SUBSCRIPTION RATES: I'or year, in advance 50 Otlierwieo 2 00 No subscription will bo discontinued until all arrearage* are paid, l'oet master* neglecting to notity tjh when nuliHcribera do i.ot take out their papers will be held liable for the subscription. Subscribers removing from one postotfice to another tdionld give us the name of the former as well as the present office. All communication* intended for publication n this paper umst be accompanied by the real name of the writer, not for publication, but as a giiai antee of good faith. Marriage and death notices must be accompa nied by a responsible name. A iress BtfTI.BR CITIZKX, BUTLER. FA. I TRAVELERS' GUIDE. UTLEK. KAKXS CITY AND PARKEK RAILROAD j rains le.ive Butler for SI. Joe, Millerstown, Karti- < "Itv. Petr:«iw, Parker, etc., at 7.27 a. ui, : .:.t 2.25 and 7.?5 p. in. I rni::.- arrive :it Butler from the above named points at 7..7 a. m.. ana 2.15, an>l 7.15 jv m The 2.15 Main connects with ir.iin on the West Pcnn ro-id 'hmuuli to Pitts'iur^li. -UENANGO \SD \:.I.EGiI!-MT RAIt.HOAD. Trains leave llllliard'- Mill, Bnlier conuty, tor H: ri.-ville, Grei-nvllle, etc., at 7.53 a. m. ""Tra!) ' arrive at Hilli.ud't. Mills at 1:45 A. M., " Hrcts from Petrolin, Mr.rthisbnrsr. Fait view, Modoc and Tiontman, connect ut liil laid \v:: 11 a'l tnlns on the sJ xl7(s. All necessary outbuildings. TERMS— Ore- - bird cash and balance in four annual payments, inquire at this otlice. j.ni-Ut For feale. The well-improved farm of Rev. W. R Hutch ih .n.in the northeat-t comer of Middlesex town ship, Butler count v. Pa , is now offered for sale, low Inquire of WK. FRI3BEE, on the prem iss. aplCtf FOR SALE. •?." wl.l buy a one-half interest in a tood bus inv-.s in Pittr-Minrh. Otic who knows somcj thiiijr alcut farniimr preterred. An honest man witli the above ar'ount « il| do well to address I v letter. SMITH JOHNS, care 8. M Jr.mes, i»3 I iberty str et, Pitt liurirh. Pa |au27-ly insurance? liirorp«»rat«* — HECK & PATTERSON'S | ! SEW CARPET ROOM i V ' JSTOW OPEN! One Dcop South of their Clothing House, 5 —* 1 " ; Hlock, se P t2C-tf Bntler, Pa. X i"s(TO?I HIV iS.LVK i SITXO r IO IIP fi ~ C- Vr ' a 11 If I bJife WtS " A PURELY VEGETABLE REMEDY i ' 1 tor Internal and Exterrsl Use, jf —%. v. Ij a SURE CL'flE fcr all !ao Disc-:c: for which It is recommendeJ, j£ x , \\ and is ALWAYS PERFECTLY SAFE la the hands of yT ( \ c/ia l!io nrct inexperienced persons. fS, U'.\ It b a SKrc < J; ick i einecTy for COICHS, SOKE , > . T f, • TOiriOAT, (.'£111.1.:-.. and liiidltr troutiles: affords initant relirf I \iy 'ltt' - • '*• ! W*t MaUgnv ■ J- < c.t Kit itTKEIUA, sad is the Dot • " \ !.,.««■: IT, civ . ! VfATIS.II Hill NEIU.U.GIA. ' | M THE CLCZST, DSST, AHO KKT WIDELY KNOWN m I M FA&IiLY IN THE WORLD. i',' ] sfea /V , It has fccf n t:sed \*it:i snc h wcndcrful saccess <» «« dl§3 |(£\ U i&X par: nf ■>■< «o,U 1 r CItA. JP-S, 1 iMSI.UKA, DIAUUHCKA, *4 j»9 \-y ,\ Ejr i IJVSJ'NTERV, sr ! c'.. V.OWVh C'OMPLAINTSi that u u ™j 3S tj »».' , | r.,„tide. iil a.l i ■ U1.3 rre for i.V-«e ditccM. Ll li M 1 HAS STOOD THE TF.ST OF 40 YEARS' CONSTANT I / fen § USE Hi ALL COUNTRIES AND CLIMATES. *4 IS I K 4''' It is KECOMHKMJKfJ t»y Pbytrieliuis, Mlwikmarfcm p'l iJ t : i'M nini- jenn .llrcatew ol" Plantntions, Work-gl:opa, end SB' SM \i? 'I '2f.-.w FCIISITUEE, NEW MANAOE HENT. janls-ly ■J-IIE SBHRE IP-ICR HOUSE. L. NICKLAS. Prop'., MAIN STREET, BUTLER, PA. Having taken poses-sion of the above well known Hotel, and it being furnished in the best of style for tlx- uccomodation of guests, the public are respectfully invited to give me a call. I have also possesion of the barn in roar of hotel, which fnn.i.l.es excellent stabling, ac comodations for u.v patrons. L. NICKLAS. JAMES J. CAMPBELL, ji' Office in Fairvkvr borough, in Telegraph Oiilce. janls] BALDWIN P. 0.. Butler Co., Pa. FJBRBIB ARMOIt, Justice of tlxe I^eace, Main street, opposile Postoffice, jlylti ZELIENOI'LE, PA. Union Woolen Mills. I would desire io rail tho attention of the public to tho Union Woolen Mill, Butler, PP., where I have new c::d improved machinery for the manufacture of Barred and Grny Flannels, Knitting an J Weaving Yarns, and I can recommend them as being very dura ble, as they are mnnnfietured of pure Butler county wool. Tlify r-.ro beautiful in color, su perior in texture, and will be sold at very low prices. For sample, and prices address. H. FULLEBTON, jiil94.'7«-ITI 1 Sutler, Pa HTS pf 7T 13 siops, 3 set Reeds, 2 Knee Swells. Ktool, Book, only $87.50. 8 Stop Organ. Stool, Book, only $53.75. Piano*, Stool, Cover. Book, -Si 90 to •t255. Illus trated catalogue fr-. a. Address apH-8m W. C. 1 I'NNEIX, Lewistown, Pa. Ariiiiiirtaf!'«(or's Xolicr. Letters of administrator having been granted to the undersigned on the estate of George Vogan, dee'd, late of Worth township, Butler county, Pa., notice is hereby given to all those knowing themselves indebted to said estate, that immediate payment is required, and those having claimsagiiinsl the same to present them dulv authenticated for pavment. A DAM PISOR, Adm'r. sep29-6t Jacksville I*. 