imy I Safe' EK , JlSftJW LISL MLS-P' ffi . B3 , SLB.. 2.
The whole aiit ok Government consists in the art of being honest. Jefferson.
VOL
STRO UDSBURGj MONROE COUNTY, PA, THURSDAY, JULY 16, 184G.
No. 5.
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?J;rJ?" '
JUSTICES, LEGAL AND OTHER
PAMPHLETS, &c.
Trintcd with neatnessand despatch. on rea.-onablcteims
AT THE OFFICE OF THE
.Tcffcrsoiiiau Republican.
Speech of Hon. Andrew Stewart,
OF PENNSYLVANIA,
In defence of the Protective Policy.
DcHorol in the House of Representatives of the UVS., May
27. 16-10.
( Concluded.)
Mr. Holmes, ol b. L., put a question io iir
Stewart, whether all this was not done by tax-
ing the South for the benefit of New England? ;
J he gentleman asked whether ail this oene-
ii i t i
fit did not grow out of a tax upon the tsonth .' !
Mr. Jb. would answer the gentleman ; u these
factories were built by Government, then this
might, to some extent, be true. But they were
built, not by Government, but by individual en
terprise; and what sort of a tax was it upon the
South to give them better goods for one-fourth
the price lhey formerly paid ? Mr. S. said he
was very sorry that his excellent friend from S
Carolina should feel such deep regret at the
prosperity of New England. If he ihought that
New England was getting rich upon manufac
tures, he would advise htm to go home and do
hkcwisr; to follow the example, and grow rich
aiso. l ue genneman sru inai ine planters oi
i " i i i - . i t r
the South
Were Working 'he Whole year tor ai
ufacturers of New England were gelling forty '
i"""1 iu uc ni inn., mmo me man-,
or hltv. Was it not a Iree country i Who
gave New England exclusive privileges ? Why
urn not the oouth engage in the same lorly or
fifty per cent, business, instead of working on
at four or five ? Why did not they commence
with course fabrics, made from their own cot-,
ton, just as New England had done before
them ? But New England was now passing
from that stage, and going into higher and finer
branches, Tho South, he was glad to learn,
were now commencing. True, lhey were yet
in the A B C of the business; thev were in their '
infancy ; they wanted the fostering care and
protection of Government. The tariff on the
t-oarse fabrics was now for their benefit. New
England wanted it no longer on the coarse, but
'only on the higher and finer fabrics, in which
they were now struggling with foreigners, and
who were endeavoring to break them down bv
flooding our markets with these articles at an
under value, hoping to indemnify themselves
ior temporary losses uy tuture exhorrutant pri-
ces, extorted from us when American compcti-
. . - .
..un i3iut uuu iuu ucjiiucu. -
How was it that Southern gentlemen could ,
shut their eyes to the result of their own un
wise policy ? Let them look how they stood,
and then look at the North. The North applied
their shoulder to the wheel; they went to work
to better their condition: they hus banded their
own resources ; they employed and diversified
their, labor; they lived upon their own means ;
mer nor shuttle. They sent away their money
to iexv bngland, or old England. And what
was the consequence of these two opposite sys-j
iems? South Carolina was poor and depend -
ant, while New bngland was independent and ;
prosperous, bouth uarolitia, when the Feder
al Constitution was adopted, had five represen
tatives, North Carolina five, and Virginia ten
representatives on this floor. They all cher
ished a deadly hostility to every thing connec
ted with the manufactures, internal improve
ments, and progress of every kind. They de
nied to this Government the power of a self
.protection and self-improvement; they went for
the stand-aiill, lie-down, go-to-sleep, let-us-.alone,
do nothing policy; they had tried to jive
on whip syllabub, political metaphysics, until
it had nearly starved them to death, while the
Northern States had wisely pursued the oppo
site policy ; and what had been the effect on
their relative prosperity? New York began
with six representatives in thai hall; now abe
.had ihjr.ty-four. Pennsylvania began wjih eight
nd now she had twenty-four. Virginia, with
North and South Carolina, had commenced.
