0
PatiDENT'S MESSAGE,'
Fellow Citizens of the Senate and Rouse of
Representatives:
The Constitution of United States
provides that Congress shall assemble an
dually on the first Monday of' December,
and it has been usual for the President to
make no communications of a public char
acter to the Senate and Home ofllepresen
tatives until advised of their readiness to
receive it. I have deferred to this usage
until the close of the first mouth of the ses
sion, but my convictions of duty will not
permit me longer to postpone the dischaTge
of the obligation enjoined by tliZ Constitu
tion upon the President 14 to give to the
Congress information of the state of the
Union, and recommend to their considera
tion such measures as he shall, judge neces
sary and expedient."
It is matter of congratulation that the
Republic is tranquilly advancing in a ca
reer of prosperity and peace.
FORUM.; RELATIONS—CENTRAL AMERICA.
Whilst relations of amity continue to ex
ist between the United States in all foreign
powers, with some of them grave questions
are depending, which may require the con
sideration of Congress
Of such questions,
that which has arise
Dons with Great B
Central America.
By the conventions concluded between
the two governments on the 19th of April,
1850, btfth parties covenanted that ' , neither
will ever" ' , occupy, or fortify, or colonize,
or assume or exercise any dominion over
Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast,
or any part of' Central America."
It was the undoubted Understanding of
the United States, in making this treaty,
that all the present States of the former re
pnblic of Central America, and the entire
territory of each, would heneeforth enjoy
Complete independence; and that both
contracting parties, engaged equally, and to
the same extent, for the present and for the
future, that either of them had any claim
to right in Central America, such claim,
and all occupation or authority under it,
were unreservedly relinquished by the stip
ulations of the convention; and that no do
minion was thereafter to be exercised or
assumed in any part of Central Arnerica, by
Great Britain or the United States.
This Government consented to restric
tions in regard to a region of country,
wherein we had specific and peculiar inter
ests, only 011011 the conviction that the like
restrietions were it) the saute sense obliga
tory on Great Britain. But for this Under
standing of the force and effect of the Con
vention, it would never have been conclud
ed by us.
So clear was this understanding on the
part of the United States, that in correspon
dence contenqmraneons with the ratification
of the convention, it was distinctly express
ed, that the mutual covenants of non occu
pation were not intended to apply to the
British establishment at the Bahze. This
qualification is to be ascribed to the -filet
. that, in virtue of successive treaties pith
previous sovereigns of the country, Great
Britain had obtained a concession of the
right to cut mahogany or dye-woods at the
Balize, but with positive exclusion of all
domain or sovereignty; and thus it con
firms the natural construction and
stood import of the treaty as to all the rest
of the region to which the stipulation): ap
plied.
It, however, became apparent, at an ear
ly day after entering upon the discharge of
my present functions, that Great Mifflin
still continued in the exercise or asset tion
of large authority in all that part of Cen
tral America commonly called the M..squi
to Coast, :Ind covering the entire length ()I'
the State of Nicaragua, and a part of Costa
Rica ; that she regarded the lialize as her
absolute domain, and was gradually exten
ding its limits at the expense of the Slate
of HOuras; and that she had formally
colonized a considerable insular group,
known as the Bay Islands, and belonging of
right to that State.
All these llicts or pretensions of Great
Britain, being contrary to the lights of the
States of Central America, and to the man
fest tenor of her stipulations with the Uni
ted States, as understood by this govetn
ment, have been made the subject of nego
tiation through the .kancrican Minister in
London. I transmit herewith the instruc
tions to him on the subject, and the corres
pondence between him and the British Sec
retary on Foreign Atr:iiirs, by which you
will perceive that the twt) governments dif
fer widely and irrecuticileably as to the
construction of the convention, and its ef
fect on their respective relations in Central
America.
Great 13ritain so construes the conven
tion, as to maintain all her previous pre
tensions unchanged over the 'Mosquito
coast and in different parts (.1' Cential A
merica. These pretensions, as to the Alos-
quit° coast, are founded on the assmoption
of' political relations lich% ecii (rest lit it ain
and the remnant of a trilm of Indians on
that coast, entered into at a time 1%1; i the
country was a colonial possession of Spain.
It cannot be sueces , fully controverted that
by the public law 01 Europe and' America,
no possible act of such Indians or their pre
decessors could conter2tu Great Britain any
political rights.