0., liutler, I'a. The most complete institution in tlie United States for the thorough practical education of young and middle aged men. Students admit ted at any time. <-•- For Circulars giving full particulars, address J. C. SMITH, A. M., sep27:3m Pittsburgh v.'j j) A WKI'.K. 412 a day at home easily made V " fosttv Outfit free. Addrest" Turr. A Co. | Augusta, Maine. dec3-ly BUTLER, PA., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 20, IHBO GEN. R. li. it COMB. Thr Great Pennsylvania Greenbacker becomes a Republican, and in the following letter gives b is reasons fot supporting Garfield. NEW CASTLE, PA., Sept 27, 1880.— Among the acquisitions to the Repub licans ranks in Pennsylvania this fall, there arc not many men of wider repu tation that General 11. B. McComb, of this city, who has up to this time lent his influence to the Greenbackers, and was at one time the Congressional can didate of that party in this district. General McComb is one of the leading members of the bar in this county, and has very many friends among the work ing men here and all over the State. Following is the full text of a letter written by him, passing the Republi can and Democratic parties in review, and showing why he deems it wise to act this fall with the Republicans. The letter was a private one to Rev. C. H. Close of Beaver county, * Greenback candidate for Congress, in this district, but we have the author's consent to its publication. NEW CASTLE, PA., Sept. 15, 1880. MY DEAR SIR: I intended writing to you several weeks since, and frankly state my views in relation to the pres ent political canvass, but have delayed simply because I did not want to in terfere in any way with the plans or discourage the hopes of our friends in the National Greenback Labor party. 1 have in no way changed my convic tions on the questions of the currency and protection, but I have abandoned all idea that anything can be accomp lished by means of a third party or ganization. The truth is, no party competing for the control of the Gov ernment can be maintained and suc ceed having but a single idea. The government of a Nation comprehends too many questions of policy to toler ate an administration riding a hobby or a brace of hobbies. Public opinion di vides on other questions, and, although a large majority of the people may be lieve just as we do on the questions of the currency, yet but very few would be willing to subordinate all other questions to this one, and it is unrea sonable to ask or expect it. We are not now, as we were a few years ago, when the demonetization of silver and the enforced resumption of specie payments were threatening our industries and our commerce with ruin. That storm has passed, aud*our industries are again on the full tide of prosperity, owiug, I admit, to the in fluence of the greenback party acting as breakers to the car that was so swiftly carrying the business and industry of of the country to ruin. The advocates of the greenback currency unquestion ably put a stop to the further destruc tion of this kind of money, and the same influence caused the remonetiza tiou and increased coinage of silver. To these measures more than to all others is the country indebted for the revival of trade and our present pros perity. But our business is with the future. The whole fabric of a Republican State rests upon the independence and intelligence of its producing classes. The policy and measures of a party should be to protect and promote the living power of the nation ; that is the productive industry, and the virtue, in telligence and independence of the pro ducing class. To insure aad main tain such policy and measure the pro ducer must be protected from being brought into competition with enforced or slave labor. By the abolition of sla very in this country the whole produc ing class was made to occupy the same plane. With slavery, free labor was, by the force of competition, more or less degraded and dragged down to the condition of the slaves. The same thing is true of labor in despotic governments. The whole ten dency of imperial power is to degrade labor, and this fact is in full view wherever despotism rules. To make our own industries independent of this competition with the uebased labor of despotic countries, we require a pro tective tariff. Our productive labor has a right to this protection. The mechanics, operatives and laborers of the United States occupy a higher plane, both socially and intellectually, than in any other country on earth. With us tire workingnian is the gov erning power. In war he is our strength, in peace our wealth, and no good citizen will approve measures which, from their nature, must reduce, him to the low, ignorant and degraded element that supports and maintains the despotisms of other countries. It was perfectly natural for the defenders of slavery to advocate free trade, but most inconsistant in the friend of free labor. The present political contest is be tween two