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MO & BKarm NotbltiK In <ui unnlracuit, nothliiK *o coiriniou aa li;ul luvath. ard In ii<*:irly e*iTy raw It cts.tea from the ntoniach, and can »«• a» easily ccrrecWd If yim will lV' Cml l.JLtSiii i„ AiimVii ftJWittjy (ot ll)la H>l<Ul»l«« dlnur il>'t. It will alHo luijiroyi- your ApiM'llte.t'uiuuliiX' (tilt ami (| ijcalin ft LB at How many nulTer W>rt»re day a/ter day, making IK- a burden aud riddling exlatuiice <rf ail owlu* to Uie "M-eivt «nfT«nn|( fl"lu I'llea. Y«t *e ll«l t» rvaur Ui the hand ol nltnoat any MM who will u*e ayatematli'.illy the remedy that haa |Krr- Biiineutly cured thut»mid<i. SIMMOMH' I.IVKK irnOl.AT'rti, la tin dnwt.'e violent pnrge ; but a gentle aaalatatice to nature. CQ.vttTipaTiox r VHOt'l.l) not b«i regarded a*atriflliiK ailment In fart natme demandN the ut most n-gularity of th<- bowclx, and any deviation Irian I III* demand pave* ihe ywy vncti to-!»5Tn;iM O*JKBT- ir !- 'hi"- htiU'-skiy i.. .cinove i.aplire tutlfHio Jroin l(ie boweU It 1* tu ear or •Ten* «|:1 II" lii'.UjJi «tati tie tkpefUd WliW«: a u<4lvo Mul ill laaly prevail*. BICK a/rdZMCUBr Till* dlntri'Mdng afllieiion oeeur* miml lre<pient ly. The ilhlurbanee of the momacli, arialng (rum the lm|H'rfeetly illgeitleil eoufut*. cnunn a iwvere p.iln In the In ud. aeeomiianied with illiaareeuble uaie.e.i, ami till* rofi*l{lut<-* what la popularly known aa Hick llecdaehe. HANIIVAI-tVHKn OMI.V IIV Ja 11. ZRII/I.V A CO., X2lel)| Stil.O HY il l IfltUOdlHrM UIBEC'TIONS. IJ RilMv l>'or (Vtarlii. fever ,l " Url | W ] tb f" 1 ' *l"^' ■ iiHtiilt Into the noatiil* ; draw I itrongbrealli* through IS-jtrtjm\gr*tM the no*e. It will be alworbtMl. cli-Hiiilng. *'. l I ELY'S CREAM BALM llAViNOjcalmsl an enviable reputatluu, UUplac lug all nthiweMtratloiM in the vicinity of dlaeov ery.la. oa Wa merit* alone, rtcngnliwd an a won derful r*N#dy wfamver known. A fair trial will eotivlarwtlie uspt *kepll'til of It* cutntlve pow er*. ft Wi-etnany-elennne* the na*itl paaaage* of Catarflial vim*. e:ui*llig healthy accretions, al lay* liiflammallmi ami Irritation, protect* the membriwi:t| lining* of the bend («.in additional ttWM.'V.rt-irwMrss: K r)*all/e4 by a few Apuiloutiuii*. A Ihoroiigh treat ment aa directed will cow Catarrh. A* a bouae liolil leiuxdy fur colli In the head 1* uin onalwi The Ifeim la eaav U> UMI ami agreeable. Siild by druuKm* at l» e«mt*. On receipt of fio eent* will mall a package. Mend lor circular with full Infor mation. KI.Y'H CKKAM HAI.M CO., Owegn. N. Y. For Hale In Butler by l>. 11. Wuller, J.C. Itedlck, A Wuller roulter £ l.||j". 6 E TIIK IIKST AND CHKAI'KHT P A.IJST T, In the market. It can be u«ed Oil Wootl, Iron, Tin, leather, I'laatcr or Taix-r. Ueady For AUi. CtruiHM. It goe* further, la*t* longer, look* better and la CIIKAI'K.K than anv oilier |>nlnl For painting F louae*. llune) K<*<l<, Fence*. WHUOII*, fcc„ IT HAM NO V.HVAL. <'all and emtnilue *umple*. J. C. REDICK, awprjin) OKNF.It Al. AOKNt, lII'TI.KH, PA. VOL. XVIII. Harper's Magazine for August, 1881.] THE SURRENDER OF CORN WALL! S. The French Ducde la Rochefoucauld- Liancourt, who made a tour of the United States at tbe close of the last century, expressed surprise and disap pointment at not finding the monument at Yorktown, Virginia, which the Con tinental Congress, fifteen years before, had voted to erect there in commemo ration of Cornwallis' surrender. 'lt is not even yet begun,' fie wrote, in 1796; and if be grew indignant enough to add that "sucb negligence is inconceiv able, shameful and unaccountable,' we must admit that as one of that nation which contributed so much to the great event, he was not at all officious in bis rebuke. But perhaps the Duke was a trifle severe, and judged us by tbe standard of republican Home, which accorded military trinmphs and set up memorials and statues without stint. Why no monument was erected at Yorktown during the Revolutionary generation is not altogether unaccount able, in view of the thousand and one more serious matters in band. Tbe di lemma of the finances, and the creation of a new political system requiring tbe attention of years, inevitably overshad owed everything of a purely sentimen tal nature. A monument could wait, as long aa the patriotic intent and res olution were on record. It could wait, indeed, until some later generation, ap preciating fully the magnitude of the victory, would be disposed to commem orate it in a fitting manner, and make the memorial truly historical, repre senting alike the struggles of tbe fath ers and the gratitude of their descend ants. Tbe time for it has come around with the completion of the century, and we are now promised both a grand celebration and a grand monument— the Forty-sixth Congress making good the resolution of the Continental Con gress by voting an appropriation of one hundred and forty thousand dollars for both objects. The scene of tbe surrender has long been a much-neglected spot. Yoik town is not reached by railway, and is off the line ot progress. Some day it may revive its old-time prosperity ; at least it ought to become more accessi ble as a point for future pilgrimage. Before the Revolution tbe town was quite an emporium, the only port from which tbe Virginia planters shipped their tobacco to Kngland. Baltimore aud Norfolk gradually reduced it by competition. Some two centuries or more ago we first hear of it as one of tbe few outposts or forts in the colony. In 1825 it was tbe centre of a thriving county—an Episcopal parish of sixty communicants, with a church. Wil liamsburg, tbe capital, with its House of Burgesses aud growing college, at tracting thither tbe wisdom and fash ion of the Dominion, was scarce a