(boat-Britain dims not allege the assent
of Spain as the origin ut her claims on the
11losquito coast. She has, on the contraQ •
hy 'repeated and exp . ressive treaties renoun
ced and relinquished all pretensions of her
own, and recognized the Intl and sovereign
rights of Spain in the niost, unequivocal
terms. Yet these pretensions, so nitlnint
solid foundation in the In , gitining, and Oms
repeatedly abjured, ly - ere:, at' ti recent period
revived by Great Ilritain,against the Cen
tral Anicrican St at es, Ito' legit Multi! stieces •
stirs to a)t the ancient jurisdiction of Spain
in that reglion. They were first applied on
ly to a dcfhicd 101 .1 or thif coast of Nicara-,
giut. they ?re now veils:K. l ll(A twthis' extent
Joil wit hstanding engagetllents to Om I.lnited
Siatcs.'
' On the eastern coast of Nicaragua not
11.,ta tint iiitorfer(4we rirt.,it.
Vintp.tli idr.roil :it one time in the form
of nilii lii' (woupkiion tho Port
.luitn 1.11.1 .N ortc, tliQn in the' peaceful hot
session of the appropriate authorities of the
Central American States, is now presented
by her as thelightfid exerei,se of protec-;
torship over the' gosquito tribe of Indians-,
But the establishment a t,tho Balize, now
reaching far beyond its treaty into
the State of Honduras, and that' of the Bay,
Islands; appertaining of right to the same'
state, are as distinctly colonial governments
as that of Jamaica or Canada, and therefore
contrary to the very letter, as well as to the
spirit of the convention with the United
States, as it was at the time of ratification,
and now is understood by this government.
The interpretation which the British gov
ernment, thus in assertion and act, persists
in ascribing to the convention, entirely
changes its character. While it holds us to
our obligations, it in a great measure re
leases Great Britain from those which con
stituted the consideration of this govern
ment for entering into the convention. It
is impossible, in my judgment, for the Uni
ted States to acquiesce in such a construe-
don of the respective relations of tho two
governments to Central America.
To a renewed call by this government up
on Great Britain, to abide by, and carry in
to effect the stipulations of the convention,
according to its obvious import, by with
drawing front the possession or coloniza
tion of portions of the Central American
States of Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa
Rica, the British government has at length
replied, affirming that the operation of the
treaty is prospective only, and did not re
quire Great Britain to ttband on or contract
any possessions held by her in Central A
merica, at the date of its conclusion.
This reply substitutes a partial issue, in
the place of the general one presented by
the United States. The British govern
ment passes over the 4uestion of the rights
of Great Britain, real or supposed, in Cen
tral America, and assumes that she bad
such rights at the date of the treaty, and
that those rights comprehended the protec
torship of the Mosquito Indians, the exten
ded jurisdiction and limits of the Balize,
and the colony of the Bay Islands, and
thereupon proceeds by implication to infer,
that, if the stipulations of the treaty be
merely futtire in ellitct, Great Britain may
still continue to hold the contested portions
tit Central America. The United States
cannot admit either the inference or the
premises. We steadily - deny. that, at the
date of the treaty, Great Britain had any
possessions there, other than the liruiterl
and peculiar establishment at the Balize,
and maintain that, if she bad any, they
were surrendered by the Convention;
important is
the negotia
reference to
The government recognizing the obliga
tions of the treaty, has desired to see it ex-
ecuted in both parties, anti in the discus
sion, therefore, has not looked to rights;
which we might assert, independently. of
the treaty, in consideration. of our geo
graphical position and of other circumstan
ces, which create for us 'relations to the
Central American States, different from
those of any government of Europe.
The British government, in its last com
munication, although well knowing the
views of the United States, still declares
that it sees no reason why a conciliatory
spirit may not enable the two governments
to overcome all obstacles to a satisfactory
adjustment of the subject.