great political forces—the one progressive and the other tradition ally retrogressive. The Republican party came into existence as an antag onistic force, resisting the policy of the Democratic party on the question of slavery. The Democratic party by taking into its keeping the institution of slavery made-Tree labor an opposing element in politics. Slavery demand ed concessions from the free States. Free labor demanded the abolition of slavery. Slavery demanded free trade. Free labor demanded protection. Here was the gulf which divided the two great principles upon which the two parties—the Democratic and Republi can—were built, and it was the most natural thing that all whose instincts or convictions were foreign to a gov ernment of equal rights should ally themselves to the Democratic party, and that the workingmen of the coun try should become Republicans. In the interest of slavery, the Demo cratic party struck down the protective tariff of 1824. It defeated John Quin cy Adams' bill for protection in 1832; it treacherously destroyed the tariff of 1842, and ever since has opposed any measure intended for the protection of American labor. In obedience to the same master, the Democratic party un dertook to extend the area of slavery. It maintained the right of the slave holder to bring and hold his slaves in tree States. It enacted the Fugitive Slave law. It gives us the Dred Scott decision, which stripped the negro of every vestagc of his manhood, and made him a thing, with no rights a white man was bound to respect. It closed the mails against religious and political books and papers containing the teachings of Jefferson and defending the Declaration of Independenee. In opposition to all this, free labor organ ized the Republican party, and unfurl ed its banner with the inscr ption, "Free Labor; Free Men, and a Free Ballot." Around this standard, the great productive power—the working men of the Nation—rallied, and the Government was transferred from the hands of the Democrats to the hands of the people. Against this change the slaves States rebelled, and our civil war followed. At the beginning of this war the Democratic party made itself an immense breastwork over which the Union armies had to force their way. Almost every measure pro posed for carrying on the war was op posed by the Democratic party. It op posed a draft for soldiers to fill the ar my. In fact, it claimed that the Gov ernment had no constitutional power to coerce the seceding States and com pel obedience to the authority of the Federal Government. Even when the enemy was in the agonies of the death struggle the Democratic party met in convention at Chicago, and in the most and deliberate manner, resolved that the war was a failure, and called upon the Government to withdraw and dis band its armies. Thus it would have buried the American flag, the blood of our heroes and the glory of their achievements in ignomy and disgrace. The Republican party naturally at tached the friends of a protective-tariff. It naturally gathered in the intelligent workingmen throughout the country, and from the fact it overcome the her esies of the Democracy, it ought to be the instrument through or by which the reforms we seek may be worked ont. To it alone is the country indebted for the abolition of slavery ; to it alone are we indebted for the restoration of the Union ; and the perpetuity of our sys tem of government depends altogether upon the intelligence, independence and virtue of the producing classes. These classes naturally adhere to the Republican party—or rather the party itself is the organized agent of the pro ductive power of this country. To the workingmen the Democratic party promises nothing. Its antece dents and its traditions make it impos sible for the friends of equal rights, of progress and of reform to look to it as an agent for good. Another element, perhaps more dan gerous than any other to the future harmony and prosperity of thiscountry, is the Democratic theory of States' rights. Bv subordinating the supreme power of the Confederation to the sov ereignty of individual States the couu try would be continually menaced with sectional disputes and intestine strifes, with no arbiter having power to control sectional interests, prejudices or ha treds. We want a Government capa ble of harmonizing the institutions af fecting industry, commerce and educa tion, so that the people may be one in interest with equal chances for special position, wealth and power. With the candidates I have nothing to do. The one elected will obey the commands of his party. We want peace, and measures that build up our industries and promote our commerce. Intelligence, wealth and prosperity will follow. The party that abolished slavery, that has given us what we have of protection, that created the greenback currency and furnished the members of the Supreme Court that pronounced it constitutional, that main tains equal rights and impartial justice is the party into whose hands the des tinies of this great Nation