doz en miles away. Until Cornwallis sta tioned himself tbere, Yorktown bad es caped the ravages of war on tbe Virgi nia coast, and after its surrender it still contaiued about seventy houses, not more than two or tbree having been wholly destroyed. Fifteen years later it bad not extended its limits, and we find its population, more than half of wbiiill wad composed of negroes, numbering about eight hundred souls. The last war, it need hardly be said, left in a depressed condition, almost beyond recovery, and to-day it con tains not more than three hundred in habitants, among whom are to be found but few descendants of the ancient pro prietors. In fact, it seems to be tbe lot of Yorktown that the more it be comes a historical spot, the less it be comes anything else How It »iar>j>cned tbivt no grcut u Strode Uh tlie tmpturc of tin: ablest lirit- Uh general in America wus finally ef fected at thirt little town in Western Virginia, Involves u lengthy chapter in the history of the struggle. Thin con spicuous fact, however, goes far toward explaining it. In the early years of the war the enemy struck at the head of the revolt. Unsuccessful there, they turned in later years to secure the weaker section, the s<M|th, mu\ I in thuudet-bolt directed against it waH |<ord Comwallis. Thus, upon the oc cupation of New York city in 1770, and Philadelphia in the following y< ar, the British commanders and the minis try at home believed that the reduction of the strong northern und central col onies was half accomplished, and their exacted possession of the Hudson to its source would render cirgw lyc<4 jso-ojuirmUm und resistance impos sible. 'I |iis grand scheme, ncrorthe. less, wuh doomed to disappointment. New York and Philadelphia were ex* cellent bases for military operations, but tbey never tacaroe the centres of recovered territory. The British made no headway inland, ami could <-ontrol very little beyond the strips of sett coast lyhich they By y«'ur tacitly confess ed that the war in the northern colonies was a failure; that the poHNession of the two cities, one of which had al ready been given up, did not diminish tbe resources or weaken the army of the rebels. Burgoynu had beei) (inp. showed Washington Stronjj and confident ill the field, and Htonv point furnished satisfactory proof that bis troops, thugh reduced in numbers, were Istter disciplined and more effective than ever. Baffled in the north, the British turn ed to the conquest of the less populous south. They proceeded npon the as sumption that if the southern colonies should first be subdued and recovered iu the Dortbprn fcuu'tl thereafter bi> fodticpd by isolation and exhaustion For a ti(ue success—rapid and alarm ing success—attended the execution of this plan. In 1778 Savannah was ta ken and (Jeorgia overrun. American attempts to retake the city in the fol lowing year proved disastrous. In May, 17HO, Charleston fell, and Lord Comwallis assumed the command. By tbe month of July he had occupied the principal poiuts in the Htnte At {.his erisij ' Congr.es* bent Hates into the southern field, who in August of the same year suffered the crushing defeat at Camden, which seemed to lay open everything below Virginia to the occu pation and ravages of the enemy. Com wallis, to all appcurawcs, was master of the situation. Even Greene, who bad next been appointed to face him, as the only hope of the Americana, did I not dare to rink a battle until tbe spring |of 1781, and then considered himself fortunate that he was not beaten as badly as he might have been. The two brilliant affairs of King's Mountain and tbe Cowpros, it is true, bad mean while temporarily disconcerted and de layed tbe British general; but should he still snccecd in delivering a damag ing blow at Greene, their effect would be entirely neutralized, and the country south of the James come under his power. A blow was finally given on March 15, 1181, at Guilford Court House, in North Carolina, near the Virginia border, and had it proved in every respect another Camden, the in terests of the British in tbe south might have become very securely root ed. But rigiit there at Guilford Court House we have a crisis in the cam paign, a turn in British affairs which led straight on to the Yorktown catas trophe. The victory over Greene was won at too great a cost to l>e pursued, and Cornwallis found himself compell ed to retire to the coast to refit and re enforce his exhausted and diminished army. lie fell back, or to tbe right, to Wilmiugtou, North C'arolija, and for tbe time being surrendered tbe situa tion to his lately beaten antagonist, so that the south, at least above the South Carolina liDe, yet remained to be conquered. « Notwithstanding this apparent re treat, these operations from the capture of Charleston to Guilford won for Cornwallis a great reputation. He had proved himself the boldest, the most original, and tbe most dangerous of the British leaders, and bis successes reviv ed the spirits and hopes of tbe ministry at home, who still expected that from Wilmington ho would continue his conquering career. Greene called him tbe "modern Hannibal," and La Fay ette referred to him as that "formida ble" Britisher who made no mistakes. His next step wan awaited by the Americuus with deep interest und not a little anxiety. The course which Cornwallis deter mined to pursue from Wilmington in volved an important personal question as well as vital consequences. When Sir Henry Clinton, tbe commander-in chief at New York, subsequently held him responsible for his surrender, he turned back to this Wilmington decis ion aB one of the causes, if not, indeed, the main cause, of tbe disaster. Corn wallis bad made up bis mind