Assured of the correctness of the con
struction of the treaty constantly adhered
to by this government, 'and resolved to in
sist on the rights of the United States, yet
actuated also by the same desire which is
avowed by the British government, to re
move all causes of misunderstanding be
tween two nations associated by so many
ties of interest and kindred, it has appeared
to me proper not to consider an amicable
S , .111(1011
There is, however, reason to apprehend
th.it, with Great Britain in the actual oven
of the disputed territories and the
treaty therefore, practically null, so' far as
regards our rights, this international diffi
culty cannot long remain undetermined,
without involving in serious danger the
friendly relations, which it is the interest
as well as the duty of both countries to
cherish .and preserve. It will afford me
sincere .grAtification, if future efllirts shall
result in the success, anticipated heretofore
with more confidence than the aspect of the
ease permits me now to entertain.
One ether subject of discussion between
the United states and Groat Britain has
grown out f :he attempt, t%hich the exigen
cies or the ‘Nar in which she IS engaged %% ith
Russia induced her to Make, to draw re
cruits frolll the ,Putted States.
It is the traditional and settled policy of
the United Status to maintain impartial ne•i
trality cluring,,the wars which bout tune to
line, occur among the great powers of the
worl.l. Performing all the duties of neu
trality fimards the respective beligerent
States. \VC may reasonably expect them not
to interfere with our lawful enjoyment of its
henelits. Notwithstanding the existence of
siieh Lustilities, our citizens retain the
right to continue all their aeons
t oineil pursuits, by land or by sea, at horn,.
(. ahruo,(l. only to suelj resivii•tions
iu this rei4II(0( us HI,. ht \VS (d • ar, th , os,tt.tt•
or oat Hits, OF SpeCha ies way i0(1),(5(..;
:111(1 1t is our sovereign ri;..t it that cur terri
" tory and jut isdiction shall not be invaded
by either ..I' the li'eligerent parties, Mr the
transit of their tirmies, the openitions of
their fleets, thu levy of troops for their ser
vice, the lilting out of cruisers by oragainst
either, or any other act or incident of iv;lr . .
And these undeniable right ~ of nentralitry
individual and national,llwUnited Statt4
will, tinder no circumstances, surrender.
In pursuance of this policy, the Itms
the r nited States do not forbid their citi
zeps to sell to'cither of the belligerent pow
ees articles, contraband of war, or to take
munitions (.1 war or soldiers on hoard ), their
prit 1 :11(: ships for IraliSpollttiOll, 111 11 1 0-
' 7 01011:411. in so doing.. the itolividn'al citizeti
c.,posesids property or person to some of
the Intl ird , of war, his ;leis Ito not
• 111iy broileil of 11111i.oli:11 'nor ()I'
themselves implicate thegovernment. Thus.
(luring the progress of the present war in
Europe, our citizens have, ‘vithout national
responsibility IlieLeforc, sold gunpowder tool
arms to nil litiyerS, regardless of the desti
nation or those- Otir merchant
men tare been, tktid still continuo lo he
• largely employed by *Great Britain and
REctli - vrmET
gscr.l.i.okt *.tito3., ''''
France,intAranspotting troops, prolf
%l ons,
and rbunitieta,ef war to 'the.princili seat
of inilitarY;pPerations, and iiihringitighciree';
theift!sick and wounded soldiers, but such
use of our mercantile marine is not inter-,
dieted either o the international, or by our
municipal , and therefore does notcom
proniit our neutral relations withltussia. =
But our municipal law, in accordance with
the law of nations, peremptorily forbidi, not
only foreigners, but our own citizens, tittit
out, within the limits of the United States,
a vessel to commit hostilities against any
State with which the United States aro at
pence, or to increase the force of any for
eign armed vessel intended fur such hostili
ties against ar i friendly State.
Whatever doncern may have been felt by
either of the belligerent powers lest private
armed cruisers, or other vessels, in the ser
vice of one, might be fitted out in the ports
of this country to depredate on the property
of the other, all such fears have proved to
be utterly groundless. Our citizens have
been withheld,from any such act or purpose
by faith,good and by respect for the law.
While the aws of the Union are thbs per
emptory in their prohibition of the equip
ment or armament of belligerent cruisers in
our ports, they provide not fess absolutely
that r.o person shall, within the territory or
jurisdiction of the United States, enlist or
enter himself, or to go beyond the limits or
jurisdiction of the United States with intent
to be enlisted or entered, in—tiicse of
any foreign state, either as a soldib a
marine or seaman on board of any vessel of
war, letter of marque, or privateer. And
these enactments are also in strict conform
ity with the law of nations, which declares,
that no state has the right to raise troops
for land or sea service in another state with
out its consent, and that, whether forbidden
by the mapcipal law or not, the very at
tempt to do it, without such consent, is an
attack on the national sovereignty.
