to address the remark to me. Mr. WILIGHT. Well, I will look some other way. 1 Bay, Suppose a peace is established 1 Suppose you declare an armistice for thirty ot• forty days? If so, you need never talk about getting together your armies again. And what would be the next stop ? The next stop, ,inevitably, would be to establish a boundry. How ? Where ? A boundary lino between the bogus confederacy of the Sou&nitd.tito lofat States of the North,- What line ? Have you considered where that lino shall be?— Would you make the ?Moreno' the line," and throw- all of Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky and Tonnessoo_ii4o. the Itande.of Abe corrupt leaders of bastard government?: • :Would you pass over the Capitol, aadabandon this place,' sacred as it his 'been made by tho,assembling within its walls oflho boat urea who over drew the breath of life, from lynehington and his compbers;clown.7. 3Vould4au mike the Chei3:4 npealto'boy:upd t,ho "Stisquehannit"the hoot—. If yen , grazit.n peace or declare as atininticei depend upon it the establishment of ta line will be -the nest step in the programme. • Then wouldarise that- greatquestion, wheth er the Nortli*Osi would consent to Unite her destinies with - Tenuaylvania, Now - York and New England. New England has been made the subjeot of reproach. She has her Faneuil Hall, which, in the days of the Revolution, responded to the House of Burgesies. She has Bunker Hill and Lexington, and her history is united with all the glorious deeds of the past. Be cause some of her people may have acted un der fanatical impulses, we are therefore td displace her from the (Mart of American States. Then arises the question, supposing that the Ohio was established us the lino, hovi long would your peace last Y About as long as the peace of Amiens, or the peace of Tilsit, and more fatal in its consequences than the peace which followed the dismemberment, and dig truction of Boland. NO. 5. I prophesy,sir, that. if you establish a boun - dary line 'detween the North and the South, between free and slave labor, it will not be pre served for six months. It is shrinking front our responsibility and postponing to our pos• terity that which we should meet and dispose of ourselves. Lot us meet this great question now. If three hundred thousand lives of our_ best young men have been sacrificed, let us sacrifiee throe hundred thousand more and put an end to the rebellion forever. (Ap plause.) It is better to make that sacrifice than a dishonorable treaty with rebels. As touch as I love peace, as much as I covet it, as much as I would like to see it, how can I, or any reasonable men, ask or consent. to at the price of the destruction of the Government? Then so long as peace is dishonorable I say fight, fight like men, for the restoration of the Government and for that alone ; tight for the Constitution and Unieh ; fight for the old flag; fight for human liberty: and with skillful lea ders on the part of our Government to conduct okir armies, and I have no doubt that we will prosecute this war to n successful close. This talk of peace is a delusive hope now. It is said that a desire for peace controlled the recent elections in Pennsylvania and New York. There is no foundation for that belief. Take the New York Herald during the cam paign. I regard that as a paper that has uni.orally taken a strong position, It has at all times urged a vigorous prosecution of the war for the restoration of the Government, and the Government alone. Those who are for pacific measures, so long as the Govern ment has strength to contend against armed rebellion, entertain a delusive hope, as well as commit a great moral and political wrong: The sentiment of the people throughout the land it for preserving the Government that their fathers gave them at tall hazard and every cost. They are fur the vigorous prose cution of the war to the bitter end for thd restoration of the Constitution and the Union This sentiment has been 'every where pro claimed. There is universal concert among! the masses on this question. The leaders may have faltered, the people have not. I know that the negro emancipation lion has created dissatisfaction and division. I know that it has imposed its troubles and difficulties, but the Government has power and strength enough to overcome these and put down rebellion effectually. A word about intervention. We learn that both the English and French governments" have a desire to enter the affray oil this con tinent. Let them come While this might not be desirable, we may rest under the as surance that our own power and resenrces'are great, and that,, though civil war is making sad havoc over our land, we can meet them too. One benefit might probably grow out of their interference. It would unite a divided' North. It would, at least stop this ,everlast, ing cry of peace. To Exeter Hall half of our troubles at burro may be attributable. Ebk -1:1nd may now make the attempt to take ad vantage of the seeds of discord Imr misirrabla eful.S.Stiries hif.Ve Scattered broadcast over our once happy land If she sends her ironclad ships of war, we must meet them. We have the /1112!IIIS 101 , 1 will to feed her famished peo ple, as well as the courage and prowess to re pel her' tirtuieS and navies We must pre pare for great exploits, We fight for em pigs!. Our battle grounds will commemorate the deeds of a race of men who, if they fail, fought for liberty and the rights of man. Our cause is worthy of success ; and we can only he defeated in ti morbid sensibility which has found, unhappily, a lodgment in the North, which is in sympathy With the blackest trea son. 'ho men who entertain these views may tiouri9h now, but the day of retribution will come. The mask shall be torn from the face of the leaders, and their followers shall stand aghast at their moral deformities. There has been cause for popular complaint and distrust as to the conduct of the war and' management of the public affairs: but there has been no cause as yet for them to abandon the Union and desert their Government.— Demagogues cannot corrupt the people, and woe to the men who have deceived them,— The people desire peace; but peace on terms alike honorable to theta and the success of free principles. They want peace, but with'n , whole Union ; and on any other terms they will indignantly reject it. Mr. iipettker, I am so much exhausted that I must bring toy remarks to a close. Wheee I stood when rebellion began, I stand to day on the same platforM. I have undergone no change in my sentiments or opinions. I denounced rebellion at the threshold ; I de nounce it now, _ I have no terms to make with traitors which look to the destruction of the Union. lam 9 atisfied none ethereal' be obtained. Time will determine whether my position is right or not. I abide it. The war has cost we its trials and tribula tions. I can truly close my remarks with . a quotation from an ancient philosopher, utter ed over the dead body of his son, slain in in battle : "I should havn blushed if Catd'a house bad stood Secure, and FLOURISHED in a chit wat'." ECCENTRIC TRAVELERS.---TO anecdotes of eccentric travelers may be added the story of the Englishman who made a bet that Van. Atuburgh, the lion tamer would be eaten by his ferocious pupils within a given time, and who followed him about the continents of Europe and America in the hope of seeing him at last devoured., and so winning his stake. The Russians also have a story of an Englishman, who posted overland, in the depth of winter, to St. Petersburgh, merely to see the fatuous wrought iron gates of the Bummer Garden. He is said. to have died of grief At finding tha gates,superior to those at:thaentranee Of his own park at home. Add to this -the lying. traveler who boasted. that he had been everywhere,, and who being asked .howite liked Persia replied that lie scarce -ly knowias - liehad'only staid there a day. Nota;likerrise . - among eccentricities the nobleman, still living, of whom it was in quired at dinner, what he lad thoUght of .-Athens during an oriental tour. He turn od his body servant, waiting behind his. chair, and said: "John, what did - I tiduk of Athens!"—Note„i and Queries.