to push into Virginia, aud reduce that "power ful province," as he styles it, before operating again to tbe south of it; for it is to be uoticed that, notwithstand ing his brilliant detour from Charles ton northward, and the flattering com pliments il provoked at bome, be was secretly conscious that the sum total of advantages gained amounted to noth iug, and that the whole field would have to be fought over agaiu, by begin ning, however, at tbe other end with the conquest of Virginia, and there he proposed to carry the war. Clinton ufterward pronounced the decision to Ixj contrary to the spirit of his instruc tions, which required him to hold uud secure South Carolina. By inarching to Virginia he was abandoning it. "Had you intimated the probability of your intention,!' wrote Clinton to Corn wallis iu May, "I should certainly have endeavored to have stopped you, as I did then as well as now consider such a move as likely to be dangerous to our interests in the southern colonies." And tbirteeu years later wbeu Clinton was answering ihe criticisms of the historian Stedman, lie again insisted that "Cornwall)* bad been ordered, ttiid had promised, in ease of failure in North Carolina, to fall back on South Carolina and secure it." To all this Cornwallis bad tbe ready answer that a return to South Carolina was imprac ticable, that at so great a distance he had to act according to his best judg ment, und that Virginia once sub dued, the lower provinces would fall "without much difficulty." The two generals continued the controversy Ut a jater date with some acrimony, but Cornwallis had tho moral support of the home minister, and the com mander-in-chief actually found himself obliged to accommodate bis own future plans to this movement of his subordi nate. Whatever the merits of the case, we have the undisputed fact that Corn wallis entered Virginia uguinst the expectations and wishes uf his superi or. The final movements of our 'modern Hannibal,' the ill-timed necessities which compelled him to coop himself up behind intrenchments at Yorktown, compose a distinct and absorbing act in this military drama. Tbe dreuin of laying Virginia at bis feet, which at one time seemed to be on tho point of realization, was rudely interrupted by ftn qncifpctitcd oombinatiou of circum stances. He had now reached a point wh'-ro be could not act as Independ ently as Is-fore. Ho was just near enough his chief at New York to find that the two must thenceforth co-o|>er ate, and as Clinton presently discover ed t|int bis moyunicuto must be deter, mined by those of tbe Americans and their French allien, both on land and sea, we find Cornwallis likewise ham pered by what may lie called u triple contingency, namely, the possible movements of Washington, the uncer tain operations of French aud British fleets, and the consequent plans enforc ed upon Clinton. When combinations finally Isigan to take definite sha|M) to ward the c|cme of t|<e gttwmer, th«y matured so rapidly tlmt fur tbe British the end came like a shock. To summarize those intermediate events—details being beyond our limit —it will Is* recalled that lie fore Corn wallis reached Virginia, Clinton had dispatched two expeditions early iu 1781 to ravage the coast of that State, one under Arnold, another under Phil lips. To meet them, Washington sent Lu Kayctte down in the spring with a select body o| tW w, Y<' hundred light in-, fantry, mainly from Now Kuglund. On tho 20th of Muy Cornwallis arrived at Petersburg from Wilmington, joined the expeditionary corpa to his own ar my, aud with four thousand veteran infantry, and two well-mounted de tachmouts of troojiers under Simeoe BUTLER, PA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 27,1881 j and Tarleton, procetded to operate in ; tbe State. Against such a force La | Fayette could do uothing. Cornwallis chased him as far as tho North Anna, I but failing to bring him to action, be suddenly turned in a south-westerly course to Elk Island, in the upper James, where he covered Simcoe's raid upon the magazines at Point of Fork, which Steuben was guarding with about five hundred Virginia recruits. The troopers under Tarleton, whom the State miiitia avoided as they would "so many wild beasts," rode at will over tbe country, and nearly succeeded in capturing Governor Jefferson and the Assembly at Charlottsville. Mean while La Fayette bad been re-enforced by Wayne, near the Kapidan, with one thousand Pennsylvania Continentals, and following Cornwallis, dexterously managed to prevent tbe further destruc tion of stores, and also joined Steuben's troops to his own. Cornwallis then retired to Richmond, the Americans watching him always, and about the 20tb of June marched to Williamsburg, on the Peninsula—a move not caused by inability on bis part to bold his own in tbe heart of tbe State, but evidently to await further developments as to the plan of thoroughly subjugating it Once more, however, he found bis plans thwarted. The dearly bought victory at Guilford Court House crippled him in North Carolina, and now the situa tion and demands of his chief at New York cut off all hope of present success in Virginia; for upon his arrival at Williamsburg he received orders from Clinton to send him three thousaud men, and with tbe rest to establish a defensive post on the coast as a bast; for future expeditions, and a protection for ships of war. Cornwallis could do no less than obey, and marching to Portsmouth, was proceeding to embark tbe troops, when later instructions per mitted him to retarin them, and further more directed him to fortify Old Point Comfort in Hamptou Roads as the na val station in view. But upon exam ination, finding that the Point