Such being the public rights and the mu
nicipal law of the United States, no solici
tude on the subject was entertained by this
government, when, a year since, the British
Parliament passed an act to provide for the
enlistment of foreigners in the military ser
vice of Great Britain. Nothing on the face
of the act. or in its public history, indica
ted that the British government proposed to
attempt recruitment in the United States;
nor (lid it ever give intimation of such in
tention to this government.. It v.as matter
of surprise, therefore, to Mid, subsequently,
that the engagement of persons Within the
United States to proceed to Halifax. in the
British province of Nova Scotia, and there
enlist in the service of Great Britain, was
going on extensively, with little or no dis
guise. Ordinary legal steps were- imme
diately taken to arrest and punish parties
concerned, and so put an end to acts infring
ing the municipal law and derogatory to
our sovereignty,. Meanwhile suitable rep
resentations on the subject were addressed
to the British Government.
Thereupon it became known, by the ad
mission of the British government itself,
that the attempt to draw recruits from this
country originated with it, or at least had
its approval and sanction ; but it also ap
peared that the public agents engaged in it
had "stringent instructions" not to violate
the municipal law of the United States.
It is difficult to understand how it should
have been supposed that troops could be
raised here by Great Britain, without viola
tion of the municipal law. The unmistaka
ble object of the law was to prevent every
such act, %% filch, if performed, must be eith
er in violation of the law, or in studied eva
sion of it ; and in either alternative, the act
done would be alike injurious to the sov
ereignty of the United States.
In the meantime, the matter acquired ad
ditional importance, by their recruitments
in. the United States not being discontinued,
and the disclosure of the fact that they were
prosecuted upon a systematic plan devised
by official authority ; that recruiting rendez
vous haul been opmfed in our principal ci
ties, and depots for the reception of recruits
established on our frontier; and the whole
business conducted under the' supervision
and by the regular co-operation of British
officers, civil and military, some in the
North American provinces, and some in the
United States. The complicity of those of
ficers itAn undertaking, which could only
be accomplished by defying our laws, throw
ing su , picion over our attitude of neutrali
ty, and disregarding our territorial rights,,
is conclusively proved by the evidynce e
licited on the trial of such or their agents as
have been apprehended and convicted.—
of the officers thins implicated are of
high official position. and many of them be
yond our jurisdictiOn. so that legal proceed
ings could not reach the source of the mis
chief.
These considerations,, and the fact that
the cause of complaint %Vat.: not a mere cas
ual ocruirrence, but a deliberate design, en
tered upon with full knowledge of Mir lasts
,unl national policy, and conducted by re
sponsible public functionaries. impelled me
to present the case to the British govern
ment, in order to secure not only a cessa
ti.olt of the' Wrong but its reparation. The
subjeet Is still miller discussion, the result
or which will be communicated to you in
due time..
VAIIIOI'S SUBJECT--SINIWSIS
The President again recommends that pro•
vision be made for the adjustment, by 80t vey,
our disputed boundary between the terri•
ry of Oregon owl the British Posses:4lms, as
there.has been imminent danger of a collision
there On the subject. Ile also recommends
ihe e.litinguishnient, try purchase, of the rights
f th;", Iliitioh 1111.6:Mt's Bay Company, and
yuget's Agricultural C.mipany, in Ore
and Washington Territories.
I have thus passed in review the .general
state of tile Union, inclhding such particular
•
concerns of the federal government. whether
of dtanestie or fareip relation. as it appeared
to me desimOlo and useful to bring to the cs
pocial not;ce of Congril . ss. Unlike the great
s: ales 'of r a
ope'nd , and ti;tny of the
of Arnthlea. these United St - ates - 4 al e wastin:l
their etreegtil neither in foreign war nUl`
The J'vt:t.hent tt tt.a;,,n , 4 c: the (..Onh.n Whate . vVr ;, V 1
The fi•lirry cottitnis , lion .11:ts been oo•gnnizc•
hue conitnoticed its labors.