may be con fided. At least I would rather trust it than the party that has heretofore antagonized all these great measures. Very trulv yours, R. B. MCCOMB. JUDGE AO NEW ON THE CUR RENCY. The following is that portion of Judge Agnew's late address in Pittsburgh that relates to our currency and bauk ing system. As with everything else from him, it is stated with such clearness that all can understand the argument used: A SOUND CURRENCY. "The next great measure of the Republican policy is the establishment of a sound money system. The nation is an aggregation of individuals, each moved by his own interest. Being protected in his business bv wise leg islation, according to the Republican doctrine, the government owes him stil! another duty—it must provide him with a medium of exchange good everywhere; to enable him to dispose of the products of his industry in his best market, be it near or remote. This medium is money of equal value throughout the nation. To be of equal value and current everywhere money must have eithe** intrinsic or an undoubted representative value. Coin, like any other product requiring labor to produce anil fashion it, has an intrinsic value equal to its cost. But paper which represents money has no value except in the ability and dis position of the party issuing it to pay it in coin or other true value. Unless it have this undoubted representative value to raise it above suspicion indi vidual interest will reject it. Men will not sell their labor or products without an equivalent, and without individuals or bodies of individuals to use money it can have no value either as paper or coin. Thus the inexorable law of the use of money lies in the confidence of individuals, and the moment this con fidence is gone its currency cases. These are practical truths not to be gainsaid, for they lie in the experience of every man, who knows he will not part with his property or labor with out an equivalent, and consequently he will not sell them for any susjieeted form of currency. Now what affects one affects all, and a suspected or doubted form of currency must fall, whether it be old continental, modern wild cat, or shinplasters or French I Assignats. If therefore a nation issues paper money it cannot redeem from a want of ability, or repudiates, or authorizes institutions to issue, such i men will reject it, and theories cannot save it, for practical individual interest shrinks from what it cannot use—the instincts and practices of men confound all ideas running counter to them. The coin of this country has never been sufficient for the business to say nothing of its inconvenience and risk of its transfer between distant places. Representative money has always ex isted. Now the practical qu -stioa for every voter at the next election is, what party has given to the people, and will contiuue to give them, a sound currency, equal in value to coin, current everywhere; enabling even citizen to reach his best market near or remote; and to bring home the pro ceeds of business without loss, or the fear of it. THE BANKING SYSTEM Here again we must attend to lessons of the past, for it is only by them we can foretell the future. Fifty years ago the only representative money was the notes of the state banks and the Bank of the United States. The former were limited in their circula tion to the narrow areas of their credit —that is where they were known, and were subject to frequent depreciation and even total loss. But the Bank of the United States being created as a government fiscal agent to receive, transmit and pay out the public moneys, and its issues being founded on an actual cash capital, its votes were current everywhere. They were then the only representative na tional currency. The Democratic party broke down this only form of a national issue, and transferred the public moneys to the state banks in 1833. Now, whether the refusal to charter the Bank of the United States was right or wrong, is not my point. Men may think which way they please. My point is this, that that party gave the people no other form of national currency. They left men Whose mar ket was distant no currency they could bring home and use in their business. The consequence of this Democratic dereliction is well known. The state banks, overflowing with large public deposits, used them by issuing their own notes. Then came, first inflation, next s]>eculation,' then embarrassment, and finally the sus pension and innumerable broken banks in 1837. The next Democratic measure was to provide for keeping the public moneys in the vaults of the govern ment—its sub-treasuries. In itself this was not objectionable, but no provision was made for the people, and they were left without any national cur rency good at all points. It was the old thing, every man for himself, and the devil take the hindmost. When the country began to recover under the protective tariff of 1842, and the state banks began to rise again, wild cat and local issues inundated the country, without a regulating hand