could uot lie defended, Cornwallis kept on to Yorktown to establish tbe post there. Thus, in the first week in August, 1781, after marching and figbtiug over a line of fifteen hundred miles since be left Charleston, and sweeping all be fore him, this British general reached tbe point from which he was not to move again except as a prisoner of war. And here once more came up tbe ques tion of responsibility. Cornwallis re ported after the surrender that he had never regarded Yorktown in a favora ble light; that he occupied it in compli ance with what he beliovcd to lie tbe spirit of Clinton's orders, and because he supposed that in an emergency bo could be relieved by Clinton and a Bri tish fleet. But Clinton replied that his instructions to occupy Yorktown were discretionary, and that he "never re ceived the leant hint" from Cornwallis that the position was untenable until after be capitulated. And on these points, as well as others, the two con tinued to differ years after the war, each throwing the responsibility for the bad selection of tbe site upon tbe other. Cornwallis, whose ambition was to conduct o|»erations on a greut scale in the State, objected in tolo to posts, stations, and coast expeditions, and wished to leave tho State entirely if he could not remain there in heavy force. Clinton, who could not send more troops to Cornwallis at that crisis, preferred to retain the posts for future starting-points. Whose policy was the wisest, not looking at tbe issue, is a military problem. Both geuerals bud their friends und defenders. But to complete tho chain of inci dents which finally entangled Corn wallis in the fatal Yorktown meshes, we must cross into the camps of the Americans and their friends tho French. Washington, who with a wretchedly clothed and often but half-fed army bad been sustaining the cause of the Revolution through six anxious years, never felt the embarrassment of bis sit uation more than in tho early part of tho year 17 HI. He could do little to assist the south, and saw no fluttering prospects of achieving anything deci sive in the north. The only ray of hope that Unshed through the clouda was the probability that in the course of tho summer a large French fleet would appear upon the American coast, with whose assistance something might be effected. But even here so many contiugon<H>s were Involved that success still seemed an aggravating un certainty. A campaign, nevertheless, was arranged. On the' 23d of May, Washington met Count de Rocham beau, commanding tho French allies at Newport, in conference at Wethers field, Connecticut, where it was agreed that the French should join the Amer icans on the Hudson, and an attempt bo made to capture New York city. A request was sent later to the Count de Grasse, admiral of tbe expected fleet iu the West Indies, to co-operate by entering the harbor. This was Wash ington's plun, while it would seem that Rochambeau, although yielding to him, had misgivings lb regard to It At the same oonferenoo tho project of marching to Virginia was alluded to, but it was held that that State could bo relieved quite us effectually by at tacking Clinton in tho north, und pre venting him from sending further ro enforeeiuents southward Still, every thing depended upon De Grasse, With out him the year would probably closn with matters continuing in utatu i/uo ; with him a great blow might be struck somewhere, and that sowwhere was now the problem. Although Washing ton had committed himself at the Wethersfiold conference to an attack upon New York, and expected the co oporation of the French admiral, we find, as the summer advanced, and the situation in Virginia changed by tbe retirement of Cornwullis to the sea coast, that he recognized the possibility of a change of plan on his own part, aud this before Do Grasso's final desti nation aqd intentions were known. By the 2d of August ho ha I informed La Fayette of tbe contingency that might take him to Virginia, where they could unite in falling upon Cornwallis; and be had Hounded Mr. Roliert Morris as to transportation from Philadelphia, from which we are to infer—as indeed one of his letters authorizes the infer- once—that even had De Orasse come to New York, Washington was ready to suggest his sailing back to the Ches apeake, while the army would more to the same point. In other words, the march upon Cornwallis, perhaps tbe most splendid episode of the war, was an alternative plan already maturing in Washington's mind before word came from De Grasse that for good reasons he should not sail further north than Virginia De Grasse's announcement that he would be in tbe Chesapeake about the first of September, and that be expect ed to meet the allied army there and not at New York, did not reach Wash ington until August 14. At once the latter turned his entire attention to tbe descent upon Cornwallis. Demonstra tions had been made against New York in July with a serious intent, but now they were conducted as a feint. It was of the greatest importance that Clinton should not suspect the intended march until Washington was well on his way southward. The plan remained a pro found secret with both tho American and French chiefs. The troops were put on the move agaiu toward the city as if for an attack, and when they turn ed about and crossed the Hudson at King's Ferry, late in August, the feint was still kept up on tbe Jersey side for a day or two, when the entire force headed for the Chesapeake. On the 2d of September the American wing, two thousand strong—four thousand having been left to guard tbe Hudson under Heath—marched through Phila delphia, followed the next day by the French contingent, which delighted Congress and the