the l Ithcf—Amyl Inr.t, the Unitell State
gltve notice to Dennt:u•k of its intention to
trrwi„att• the treaty of cominvre and navi:ja
(hal zcitli that pow o', oito . yatafront that date
on . net:turd. al :61 tide 11,I'rein v..hici,
1,..0e , :11,i:111e.1' 1110) ft Ftli sun
ME
the awe ought not to submit to tfior toile t be
cause they in effect recognize the right of
Denmark to treat as a close sea one of the
great maritime highways of, nations.
mark has indicated a readiness to make• some
new arrangement on the subject, and has invi
ted the governments interested to a convention
to consider her proposal for the capitalization
of the Sound Dues, and the distribution of the
sum to be ; paid 'as commutation among the
various nations in. proportion to their Baltic
commerce: This invitation the President de
clined accepiing, because Denmark did not
offer to submit to the Convention the question
of her right to levy the Sound dues, and be
cause, if she did, the Convention would not be
competent to deal with the great international
principle of commercial freedom involved.—
Above all, the Convention proposes to compli
cote this topic with the Buropean balance of
power. But while rejecting the proposition,
the President has -.expressed to Denmark a
willingness on the part of the United States
to share with other powers in compensating
her for her expenditures to improve the navi
gation Of the Sound or Belts.. Should no
satisfactory arrangement be soon concluded,
the President will again call the attention of
Congress to the subject. with a view to mea
sures for the security of our rights.
The difficulty with France about the French
Consul at San Francisco has been satisfactorily
adjusted, as also the difficulty with Greece
about the sequestration of ,property belonging
to the present Consul at Atheris. Spain has
disavowed the seizure of the steamer Black
Warrior, and has paid the indemnity. The
other matters in dispute with Spain are the
subject of negotiation, and the President hopes
to conclude with that government some gene•
ral arrangement to avoid future difficulties in
Cuba. Demands for reparation for injuries
done the American citizens and their property
in Mexico, exist, but are obliged to wait for
some Eet tled condition of affairs in that
country. A casual reference is' made to the
Nicaraguan tillthusters, from winch it appears
that the President is, or desires to seem, hos
tile to both Walker and Kinney, and is en
deavoring to compass their expulsion from
Central America. Treaties have been made
with Naples and Hawaii.
During the fiscal year ending June 30th,
1855, the receipts into the national treasury
froth all. sources were,„ $65,003,930, and the'
public expenditures, exclusive of payments on
account of the public debt, '556,365,393.
The payments in redemption of the public
debt, including interest and premium, amount
ed during the year to $9,844,528. The
balance in the treasury, July Ist, 1855, was
$18,931,976. For the present year the esti
mated receipts are given at $67,918,734,
making the available 're : Sources of the year
$86,856,710. Theestiinated expenditures of
the present year are stated at $71,226,846,
thereby leaving an estimated balance in the
treasury, on July Ist, 1856, of $15,623,863 40.
At the commencement of the present fiscal
year, the amount of the publlc:,debt was $40,-
583,631, and as payments have been made
since, the debt is now less than forty millions.
The President recommends; that a law be
passed making it felony on the part of public
officers to make false entries in their books of
record, or make false returns. In view of the
fact that the national revenue exceeds the
wants of the government, the President re•
commends a reduction of i the tariff. A de
parture from the princple's of the present
tariff, however, is not anticipated.
As regards the army, the new regiments
have been recruited, organized and sent to the
tie d, where tho great bulk of the force has
hee enmployed against the hostile Indians. A
parti:il reorganization of the army is again re
commended.
The six new steam frigates will he ready for
service early in the spring, rind the President
recommends an appropriation to build six new
s.tearn sloops of war.
As the Post Office expenditures for the year
have exceeded the receipts $2,626,206, and
much of this is attributable to the enormous
quantities of printed matter transmitted by
wail free, the President recommends action to
provide a remedy. • •
Daring the year, the quantity of public land
sold was 15,72;0,52-1 acres, yielding the sum of
$11.155,380
The message says that ip the territory of
Kanzas there have been acts prejudicial to
good order, but ns yet none bazel.,,7oc.curred
under eircurntganees _to justify the interposi
tion oP the Federal Executive, uhieh, it says,
could only be in case of obstruction to federal
law, or orgarkeirresistatoce to territoriaClaw,
assuming the character ottinsurrection.