or controlling power. The natural consequences followed, and again came inflation and specula tion and the explosion of 1857. So much for the Democratic mode of taking care of the people. In 1861 a change came. The Re pub' ican party took the reins of gov ernment, but found itself confronted by secession and a south in arms. War followed, and its consequent destruc tion, loss, and tremendous debt. But the Republican party was equal to the crisis. It deiended the Union, waged a successful war against rebellion, and gave to the people two forms of national currency, which, while they afforded the means to preserve the Union, supplied a want the Democratic party had never filled. These two forms—government notes and the notes of national banks based on the na tional credit—now constitute a cur rency so sound that they prevail every where without suspicion or doubt, givingthc people representative money, good in every state in the Union ; and now under careful Republican manage ment equal in value to gold or silver coin. Being above doubt they are accepted by individuals everywhere as a true equivalent of their property or labor. The real value and national character of these forms of general currency are proved by their constant appreciation in the face of over pro duction, final suspension in 1873 and bankruptcy among the people, brought on as the consequences of the war. There is not a spot on this broad land where this national representative money is not equal to coin, and is not accepted by men of all persuasions, in dustries, and parties. Even the Democrat uses it without doubt or suspicion." THE HISTORY OF TARIFF LEGISLATION IN THIS COUNTRY. In 1824, during the Presidency of James Monroe, was enacted the high est protective tariff that had been adopt ed before that time. Under its influ ence manufacturing establishmentswere erected all through Xew England, New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Maryland. In 1828, during the Presidency of John Quincy Adams, the tariff was in creased, giving further protection to the manufacture of home-made goods, and under it the mills and shops flourished still faster. In 1832, during the Presidency of Andrew Jackson, South Carolina, un der the lead of John C. Calhoun, passed an act nullifying the law of Congress requiring duties to be collected. In other words, passing a law forbidding any customs officials from collecting duties at the port of Charleston. In order to prevent the government of the United States from collecting those du ties, the State militia men were ordered to drill and hold themselves in readi ness for that purpose In this rebell ious movement South Carolina had the sympathy of all the South. Jackson however, was lovalfaiid he concentra ted troops at Charleston for the purpose of enforcing the collection of the tariff duties. He also declared that in case of blood being ehcd, he would hang | Calhoun. Henry Clay, who was then in the Senate, fearing a civil war, and lieing withal a Southern man, introdu ced his compromise tariff hill, by which the duties were to be gradually reduced down to a mere revenue standard, the time occupied in this sliding scale being five years. The compromise hill was accepted by South Carolina and civil war was post poned till it broke out in 1861. Un der this compromise tariff bill the panic of 1837 occurred, closing all our mills and shops and throwing a great portion of the working classes out of employ ment. causing an immense amount of misery. This terrible state of depres sion lasted until 1842. In the meantime the people rose and hurled the Demo crats from power and elected William Henry Harrison President, in place of -Martin Van Buren, free-trader, who had been President front 1837 to IS 11 This resulted in the protective tariff of being enacted. Under i's oi>eration thousands of mills ami shops sprung into existence, and the country was on the road to prosperity. In 1844 the Democrats succeeded in elect ing James K. Polk, a free-trader, Pres ident, which resulted in the free trade or low revenue tariff of 1846 being en acted. This resulted in over 200 mills, furnaces and glass manufactories being closed and 40,000 men thrown out of workiu the State of Pennsylvania alone. The suffering caused by this low tariff was enormous, The country struggled on, and the manufacturers were com pelled to reduce wages to the lowest point kuown previously, in order to compete with the cheap pauper made goods of Europe. In 1857 the Demo cratic Congress insanely reduced the duties to a still lower rate, which cul minated the panic of 1857, and times were as hard as they possible could be. Mr. Howell Cobb was then Secretary of the Treasury under President Bu chanan. Under the operation of this last tariff our gold flowed to Europe, and people were so poor that they could not afford to buy their usual supply of dry goods, and in spite of the lowness of the tariff, the demand for goods was reduced, imports fell off, and the con sequence was a falling off Jin the reve