citizens with its in spiring music and brilliant appearance. Here tbe news was received that De Grasse had arrived in the Chesapeake with a powerful fleet, and Washiugton pushed on with the livliest anticipa tions of success. The troops took the straight road to tbe head of the 101 k and Baltimore, and after a short delay embarked in transports for the James. In spite of tbe fatigues of tbe march they were all in good spirits, with hardly a sick man among them, and Beemed to realize the probably decisive results of tho movement they were en gaged in. "We shall soon look in upon Cornwallis as stern as tbe gravo," wrote an officer to a friend in the North, and be only reflected the gen eral expectation. From Baltimore, Washington aud Ilochambeau and their suites rode rapidly overland, stop ping at Mount Vernon on the <Jth and 10th—tbe chiefs first visit to his home for six years—and on the 14th reach ed the camp of La Fayette at Williams bwrg, who had been re-enforced with thrco thousand French troops under St. Simon, brought on by De Grasse. When Clinton, at New York, woke up to the fact that Washington had given him the slip, he saw no other way of meeting the danger to which Cornwal lis would be ex]>onod but by attempt ing to go to his relief by sea. La Fayette's little army at Williams burg, the American part of which had been hovering about aud dodging Corn wallis ever since be entered the State —once, indeed, attacking him at Green Springs, near Jamestown, but without success—received Washington with unbounded enthusiasm. As he ap proached the camps with Kocharobeau, the troops turned out on their parades, a salute of twenty-one guns was fired, and later in tho afternoon the Marquis St. Simon gave a sumptuous entertain ment, at which tbe chiefs and all tbe ofUccrs were present. "To add to the happiness of tbe evening," says one of tbe guests, "an elegant band of music played an introductivo part of a French opera, signifying the happiness of tbe family when blessed with the presence of their father, and their great de|>end ence upon bitn About ten o'clock tbe company rose up, and after mutual congratulations und the greatest ex pression of joy, they separated." In a h-w days tho troops from the north ward arrived in transports from the bead of tbe ChrKa|M)ake, landing near Williamsburg by way of tbe James, and on tbe 27th of September the com bined force was ready to move upon Cornwallis at Yorktown below. The situation thux preaented wax tb« groat surprise of the devolution. It appears as one of the few grand relieving feat ures in an otherwise comparatively tedious war, for here we have a piece of strategy on Washington's part which involved for tbe lirst time exten sive and critical movements, and whose details were carried out with singular precision and success. Clinton is oiiiet ly left in the lurch at New York; Washington boldly marches four hun dred miles away, and suddenly cruah es his famous lieutenant at a point where assistance can not roach him. The (Kisitton at Yorktown, on the bunk of the York River, so formidable in the late war, proved a weak one as Cornwallis was situated. He threw up works around tho place, and occu pied the high ground, nearly half a mile beyond, on the Williamsburg road, then known as "Pigeon Quarter," a name still familiar to old residents of tho [ilace. It was here that Ma gruder's Confederate 'Red'and 'White' redoubts stood in 1802. Cornwallis hail redoubts on the same sites, but their guns pointed in nearly the oppo direction. The works around the town wore protected on the right by a deep ravine, and on the left by the head of Wormeley Creek, which set in from the river below. At tbe mouth of the ravine on the right, und across it, a strong work was thrown up, and gar risoned by a portion of the Royal Welsh Fusl leers. The officer second in command was Captain Thomas Saumauroz, who lived long enough to be promoted to the rank of lieutenant general in the British army on the day of Queen Victoria's coronation. Two other young captains—Charles Asgill, of the Guards, and Samuel Graham, of the Seventy-sixth—also rose to the same grade, The British position was defended by seventy-seven pieces of ar tillery and seven thousand livo hun dred men. General O'llara happened to IMI tho only general officer present, after Cornwallis, and important com mands necessarily fell to Bold and line officers Lieutenant-Colonel Dundas was intrusted with the right of the works, und Liouteuaut-Colonel A tier crombie with the left. On the morning of September 28, Washington and the allied army moved forward from Williamsburg for the investment of Yorktown—a march of eleven miles. That night they encamp ed vitbin a mile and a half of the ene my's position. On the 29th they ap proached still nearer, and some skirm ishing followed. On tbe same day Cornwallis received dispatches from Clinton which decided him to evacuate his outworks at Pigeon Quarter, and retiro within the lines immediately sur rounding the town. This move became tbe subject of criticism. The posses sion of the works in question by the British would have delayed the be siegers, but Cornwallis justified his action by the tenor of his dispatches, which he claimed contained promises from Clinton that relieving forces would sail from New York about the sth of October, and that until their ar rival he could bold out within his in terior position. He claimed, further, that Washiugton, by crossing Worme ly Creek below, would soon turn his ( left, and compel him to fall back. Clin ton, however, seems to have been dis inclined to accept this explanation, and insisted that Cornwallis had represent ed, some weeks before, that the exte rior