•
el,NstrturtoNAL luroity OF THE GOVIMSMENT
licdissatisfaction exists, is attributable to : tilt)
idijieifectiens 4)6161:jail nature, or is incident
to all governments, however perfect, which
human wisdom can devise. Such sub
jects of political agitation, as occupy the pub
ic mind, consist, to a great extent, of ex
aggeration of inevitable evils, or over zeal
in social improvement, Or mere immagination
of grievance, having but, :remote connex
ion with any•of the constitutional functions or
duties of the federal government. To what
ever extent these questions exhibit a tenden
cy menacing to the stability of the constf•
tution ; or the integrity of the Union, and no
further, they demand the consideration of the
Executive, and require to bo presented by him
to Congress.
Before the Thirteen Colonies became a con
federation of independent S,tittes, *Vey were
associated only by community tir—trans-atlan-
tic origin, by geographical position, and by
the mutual do of common dependence on
Great Britain. When that tie was sundered,
they severally assumed the powers and rights
of absolute self-government. The municipal
and social institutions of each, its laws of
property and of personal relation, oven in its
political organization, were such only as each
one chose to establish, whollyswitbout inter
ference from any other. In the language of
the Declaration of Independence, each State
had "full power to levy , war, conclude mace.
contract alliances, establish commerce, and
to do all other things wh;ch independent States
may of right do." The several colonies diff-
ered in climate, in soil, in natural productions,
in religion, in systems of education, in legisla_
tion, and in the forms of political administra
tion i and th ey; continued to differ in these
respects when they voluntarily allied them
selves as States to carry on the war of the rev
olution. ,
l.
The object of the war was to diservthral the c -
United Colonies from foreign rule, which h d
proved to be oppressive, and to seporate the
permanently from the mother country : the
political result was the foundation of a fetlera,l
republic of the free white men of the colonies,
constituted as they were, in distinct, and re
ciprocally independent State governments.—
As for the subject races, whether Indian or
African, the wise and brave state , men of that
day, being engaged in no extravagant scheme
of social change, left them as they were, and
thus preserved themselves and their posterity
from the anarchy, and the ever-recurring civ
il wars, which have prevailed in other revolu
tionized European colonies of America.
When the confederated States found it con
venient to modify the condition of their asso
ciation, by giving to the general government
direct access, in some respects tq, the people
of the States, instead of confining it to the ac
tion on the States as such, they procded to
frame the existing constitut'utC — adhering
steadily to one guiding though , which was, to
delegate only such power a was necessary
and proper to the execution of specific pur
poses, or in other words, to retain as much as
Possible; consistently with those purposes, of
the independent powers of the individual
States. For objects' of common defence and
security, they entrusted to the general govern
ment certain carefully defined functions, leav
ing all others as the undelegated rights of the
separate independent sovereignties.
Such is the constitutional theory of our gov
ernment, the practical observance of which
has carried us, and us alone, among modern
republics, through nearly three generations
of time wilhout the cost of one drop of blood
in civil war. With freedom and concert of ac
tion, it has enabled us to contend successful
ly on the battle field against foreign foes, has
elevated the fetAle colonies into powerful
States, and has - 1 4 a l iSinl our industrial produr
lions, and oukdtnnierce which transports them
to the level of the richest and the greatest na
tions of Europe. And the admit able adoption
of our political institutions to their objects,
combining local self-govertitnent with aggre
gate strength, has established the practicobili-
ty of a government like ours to cover a conti
nent with confederate States.
The Congress of tho United States is in ef
fect, that congre7of Suvreignties, which good
men in the Old Worhil have sought for, but
could never attain, until which imparts to A
merica an exemption from the mutable leagues
fur common action, fyom the wars, the mutual
invasions, and vague aspirations after the bal
ance of power, which convulses from time to
time the governments of Europe. Our co-op
errtive action rests on the conditions of per
manent confederation prescribed by the con
stitutivt. Our balance of power is in the ser
aratirreserved rights of the States, and their
equal representation in tho Senate. That in
dependeilr'sovereiguty in every °tie of the
States, with its reserved rights of ineal self
so'vernmvit, assured to each by theiY ' co equal
power in the Senate, Was the fundemental con
dition of the constitution. Without it the
njoll would never have existed. However Ile
.iroas the larger States might be to re-organ
ize the government so us to give to their pop
illation its propolionnte iveilyht in the co:u
moo counsels, they' knew it wils
imlo..s they Coflee , led t.,1 the
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