nue. Mr. Cobb in his report hoped there would soon be an increased flow of goods from Europe, the duties on which, low as they were, wouldeuable the government to pay expenses. But he was disappointed. The revenue fell eff, and down to the breaking out of the civil war. Mr. Buchanan had to borrow money, paying as high as 12 per cent, interest in order to obtain means to pay the expense of running the Government. From this it can be seen how the free-trade tariff of 1857 cut both ways. It drained the country of its gold, closed our shops and mills, or reduced wages down to a starvation point, and the people became too poor to buy more than one-half their usual supply of goods, and even imports fell off, jesulting in the Government becoming poor for want of sufficient revenue from the low duties it h;.d im posed. After the war when the Republicans were in control, the tariff of 1861 was passed. Immediately manufactures took a tremendous start, and all will remember the prosperous era and good wages commencing in 1861 and lasting till 1873, when the panic of that year occurred. The war of the Democratic rebellion created the necessity of an ir redeemable paper currency. It fell in value as compared with gold. Goods went up in paper value, and after goods and labor were 'up to the high point they reachedj it was difficult to get them down to gold value, The resumption bill was passed. It was a necesary evil in order to reach the plane of the world's standard of value, which is gold and silver. Because resumption was a Republi can measure, the Democrats opposed it, prophesying all manuer of revulsions, calamities anil ruins growing out of a return to specie payment. Business men and capitalists were timid and be earned nlarined, and they all pulled in their sails and salted down their mon ey, waiting for resumption to take place. This all resulted in trade and manufac tures becoming dull. People economi zed and did not purchase more than two-thirds of their usual supply. This produced a stagnation of business and manufacture, and mills run on half time or were closed, and thousands of men were thrown out of employment. As soon as resumption became an accom plished fact, twenty-one months ago; and our paper money became as good as gold; then business took a start, wa ges began to increase, and now we are as prosperous as we ever have been, the lying predictions of the leaders of the Democracy to the contrary notwith standing. Under our protective tarilF with resumption accomplished, and with good hard money and the best currency our country ever had, there is now no danger of any more hard times unless the Democrats should elect Hancock and inaugurate a low wages revenue tariff. In that case, we shall have to go through another period of depression and misery, for Europe will do our manufacturing for us, and our mills and shops will close and millions of our sous of industry will be thrown out of employment. The salvation and prosperity of our country demands that the present tariff be left untouched. To abolish it and subsitute for it a low wages revenue tar iff means deprivation and suffering for our working and all other classes throughout the North Therefore our only safety is to elect Garfield and a Republican Congress.— C'ler. Leader. PRESERVING EGGS. —A reader asks how eggs may be preserved when han dled in considerable quantities. The following method was indorsed by the National Butter, Cheese and E ceijts per line for each additional insertion. Msiria P -et- and deaths pub lished free of charge. Obituary i otices chaigcd a« adverti.-enietite. aad payable when handed in Auditors' Nonces. $4 : Executors' and Adminis t rat ore' Notices. 93 each; Rattray. Caution ai.6 Dissolution Notices, not exceeding ten lines, each. From the fact that the CITIZF.X is tlieoldis' established and most extensively circulated Re publican newspaper in Butler county, (a liepub lican county) it mast be apparent to bushiest, men that it is the medium they should use in advertising their business. NO. 41 | and sweet, free from all vegetable or : decomposed matter. Slake the lime with a portion of the water, then add the balance of the wa | ter and the salt. Stir well three or | four times at intervals, and then let it stand until settled and cold. Either dip or draw off the clear pickle into the cask or vat in which it is intended to preserve the eggs. When the cask or vat is filled to a depth of 17 inches, be gin to put in the eggs, and wheu they lie, say about one foot deep, spread around over them some pickle that is a little milky, made so by stirring up some of the very light linte particles that settle last, and continue doing this as each foot of eggs is added. The ob ject of this is to have the fine liine par ticles drawn into the pores of the shells, as they will be bv a kind of inductive process, and thereby completely seal eggs. Care should be taken not to get too much of the lime in, that is, not enough to settle and stick to the shells of the eggs and render them