position had been surveyed, and would be fortified, leaving Clinton to infer that he would hold it as loug as possible. Clinton also explains that his dispatches only held out hopes that a fleet would sail about October 5, re lieving troops not being mentioned. In short, be insinuates that Cornwallis had not done all iu his power to gain time—then the one thing to be gained But whether Coruwallis's reasons were sufficient or not, his move precisely suited tbe Americans and French, who, on the 30th, occupied the abandoned works, and thus found themselves in an unexpectedly favorable position for advancing their siege operations. The French manned two of the redoubts, while the Americans reversed another and built a fourth, which effectually hemmed in the British in the town. The working parties were covered by the American light-infantry, whose loss that day, the 30th, was trifling iu numbers, but serious in the fall of the brave and much-loved Colonel Alexan der Scammell, of New Hampshire. As officer of the day, be advanced with a small party to reconnoitre the deserted works, when ho was suddenly surpris ed by Lieutenant Cameron and some troo|>erß of Tarleton's legion, and mor tally wounded the moment after his surrender. His wounds were dressed in Yorktown. when be was returned on parole to Williamsburg, where he died on the evening of the 6th of October. One of tbe heroes of Saratoga, lately adjutant-general of tho army, a noble and gifted soul, with enviable prospects lieforo him, his fall was hardly less than a public loss. The allied forces now spread out into permanent camps, and prepared for vigorous work. The French ex tended ou the left from tbe river above the town half way around, and the Americans continued tho line along the right to the river below. The camps themselves were some two utiles from the enemy's works, the pickets within half a mile. In rouud numbers there were on both sides ol the river sixteen thousand liesiegers against seven thousand besieged, though in point of effectiveness the tho proportion was more iu favor of the latter. The American wing waa com posed of three divisions of Contiueu tals, two brigades iu each—in all, five thousaud men—and between three and four thousand Virgiuian militia under General Nelson, whose brigadiers were Geuerals Wcedon, Stevens, and Lawson, all good officers. For the division commanders wo have Generals Lin coln, La Fayette, and Steuben. La Fayette's division, which took the right of the entire line, included the select troops of the army known as the corps of light-infantry. General Mublenburg commanded tbe First Brigade, General Hazen tbe Second. Tbe three battalions of tbe First were led by Colonel Vose, of Massachusetts, Lieutenant-Colonel Gimat, aid to La Fayette, and Lieutenan-Colonel Barber, of N'ew Jersey ; those of tho Second by Lieutenant-Colonel Huntington, of Connecticut, Lieutenant-Colonel Alex under Hamilton, of New York, and Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens, of South Carolina, aide to Washington. Bri gaded with those, also, wns lla/.en's old Canadian regiment, some two hundred aud fifty strong. Kxcluding the latter, the light-infantry numbered about fourteen hundred men, nearly all of whom had been detached from tbe New Kngland lines. The Frist Bri gade, which had been with him trough the Virginia campaign, was La Fayette's favorite, and he used to say of it that liner troops could not IMI found the world over. Steuben's division in cluded tbe brigades under Generals Wayne and (41st. In the former were two Pennsylvania mgiinents, com manded by Colonels IMchard Butler and Walter Stewart, and a lately rais ed Virginia Continental regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Gaakins, while two Maryland regiments, under Colonel Adams aud Major Boxburgh, composed Giat's brigade. In Lincoln's division we have the two New York regiments of Van Cortlandt and Van Schaik forming one brigade, under General James Clinton, and Olnov's full Bliodc Island regiment, with Dayton's and Ogdcn's New Jersy bat talions, making up tho remaining bri gade, under Colonel Dayton. On tbe side of the French we find seven regiments, under the names of Bour bonnois,Douxponts, Soissonois, Sain tonge, Ageuois, Touraine, and Gatnois, averaging a thousand men each, anil formed into three brigades, under Baron Vlomeuil, tbe Viscount Vlomenil, and Marquis St. Simon. A fine corpa of artil lery— tbe American detachment lieing under General Knox, Colonel Lamb, Lieutenant-Colonels Stevens and Car rington. aud Major Biiuman—complet ed the force o|s'rating against York town. A point iu the of tho cen tre of the entire lino, half a mile north woat of Wynne'a Mill, and two and a half miles bark from the Yorktown works, was the spot where Washing i ton established his head-quarters. CONFESSION. Guiteau's Movements as Discovered by the Attorney General. WASHINGTON, July 14.