Mih twenty representatives, and New York
wiih six: now they have, altogether, thirty, and
Ntw Yoik cloye has thirty-four. Such are
kept their money at home to reward their own By its aid one feeble woman was enabled to J bey will let gentlemen know what they think of
industry, instead of foolishly sending it abroad 1 accomplish more in a day than would pay for ,l,."s " bwJ everything and sell nothing policy."
to niirrthase. what ihev rm.lrl n irell ,,! nrnfi.J ihe nrnrlnelinr, of fnrtv nM...!,n,li,! ho rA.L ,1 . I 1 llCy Iil10W lhat lhe mier who SclU more tliail
-,ki., .1 n . o t r i- , , 1 - , h , , , - , he buvs gets rich, and he who buys more than he
ably supply at home. But South Carolina and ed men without it Did gentlemen destre, and seis Be4sBpoor. and lhcv knmv th;, the sarr.e the.
ner ouumern sisters wouia touch neither nam- was it their policy, to let England enjoy an nrv k inm u-ii!i rrmrH m nminns-
1 '" 'iiuana .-ymcuia Ul
policy
1 .,,! h at .1. 1 o" .1
1 uuiijnru mi; nwim unu OUUU1
Judnc the
II 00 I'V its
(loin lioin
fruits. Will men never learn wis
experience ? He would rejoice lo
,
t
t J,e
tile South
as prosperous and as happy as
ionn. 1 in:v
had all the elements of
j wealth and prosperity in profuMon around them
; the raw materials and bread stuffs, minerals,
! and water-power in abundance, running to
J waste. If 1 hey would allow him to offer ad
j vice, it would be to abandon an exploded and
j ruinous policy; follow the example of the North,
and share in their prosperity. Instead of com-
' "iv; here reptnino and complaining that the
"iNnnh was rich and prosperous, making forty
prosperous, making forty
J ,c fruits of the
or fifty per cent, profit on their capital, whilst j must necessarily be to get them to take foreign
the South realized but four or five, just turn 'goods where they now took domestic, thus re
around, quit your four or fie per cent, profits, jducing the demand, and of course destroying
and go to work at forty or fifty. If the tariff: the domestic supply to that extent. Was not
was confined to the North, you might complain; ! all this plain 1 Could any man in his senses
but it was free to all alike North and South, deny it! And then, besides, where was the
East and West. Goto tho hammer and the ; Secretary going to gel ihe money to pay for all
loom, the furnace and the forge, and become , ihese foreign goods? There was ihe rub. The
prosperous in your turn. All these blessings gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Uavlv) talked
are wunin reacn, u you win out put lortn your
t r i i
I hands to grasp them; thev are oficred freely to
your acceptance i on enjoy great advantages,
1 ou have not oniv all the advantages enioyed
i by the North for manufacturing, but vou have
others superaded; you supply the raw material,
and, above all. vou have labor without
icarres.
pcrlrcify available for such purposes, the hands
0f ie young and old, now useless for the field, '
mightin factories, become highly profitable 1
- . -
afJ(j productive operatives. 1 ake hold, ihen,
0 the same industry which had made New-
England great, and especially on those branch
es of it which New England now could and
would spare. Then South Carolina would be, ;
thus far, independent both of New England and
oi an tne worm csne c
r !,., 1, r-. I
ould no longer hope to .
1 the rich lands of the
compete with Texas and
Southwest in trie production of coiton. Her
worn out fields must sink in a contest with the
virgin soil of ihe new State. Then let her land reminded him of an anecdote of an Irish
address herself to manufactures. The gentle-1 man, who," when complaining of starvation in
man from South Carolina seemed to observe. I Ireland, was a.skeil w hether potatoes were not
with grief and envy, ihat Now England was '
enioving profits of from forty to fifiv ner ccnt.llm-n vn. they're Inn. saxnoncc a bushel " "How
" - i
What r she riw 7 If -he nave Urn m Sm.ih
If she gave ihat lo South ,
f!nm ins for St-- .-nnt ner Vrr1 whlPh narnlinn '
once couiu notgci uom aoroau unuer tniriy-
sjx tile question" for Carolina to look at was, '
not what profi's New England made, but what
prices she charged her. That gentleman wan-,
led his Siate to go to old England for all she
required. We were fill to depend on Europe
for our manufactured
articles.
roreign
coun-
tries were to enjoy exclusively the profitable
business yielding forty and fifty per cent., we
were all to turn farmers, and join the gentle
man in working, as he said, for a profit of four ;
and five per cent., antl again give old England
twenty-live cents a yard Jor what New England
now offered them lor Was not this patri
otic ? Was it tint a noble, an enlarged Ameri
can policy ? England was lo be allowed to
monopolize all the profitable business, the re-
suit of labor-saving machinery, while we were
to content ourselves with the plough and the
noe, and prolits at the rate ol luc per cent
Was that the policy for America lo pursue ?'