difficult to clean when taken out. I believe that the chief cause of thin, watery whites in limed eggs is that they are not prop erly sealed in the manner described. Of course, another cause is the putting into the pickle old, stale eggs, that have thin, watery whites. When the eggs are withiu about four inches of the top of the cask or vat, cover them with factory cloth, and spread on two or three inches of the lime that settles i;t making the pickle, and it is of the ut most importance that the pickle be kept continually up over this lime. A thin basiu (holding about six or eight dozen eggs), pnnched quite full of inch holes, edge muffied with leather, and a suita ble handle about three feet long attach ed, will be found convenient for put ting the eggs into the pickle. Fill the basin with eggs, put both under the pickle and turn the eggs out; they will go to the bottom without breaking. When the time comes to market the eggs they must be taken out of the pickle, cleaned, dried and packed. To clean them procure half a molasses hogshead, or something like it, filling the same about half full of water. Have a considerable number of crates of the right size (to hold twenty or twenty five dozen eggs), made of laths or other slats, placed about three-quarters of an in"h apart. Sink one of these in the half hogshead ; take the basin used to put the eggs into the pickle; dip the eggs by raising it up and down in the water, and, if, necessary to properly clean them, set the crate up and douse water over the eggs; then, if any are found when packing that lime has not been fully removed from, they should be laid out and all the lime cleaned off before packing. When the eggs are carefully washed, as before described, they can be set up or out in a suitable place to dry, in crates. They should dry quickly, and be packed as soon as dry. Iu packing the same rules should be observed as in packing fresh eggs. Vats built in a cellar, around the walls with about half their depth below the surface, about four or five feet deep, six feet long and four feet wide, are usual ly considered the best for preserving eggs in, although many use and prefer large tubs made of wood. The place in which the vats are built or the tubs set, should be cleau and sweet, free front all bad odors, and where a steady low temperature can be maintained—the lower the better, that is, down to any point above freezing. Beside the foregoing other methods for preserving eggs have been devised, such as varnishing, greasing, oiling and rolling in flour; but these methods will only answer in a small way, for an in dividual's private use, it being nearly or quite as much as the eggs are worth to put them in merchantable shape ; in fact, it is nearly impossible to do so, as the shells will never look uniformly clean. Several processes /have been pateuted and sold to a considerable ex tent, but the old liming process un doubtedly stands ahead up to the pres ent time.— Country Gentleman. COMMON SENSE IN ADVER TISING. A model advertisment is designed to satisfy the rational demand of a probably customer to know what you have got to sell. The successful ad vertiser, therefore, observes three rules: First, lie aims to furnish the informa tion which the public wants ; second, he aims to reach that path of the pub lic whose wants he is prepared to sat isfy ; and third, he endeavors to make his information as easy of acquisition by the public as possible. The commonest and handiest thing in the American family is the news paper, and as nearly all shopping pro ceeds from the family, from its needs, its intelligence, its tastes, its fashions, it follows that the thoughtful and suc cessful advertiser approaches the fami ly by this means. lie does not waste his money and his time in loading his advertising gun and shooting it off sky ward in the streets, at all creation, on t e chance that some willing customer may be going that way, and may bo brought down; QU the contrary, ho takes account of the advertising am munition which he has on hand, and loads and points his gun through tho col urn s of seme reputable newspaper at the game he wants to hit. Besides, knowing that newspapers are the best means of advertising and now to pick out the best newspapers for his purpose, the successful adver tiser fully appreciates the importance of persistent advertising. Mr. Bryant used to say that the great influence of the press depends for one thing upon its power of iteration. Presenting tho same subject in many forms, it finally wins attention and acquicscacc. Used in this thorough and systematic way, the advertising columns of the news papers are as useful and essential to the merchant, as means of telling tho public what he has to sell, as the clerks behind the counter are to show his goods when the people come to exam ine them.— New York• Evening Post. A young man married a deaf and dumb girl, but soon afterward she re covered both speech and hearing, and he has applied fur a divorce, lie says it is an outrageous d d d o d swindle.