—United Stales District Attorney Corkhill furnishes the following for publication: 'The interest felt by the public iu the details of the assassination, and the many stories published, justify me in stating that the following is a cor rect and accurate statement concerning the points to which reference is made: The assassin, Charles Uuiteau, came to Washington City on Sunday eve ning, March 6, 1881, and stopped at the Ebbitt House, remaining only one day. He then secured a room in another part of the city and has board ed and roomed at various places, the full details of which I have. Wednes day, May 18, 1881, the assassin DETERMINED TO MURDER THE PRESIDENT. lie had neither money nor pistol at that time. About the last of May he went into O'Meora's store, on the cor ner of Fifteenth and I streets, this city, and examined some pistols, asking for the largest calibre. He was shown two, similar in calibre and only differ ent in price. On Wednesday, June 8, he purchased the pistol which he used, for which he paid $lO, bo having in the meantime borrowed sls of a gentle man in this city on the plea that he wanted to pay bis board bill. On the same evening, about 7 o'clock, he took the pistol and went to the foot of Seventeenth street aud practiced liring at a board, firing 10 shots. He then re turned to his boarding place aud wiped the pistol dry and wrapped it in his coat aud waited his opportunity. On Sunday morning, Juno 12, he was sitting in Lafayette Park, and saw the President leave for the Chris tian church, on Vermont avenue, and he at once returned to his room, obtain ed his'pistnl and put it in his hip pock et, and followed the President to church. He eutered the church, but found he could not kill him there with out tho danger of killing some one else. He noticed that the President sat near a window. After church he made an examination of the window, and found he could reach it without any trouble, and that from this point be could shoot the President through the head without killing any one else. The following Wednesday be went to the church and examined the loca tion and window, and became satisfied that he could accomplish his purpose, and he determined, therefore, to make the attempt at church on the following Sunday. He learned from the papers that the President would leave the city on Saturday, tho 18th of June, yvith Mrs. Qarfielil, for Long Brauch ; be therefore determined to meet him at tho depot. He left bit boarding place about 5 o'clock on Saturday morning, June 18, and went down to the river at the foot of Seventeenth street, and fired five shots, to practice his aim, and Ije certain his pistol was in good order. He then went to the depot and was in the ladies waiting room of the depot with his pistol ready when tho Presi dental party entered. He saw Mrs. Garfield looked so weak and frail he had not the heart to shoot the President in her presence, and as he kucw he would bavo another opportunity be left the depot. He bad previously engaged a carriage to take liim to jail. On Wednesday evening the Presi dent and his son, and I think United States Marshall Henry, wont out for a ride. Tho assassin took his pistol and followed them, aud watched them for some time in hopes tho carriage would stop, but no opportunity was given. On Friday evening, July 1, he was sitting on a seat in tho Park, opposite the White House, when he saw the President come out alone. He follow ed him down the ayenuo to Fifteenth street, ami then kept on tho opposite side of the street, un Ffteenth, until the President entered tho residence of Secretary Blaine. He waited at the corner of Mr. Morton's late residence, corner of Fifteenth and H streets, for some time and then, as ho was afraid he would attract attention, he went in to an alley in the rear of Mr. Morton's residence. There he examined his pistol and waited. The President and Secretary Blaine came out together and he followed them over to a gate of the White House, but could get no op portunity to use his weapon. On the morning of Saturday, July 2, he break fasted at tho Biggs House about seven o'clock, lie then walked up in to the park and sat there for an hour. He then took a one horse avouuo car and rode to Sixth street, he got out and went into the depot and loitered around there; had his shoes blacked and engaged a hackman for two dollars to take him to jail, lie then went into the water closet and took his pistol out of his hip pocket and unwrap|ied the paper from around it which he had put there fur the purpose of preventing the perspiration from his body dampening the powder, lie examined his pistol carefully, tried the trigger, and then re turned and took a seat iu the ladica' waiting room, and as soon as the Pros!- dent entered he advanced from behind him und fired two shots. These facts I think can lie relied upon as accurate, aud I give them to the public to contradict false rumors in connection with this most atrocious of atrocious crimes.' [(itfu'o Fall*, (N. V.) Timed.) A < nr«l. (JI.RN'S FALLS, N. V., Dec. 14, 'BO. IN. .'/r. I, JV. BT. o*9*l I>KAK Sin. Will you please stute lielow what satisfaction St. Jacobs Oil gives you, which you got of us some time ago, and oblige LEUOKTT & BOSII. Very effective. L. N. ST. ONUC. Peruna should be taken for all skin diseases. The Czar has issued an ini|s<rial ukase commuting the sentence of death passed on Hessy llclfiuan, one of those impliealcd in the assassination of Alexander 11. 4iad an almost invisible skin disease, itching intolerable. I'eruna cured it. 11. Ambil, Pittsburgh. ADVERTISING RATES, On* square, OM insertion, 91; each tabM quent insertion, 10 cent*. Yearly advertisement exceeding one-fourth of • column, 96 per inch Piguae work doable these rate*; »d<fctien» charge* where weekly or monthly change* an made. Local advertisement* 10 oent* per Una for first insertion, and 5 cents per line for each additional insertion. Marriage* cad death* pub lished free of etas rye. Ohituwy notke* thai gad as advertisement*, and payable when banded in Auditors' Notice*, #4: Executors' and **<«»»'»»j trators' Notice*, 93 each; Eatray, Caation an* Dissolution Notice*, not exceeding tea line*, Prom the fact that the Cmrex to the oldes* established and most extensive ly circulated lie publican newspaper in ButlerAounty. (a Kepufc liean county) it must be apparent to business men that It to the medium th«y should use la advertising their bnsinea*. NO. 35 A ROMANTIC STORY. Col. Albert G. Pelton, whose