1 f
Thev might be Americans who recommended '
it, but lhey were certainly
t f
playing into the
1 3 ir
pernors. If man-
Mauri 4 m mtr I ra t 1 x im rnmnntnnrt
i -
..factoring was such profitable business as these
gentlemen represented it to be. why not let
Americans have it rather than foreigners? Why
not Keep our min-v and our prohts to ourseh es,
instead of giving" l oth I0 the labor of Great '
Britain ? The pa.fi. nf manufacturing were
, , , .
chiefly owing to the use and constant linnrove-
mcnt of labor-saving machinery. The saving '
of labor and the increase of human power pro-.)
'his benefit, and keep it to herself as a monop
July? It was this, and this alone, thai kept the
British Government from bankruptcy. This
' prolific sourre of weahh and power enabled the
British people to stand up under a debt of four
thousand millions of dollars, and to
pay taxes
to the Government amounting
to more than iwo
hundred and fifty millions every year. This ;
was the result ol her immense labor-saving ma-
chinery. Was it the policy of gentlemen to lot j
England have this profitable business of manu- j
lacturitig all to herself ? That seemed to be i
the policy of the Secretary of the Treasury.
Indeedj ho had avowed it in his report to be
his settled policy to break down the manufac
turers ou our-owu country, and derive his rev
enue fromBmish and oilier foreign goods.
His policy was to increase the revenue by in
creasing importations; and, as he would reduce
the average of duties io one half, of course, to
. i
get the same amount of revenue, we must doub
le our imports. 1 his was manifost and unde
niable. Our present imports amounted to one
hundred millions; to carry out the Secretary's
plan we must raise them to two hundred mil
lions. Our export were about one, hundred
millions, and of. course one hundred millions in
pocie would bo required annually to py he
I duced in this manner was almost incalculable. . lhey will lei gentlemen know it at the polls. i
balance. The whole specie of the country had
never been estimated at more than eighty mil
lions. How, then, was his policy to work 1
How was he to make up this deficit? Not from
the banks, for they would be broken up within
the very first year of such a system; and then
what was Mr. Secretary going to do for his rev
cnue? The duty on foreign iron, he tells us, is
now 75 per cent. He was for reducing it to
30 per cent. less than one half. We must, of
course, import more than double the amount of
foicign iron to get the present amount of reve
nue, and to that extent break up American sup
ply. Now, a was impossible to make our pen
I pie double their consumption, and so the result
I. . . i
about exporting potaioes to Ireland. Export
potatoes to Ireland! He would tell ihat gentle -
man that last year we imported 2 I ,o27 bushels,
i paym a duty of ten cents per bushel 1 5,045
from Ireland, while Ireland look of all our grain
only 790 btitthels of corn, not a barrel of Hour.
cornmeal. or a bushel of rain. or its nroduc-
j . i - ,
tiona in other form. The. whole of our mighty
export of breadstuff to England, Scotland, and
Ireland, amounted to less than $221,000, less
than one-fourth of a million less than could i does our profound Secretary of tho I reasury ! poor, lie was lor levelling upward ; Jor tu
be furnished by a single Western county. ! propose to do to improve the revenue? Mark ' creasing the domestic comfort of Our own
Poiatoes were cheaper m Ireland than in the ! is ! He proposes to reduce the tarifT to an av-jhoring population tho true democracy of the
United States, yet the people are starving, be- erage of about 20 per cent., which " experience I country. The rich could pay, and ought to be
cause thev had no protection against
.England,
no money, no employment. This was the ef-
feci of "free trade" with England, and it was
precisely the condition into which "free trade"
with England would soon
bring this
country,
if it were adopted. "Free trade" with En?
very cheap? he answered, "Chape? the Lord
is it. then, vou are starving?" "Just because
w - -
; U thon vnn o
irn lini'o nn tvnrl; nnil or.n'l tret ihe snvnenre "
ia augh.) cuch were the iruits oi exchanging
agricultural products for manufactured goods
ihe products of manual labor for the products
of machinery working the hoe against the
loom. Such had been
the result of this miserz
and always would be
ble system of nolicv,
whenever and wherever adopted,
Next the gentleman complained of taxation.
What tax did farmers and laborers now pay the
United States? Nothing. Many of them used
nothing but domestic:
They
bought no
fr
or-
ign goods except tea and coffee, and thev were !lc tariff ihat sum must be raised, no matter
free? Thousands and hundreds of thousands ! how you impose the duties; and why not so
of our people dou'vt pay a dollar a year into our arrange them as to- protect and sustain your
National Treasury, and thousand's not a cent.jow national industry, thus making taxation it
IIow would it be under a system of direct tax-'self prolific of benefits and blessings to the
ntinn? The In rilens; nf the Pefter.il Government
would fall on farmers and laborers more heaviiv
titan the heaviest State taxation. Under a system
tr .1 . . ,v. it i -
oi uirect tax tne proportion oi rennsyivania wouiu
be three millions year more than double her
Present neavy .-state taxation, uut ai tue.se our-
dens put together are nothing compared
es imposed on by the British, lo form an idea
of jtstent, let every gentleman ascertain the
mi ii r i "in . ii" hi rru
number'of stores sellin'riVA goods in his d.s-
tnct. These merchants are all tax-nathers for:
England, taking millions and tens of "millions of
s are
i4-'- num uui mhhuis im jjhusu .lynuiiuiai
Produce; wol and every thing else converted into
?oods and sent here and sold to our farmers who
nave tuose very materials on tueir nanus roiung
r. . r ...i .i t . :. .i : ?
em recommended to our farmers bv these t free !
trade" advocates. The farmers understand it, and
they
to sell more and buy less, is the way to wealth,
and that the opposite course is the road to bank
ruptcy and ruin
The true American policy was Protection"
and Lvdepexoenci:. It vvas lo make America
independent of all the world. That was sound
American policy; and he trusted no man would
suffer himself to be so carried away by mere;
party politics as to advocate "free trade" and
starvation, twin-sisters, " one and inseparable."
Protection was the policy which would spread
comfort and happiness over the fare of a smiling
land, its ellect would penetrate our lorcsis,
arid reach to the remotest hamlet in the West.
This would keep our money at homo, instead
of sending it across the ocean 10 enrich British
manufacturers at our expense.
What was the theory of our learned Secre
tary ? We musi reduce duties to increase our
revenue, Now, Mr. S. said, and' ho defied con
tradiction, that as truly as tho thermometer in
dicated the increase or diminution of heat in
tho atmosphere, just so truly did the increase
or diminution of the tariff mark tho increase
and the diminution of' revenue. ,. lic appealqd
to .the record, and. dolled his opponents to the
test.
The Secretary rceomsneu,led a redu'Jiion )f
duties to an average rate of 20 per cent., and in
support of this recommendation he had accom
panied his report with a table, at page 9o0,
showing the revenue under different tariffs for
the last twenty-live years, viz., four years im
mediately before the tariff of 1824, four years
under the tariff of 1824, four year under the
tariff of 1828, ten years under the compromise
bill, and three years under the tariff of 1842.
And what was the result ? . .
For the four years preceding tho tariff of
1824 the average gross revenue was $22,753?
000. Under the tariff of 1824, which its oppo
nents at the lime predicted would ruin ihe rev
enue and compel a resort to direct taxation, the
average for ihe four vears of its duration was
$28,929,000
Next came the u bill of abomi-
nations;" the
black tarifT of 1S28 " which it
was said would bankrunt tho treasury bevond
all question, and what was the result? The j worn in this hall a garment of this same goods,
average revenue during the four years of its op- j at io cents per yard, and it was so much ad'
eration increased to $30,541,000. Tlich.banie mired that more than a dozen members had ap
ihe compromise bill of 1833, which brought the j p'ied for similar garments; and they had been
tariff down by biennial reduciions to a horizon- j supplied to Senators and others; yet we aru
tal duty of 20 per cent.; and what was its effect
' upon the revenue? The revenue. declined puri
' pctsu wnn tne tariu, yielding lor ten years an
' average of S21,llJb ,UUU, and the last year of
its operation under the 20 per cent, duty only
SIG,GS(5,000 gross revenue, netting S12.75S-
000, while our expenditures were more than
double that amount. Then came the present
tariff, wlii'ch yielded more ihan $32,000,000
gross 27,500,000 net revenue. Now what
proves," ne says, win give tne Mgnest revenue,
anu vei tins very report snows me laci mat ai
20 per cent, tanfl'in 1812 yielded only $12,
7S0,006, while the present tariff" last year yield
ed $27,528,000. Thus, according to the Sec
retary, twelve is more than twenty-seven!
new discovery in arithmetic- The new "
free
trade" system of finance says " reduce the du
ties to increase the revenue," a doctrine not
only urged upon Congress by the Secretary and
" The Union," his organ, but by all the advo -
, - -5- . rt . .
cacs oi tins new larin on mis noor. " ucduce
the duties to increase the revenue!" Can any
thing-be more absurd urged in the face of the
fact, proved by every official report on ihe fi
nances from ihe foundation of the Government-,
that the revenue has always gone up and gone
' down as the tariff has gone up or gone down?
i ct vve are told, " reduce the duts to increase.
tne revenue. are not duties the source ol
revenue
and ivmtM it not he inst n sensible,
io say " reduce the revenue to increase, the rev-
etiue ?" Duties and revenue are convertible
terms. Yon want iwpniv.firn millions from
- i
'people I
j O" -he subject of the revenue, he Would ven -
ture to predict that if the svstenl of measures
i i -
recommended by the Secretary the reduction
f ,,e ,ari(t ,,0 change from specific lo ad valo-
;rem dmies lho Subtreasury, and the warehotis
adop.ed-the revenue next
1 h 3 ,,,- n
I .e.ar W0lUl twt b ialf ,h.s amounl rLbc
'his year. Mark the prediction, " not half"
W ho could deny the lacl that wnn the rats
ing of ihe tariff the revenue increased, and with'
Ms diminution ihe revenue fell oil, till at last
under 20 per cent., which ihe Secretary con
sidered the very beau ideal ihe very perfection
. r
of
a revenue system the nett revenue sank
,Jow'1
to less than thirteen millions? Thero
was
his theory and there, alongsido of it,
stood his proof; and his proof utterly subverted
his theory. Did it prove thai reducing duties
to 20 per cent, raised the revenue to its highest
point? Just the reverse. It reduced it to the
very lowest point of depression. While his
theory said that 20 per cent, would give
" highest," his proof showed ihat it gave
the
the
" lowest."
And vvas not this a pretty time iq select for
the reduction of duties? Now, when we had
just ontered into a war, whose duration no man
could predict or calculate? When we went to
war in 1 SI 2 we doubled the duties ; now it was
proposed to. cut them down one-half! What a
consummate proof of political wisdom and fi
nancial ability was here exhibited !
There was another thing of which the tariff
was an index, and that was the public prosperi
ty. When the people were poor they could
not afford to consume luxuries ; imports fell off,
and down went the revenue. But when duties
were high and domestic competition was ex
cited, agriculture having abundant markets, and
labor full and profitable employment, tho peo
ple became prosperous ; they lived in comfort ;
they could afford to pay for fine goods and lux
uries and up went tho revenue. Heduce the
tariff, break up American industry, and you
clothed the people in rags, and your treasury
became- bankrupt.. The national revenue and
the national prosperity went up and down to-
geihor, and wein always coincident with na
tional protection.
Mr, S. fVbient was this : Selccl the articles
you can manufacture to the full extent ,of oiir
own wants, then, in the language of TIionv-H
jeiterson, " impose on tnem unties nhier at
first, and afterwards heavier and h
channels of supply were opened " This kas
Jefferson's plan ; the reverse of modern de'i'ii'j
pratic "free trade." Next ftlr.
S.
wcrii for"
levying, the highest rates of duty oii thii liixii
ries of the rich, and not, on the necessaries of
the, poor. Encourage American manufactures,
dud while on the drib hand the poor man fouu i
plenty of employment, on the other he got In.-,
goods cheap. lie could cldihe himself decent
ly for a. mere ( trifle. He .wanted no foreign
commodities but his tea and his coffee; and thev
were Jree, and stioulu remain Irec. ihe poor
i man could now buy cloth for a full suit front
' Head to foot for less than one dollar of substati-
: tial American manufacture. lie had himself
: iu ttie. tarut taxes and oppresses the poor.
Put high revenue duties on wines, on brandies,
" anus, on iuccs, uu jewmrv , un an mai which
' "en aione consumed ami wnieii the poor
'nan did not want. I ake oil the dunes from
j 'he poor man's necessaries and give htm high
wages lor his work. J hat was the way to dil-
J fuse happiness and prosperity among the great
hody of the people. That was good sound
! democratic policy. He was for lifting up tho
made to pay, anu they should pay ; the poor
man could not, and should not, with his consent.
Mr. S. went for the system which elevated tho
poor man in the scale of society ; that promo
ted equality, that essential element in all free
i t t til
jV Governments, not by pulling down ihe higher
bit by Jilting up the lower classes to their level,
The gentleman from Alabama and his friend
advocated a pdlicy which would have precise
ly the opposite effect. Their system would
! truly make the "rich richer and the poor poor
! Tl. .1 1 t
! er. i he gentleman advocated a system whose
direct and undeniable tendency was to destroy
competition, and thereby give a monopoly to
the heavy capitalists. He would benefit those
very " millionaires" of whose presence here he
complained so loudly.
Labor, productive labor, was the great source
of national wealth. Its importance was incal
culable. Compared with this all other iuter-
esis dwindled into perfect insignificance. What
is all other capital combined compared to tho
' capital of labor hard-handed, honest labor
the toiling millions ? Supposing we have but
two
millions
4
of working men in the United
States, whose wages average $180 per year
this is equal to the interest of $3,000 at six
per cent. Each laborer's capital, then, is equal
to $3,000 at interest. Multiply this by two
millions, the number of laborers, and it gives
'you a capital amounting lo the enormous sum
six thousand millions of dollars, producing,
at six per cent., three hundred and sixty mil
lions of dollars a year. This was the " labor
canitaV he wished to sustain and unhold. This
! was the great -national industry he wished to
bj ,tfv,t .,.,; ii,- ,, ,;n. ,n,l .te.,
I P r M T t . . ,
grading effects of a free and unrestricted com
petition with the pauper labor of foreign lauds.
He wcnl t0 secure the American matket for
American lauor. in tne great atruggio ior mo
American market he took the American side.
On the other hand, tho gentleman from Ala
bama and hi friends went for " free trade," for
opening our ports to tho manufacturers of all
the world; for bringing in freely the pauper pro
ductions of Great Britain, to overwhelm tho ri
sing; prosperity of our own poor but industrious
chizens. They went for crushing American
enterprise ; grinding down American labor, and
putting their countrymen on a footing with tlm
very sweepings of the poor houses of Europe,
and would, in the end, bring them down to their
political, as well as their pecuniary and moral
condition. Mr. S. was for cherishing Ameri
can labor ; for giving it high wages ; for sur
rounding it with all the substantial comforts of
life. Which was ihe true friend of the Peo
ple ? And yot these " froe trade" advocates,
from tho Secretary down, professed to be thet
oxclusire friends of the "poor man," and wo
are denounced as tho friends of "millionaires
and monopolists." Wo now imported fifty mil
lions worth of British goods annually,, and
therein we imported twenty-five million worth
of British agricultural products : of English
wool, English grain, English beef and mutton,
English flax, English agricultural productions
of every kind. And yet gentlemen would rise
here and talk of a British market for our bread
stuffs. Why, how much of this did England
tako? Not a quarter of a million, in all ii
forms !
Hero was a beautiful reciprocity, iforo
were the beauties of free trade. Here were
our equality of benefits. We tmik fifty millions
in British goods, one-half of ir agriculturahpro'
duce, while she took one-quarter of ajnilhotr
of our broad-stuff. This was our boas.terf
Briiibh matket. What was tlm BritUh mar-