beauti ful 20,000 acre ranch is out toward the Rio Grande, near Laredo, has been the Peter the Hermit of the Texans for years. He came to Texa9 in 1844, a common soldier. By talent and cour age be rose to the rank of Colonel, and finally, in 1856, commanded Fort Macrae That year he fell in lore with a beautiful Spanish girl at Albe quiu, New Mexico. Tbo admiration of the young people was mutual, and parental objections only intensified the affection of the lovers Fnally, alter two years of entreaty and devotion, Col. Pelton won the consent of the purents of the beautiful Spanish girl and they were married. One day the two, accompanied by the young wife's mother and twenty soldiers, rode out to the hot springs, six miles from the fort, to take a bath While in the bath, which is near the Rio Grande, an Indian arrow passed over their heads. Then a shower of arrows fell around them, and a band of wild Apache Indians rushed down upon them, whooping and yelling like a baud of demons. Several of the soldiers fell dead, pierced with poisoned arrows. This frightened the rest, who fled. Another shower of arrowrs, and the beautiful bride and her mother dropped into the water, pierced by the cruel of the Apaches. With his wife dying before his eyes, Col. Pelton dashed up the banks, grasping bis rifle, and killed the leader of the savage fiends. But the Apaches were too much for the Colonel. Pierced with two poisoned ar rows, he swam the river and hid under an overhanging rock. After the sava ges had left, the Colonel swam the river and made his way back to Fort Macrae. Here his wounds were dron ed, and bo finally recovered, but only to live a blasted life—without love, without hope—with a vision of his beautiful wife, pierced with poisoned arrows, lying perpetually before his eyes. After the loss of his wife a change came over Col. Pelton. He seemed to think that he had a sacred mission from heaven to avenge her death. He secured the most unerring rifles, sur rounded himself with brave companions, and consecrated himself to tbo work of revenge. He was alwavs anxious to lead any and all expeditions against the Apaches. Wbenevor any of the other Indians wore at war with the Apaches. Col. Pelton would HOOB be at the bead of the former. One day he would be at the head of his own soldiers and the next day be would be at the bead of a baud of Mexicans. He defied Indian arrows and courted death. Once, with a baud of the wild' est desperadoes, he penetrated a hundred miles into the Apache country. The Apaches never dreamed that any thing but an ontire regiment would dare to follow them to their camp in the mountains. So when Col. Pelton swoo]>ed down into their camp with ten trusty followers, firing their Henry rifles at the rate of twenty times a min ute, the Apaches fled in cousternation, leaving their women and children be hind. It was then that there darted out of a loge a white woman. 'Spare the women !' she cried, and then she fainted and fell to the ground. When the Colonel jumped from the saddle to lift up the woman be found she was blind. 'How came you here, woman, with these Apaches!" be asked. 'I wan wounded and captured,' abe Httid, 'ten years ago. Take, ob, take IIH> buck again !' 'Have you any relatives In Textsf* asked tbe Colonel. 'No. My father lives in Albequln. My busband, Col. I'elton, and my mother were killed by tbe ludiana.' 'Great God, Bella! is It you—injr wife ?' 'Ob, Albert! I know you would come,' exclaimed tbo poor wife, blindly reaching ber bands to clasp ber bus hand. When I saw tbo Colonel le waa rending a newspaper to his blind wife, while in her hand she held a boquet of fragrant jessamines wbicb ho bad gath ered. A LITERARY TiI UNDER' A review of the revision of tbo New Testament written from the point of view of general approval, is printed in iho Evening I'out to-day. Without going over tbe ground of that review, and without giving any opinion upon substantial differences between tbe old ami new versions, wo may direct at tention to what seeniH to be a literary blunder on tbe part of tbe revlaera—• blunder which ia HO grave as to be well nigh incredible, and .which 1b likely to rob the labor of the learned committee men on either side of the Atlantic of ft great part of Its value by hindering, if not absolutely preventing tbe genoral acceptance of its rei-ults. If some ingenious peraon should pro pare an edition of the works of Mhakea* |>earc with all the old-fashioned worda struck out and modern wordM put in their place*, and with the quaint forma of s|»oecb carefully corrected so as to make smooth, atraight, everyday sentences, be would have hia labor for his pains. Nobody would acccept hia new version. If his work was notlce ed at all, its author would lie sharply rebuked as an officious meddler. It would bo taid very justly that we want tbe old-fashioned words and tbe quaint forms; that they are the very charact eristics which have made the worda familiar ; that the plays translated into contemporaneous Knglish would seem like strangers to us; that we find littl* difficulty in interpreting the obaoletft words, and thut If we did the interpre tation should Ite embodied in notes and commentaries and the pure text aavod. It is safe to say that the readers of the Knglish Bible are at least at con servative of its literary features aa the readers of Hhnkesjsmre are of tbe fa miliar characteristics of bis worka. At least as many passages from the Bible aa from the plays have become rooted and grounded in the nopular memory. Tbe former ia a storehouse of Knglish aa well as the latter. For all derangementa of tbe Urinary Organs wear a l>ay Kidney I'ad.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers