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AT THE OFFICE OF THE
.Fcffersoniaii Republican.
luangnral Address of President
Polk.
Delivered March A, 1845.
Fellow-Citizens : Without solicitation on my
part, I have been chosen by the free and volunta
ry suffrages of my countrymen to the most honor
able and most responsible office on earth. 1 am
deeply impressed with gratitude for the confidence
reposed in me. Honored with this distinguished
consideration at an earlier period of life than any
cl my predecessors, I cannot disguise the diffi
dence with which I am about to enter on the dis
charge of my official duties.
If the more aged and experienced men who have
tiled the office of President of the United States,
even in the infancy of the republic, distrusted their
ability to discharge the duties of that exalted sta
tion, what ought not to be the apprehensions of
one so much younger and less endowed, now that
our domain extends from ocean to ocean, that our
people have so greatly increased in numbers, and
ct a utii iit.ii i&a.i uit biaibj ui
vails in regard to the principles and policy which
should characterize the administration of our gov
ernment? Well may the boldest fear and the wi
sest tremble, when incurring responsibilities on
which may depend, our country's peace and pros
perity, and, in some degree, the hopes and happi
ness of the whole human family.
In assuming responsibilities so vast, I fervently
invoke the aid of that Almighty Ruler of the Uni-
, cic in wii'-iAEi iid.iiu CL115 Lues ucaiiuica Ul uniiuija
ana ol men, to guard tms neaven lavored land
against the mischiefs which, without His guidance
might arise from an unwise public policy. With
a firm reliance upon the wisdom of Omnipotence
t') sustain and direct me in the path of duty which
1 am appointed to pursue, I stand in the presence
of this assembled multitude of my countrymen, to
take upon myself the solemn obligation Ho the best
of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the
Constitution of the United States.'
A concise enumeration of the principles which
will guide me in the administrative policy of the
government, is not only in accordance with the ex
amples set mo by all my predecessors, but is em
inently befitting the occasion.
The constitution itself, plainly written as it is,
the safeguard of our federative compact, the off
spring of concession and compromise, binding to
eether in the bonds of peace and union this great
and .increasing family of free and independent
States, will be the chart by which I chall bo di
arected. It will be my first care to administer the govern
ment in the true spirit of that instrument, and to
assume no powers not expressly granted or clear
ly implied In .its terms. The government of the
Tnited States is one of delegated and limited pow
ers; and it is by a strict adherance to the clearly
granted powers, and by abstaining from the exer
cise of doubtful or unauthorized implied powers,
that we have the only sure guaranty against the
recurrence of those unfortunate collisions between
the Federal and State authorities, which have oc
casionally so much disturbed the harmony of our
system, and even threatened the perpetuity of our
glorious Union.
' To the States respectively, or to the people,'
nave been reserved ' the power not delegated to
'he United States by the constitution, nor prohibi
ted by it to the States.' Each State is a. complete
sovereignty within the sphero.of its reserved pow
ers. The government of the Union, acting within
'he sphere of its delegated authority, is also a com
plete sovereignty. While the general government
should abstain from the exer.cise of authority not
Nearly delegated to .it, theJStates should be equal
ly careful that, in tho maintenance of their rights,
'hey do not overstep the limits of powers reserved
l 'hem.
One of the most distinguished of my predeces
sors, attached deserved importance tq 'the. support
of the State governments in all their rights, as the
STROUDSBURG; MONROE COUNTY, PA., THURSDAY, MARCH 13, 1845
most competent administration for our domestic
concerns, and the surest bulwark aeainst anti-re
publican tendencies;' and to the 'preservation of
the general government in its whole constitutional
vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home,
and safety abroad.
To the Government of the United States has
been intrusted the exclusive management of our
foreign affairs Beyond that, it wields a few gen
eral enumerated powers. It does not force reform
on the Slates. It leaves individuals, over whom
it casts its protecting influence, entirely free to
improve tneir own condition by the legitimate ex
ercise of all their mental and physical powers.
It is a common protector of each and all the
States, of every man who lives upon our soil,
whether of native or foreign birth ; of every reli
gious sect, in their worship of the Almighty ac
cording to the dictates of their own conscience; of
every shade of opinion, and the most free inquiry;
of every art, trade, and occupation, consistent with
the laws of the States. And wo rejoice in the
general happiness, prosperity, and advancement
of our country, which have been the offspring of
freedom, and not of power.
This most admirable and wisest system of well-
regulated self-government among men, ever de
vised by human minds, has been tested by its suc
cessful operation for more than half a century: and
if preserved from the usurpations of the federal
government on the one hand, and the exercise by
the States of powers not reserved to them on the
other, will I fervently hope and believe, endure for
ages to come, and dispense the blessings of civil
and religious liberty to distant generations.
To effect objects so dear to every patriot, I shall
devote myself with anxious solicitude. It will be
my desire to guard against that most fruitful
source of danger to the harmonious action of our
system, which consists in substituting the mere
discretion and caprice of the executive, or of ma
jorities in the legislative department of the gov
ernment, for powers which have been withheld
from the federal government by the constitution.
By the theory of our government, majorities rule;
but this right is not an arbitrary or unlimited one.
It is aright to be exercised insubordination to the
constitution, and in conformity to it. One great
object of the constitution was to restrain majori
tiesirom oppressing minorities, or encroaching up
on their just rights. Minorities have a right to ap
peal to the constitution, as a shield against such
oppression.
That the blessings of liberty which our consti
tution secures may be enjoyed alike by minorities
and majorities, the executive has been wisely in
vested with a qualified veto upon the acts of the
legislature. It is a negative power, and is con
servative in its character. It arrests for the time
hasty, inconsiderate, or unconstitutional legisla
tion ; invites reconsideration, and transfers ques
tions at issue between the legislative and execu
tive departments to the tribunal of the people.
Like all other powers, it is subject to be abused.
When judiciously and properly exercised, the con
stitution itself may be saved from infraction, and
the rights of all preserved and protected.
The inestimable value of our federal Union is felt
and acknowledged by all. T3y this system of uni
ted and confederate States, our people are per-;
mitted, collectively and individually, to seek their
own happiness in their own way; and the conse
quences have been most auspicious. Since the
Union was formed, the number of the States has
increased from thirteen to twenty-eight ; two of
these have taken their position as members of the
confederacy within the past week.
Our population has increased from three to twen
ty millions. jew communities and states are
seeking protection under its aegis, and multitudes
from the Old World are flocking to our shores to
participate In 1t3 blessings Beneath its benign
sway, peace and prosperity prevail.. Freed from
the burdens ami miseries of war, our trade and in
tercourse have extended throughout the world.
Mind, no longer tasked in devising means to ac
complish or resist schemes of ambition, usurpation,
or conquest, is devoting itself to man's true inter
ests, in developing his faculties and powers, and
the capacity-of nature to minister to his enjoy
ments. Genius is free to announce its inventions and
discoveries ; and the hand is free to accomplish
whatever the head conceives, not incompatible
with the rights of a fellow being. All distinctions
of birth or of rank have been abolished. All citi
zens, whether native or adopted, are placed upon
terms of precise equality. All are entitled to equal
rights and equal piotection. No union exists be
tween church and State, and perfect freedom ol
opinion is guaranteed to all sects and creeds.
These are some of the blessings secured to our
happy land by our federal Union. To perpetuate
them, it is our sacred duty to preserve it. Who
shall assign limits to the achievements of free
minds and free hands, under the protection of this
-loiious Union! No .treason to mankind since
the organization of society, would be equal in
atrocity to that of him who would lift his hand to
destroy it. He would overthrow the noblest struc
tuie of human wisdom, which protects himself and
his fellow-man.
He would stop the progress of free government
and involve his country either in anarchy or des
potism. He would extinguish the fire of liberty
which warms and animates the hearts of happy
millions, and inyiies all Ute nations of the earth to
imitate our example.
If he say that error and wrong are committed
in the administration ol the government, let him
remember that nothing human can be perfect; and
that under no other system of government revealed
by Heaven, or devised by man, has reason been
allowed so free and broad a scope to combat error.
lias the sword of despots proved to be a safer or
surer instrument of reform in government, than
enlightened reason!
Does he expect to find among the ruins of this
Union a happier abode for our swarming millions
than they now have under it ? Every lover of his
country must shudder at the thought of the possi
bility of its dissolution, and will be ready to adopt
the patriotic sentiment, 'Our federal Union it
must be preserved.' To preserve it, the compro
mises which alone enabled our fathers to form a
common constitution for the government and pro
tection of so many States and distinct communi
ties, of such diversified habits, interests and do
mestic institutions, must be sacredly and religious
ly observed. Any attempt to disturb or destory
these compromises, being terms of the compact of
Union, can lead to none other than the most ruin
ous and disastrous consequences.
It is a source of deep regret that, in some sec
tions of our country, misguided persons have oc
casionally indulged in schemes and agitations,
whose object is the destruction of domestic insti
lutions which existed at the adoption of the con
stitution, and were recognised and protected by it.
All must see that if it were possible for them to
be successful in attaining their object, the dissolu
tion of the Union, and the consequent destruction
of our happy form of government, must speedily
follow.
I am happy to believe that at every period of
our'existence as a nation, there has existed, and
continues to exist, among the great mass of our
people, a devotion to the Union of the States, which
will shield and protect it acainst the moral trea
son of any who would seriously contemplate itsj The power "to lay and collect taxe3, duties, im
destruction. To serure a continuance of that do-' posts, and excises," was an indispensable one to
votion, the compromises of the constitution must
not only be preserved, but sectional jealousies and
heart-burnings must be discountenanced ; and all
should remember that they are members of the
same political family, having a common destiny.
To increase the attachment of our people to the
Union, our laws should be just. Any policy which
shall tend to favor monopolies, or the peculiar in
terests of'sections or classes, must operate to the
prejudice of the interests of their fellow-citizens,
and should be avoided. If the compromises of
the constitution be preserved, if sectional jeal
ousies and heart-burnings be disountenanced, if
our laws be just, and the government be practical
ly administered strictly within the limits of power
prescribed to it, we may discard all apprehen
sions for the safety of the Union.
With these views of the nature, character, and
objects of the government, and the value of the
Union, I shall steadily oppose the creation of those
institutions and systems which, in their nature,
tend to pervert it from its legitimate purposes, and
make it the instrument of sections, classes, and
individuals. We need no national banks, or other
extraneous institutions, planted around the gov
ernment to control or strengthen it in opposition
to the will of its authors. Experience'has taught
us how unnecessary they are as auxiliaries of the
public authorities, how impotent for good, and
how powerful for mischief!
Ours was intended to be a plain and frugal gov
ernment ; and 1 shall regard it to be my duty to
recommend to Congress, and, as far as the execu
tive is concerned, to enforce by all means within
my power, the strictest economy which may be
compatible with the public interests.
A national debt has become almost an institu
tion of European monarchies. It is viewed, in
some ol them, as an essential prop to existing
governments. Melancholy is the condition of that
people whose government can be sustained only
by a system which periodically transfers large
amounts from the labor of the many to the coffers
of a few. Such a system is incompatible with the
ends for which our republican government was in
stituted. Under a wise policy, tho debts contract
ed in our revolution, and during the war of 1812,
have been happily extinguished. By a judicious
application of the revenues, not required for other
necessary purposes, it is not doubted that the debt
which has grown out of the circumstances ot the
last few years may be speedily paid off.
I congratulate my fellow citizens on the entire
restoration of the credit of the general government
of the Union, and that of many of the States.--Happy
would it be for the indebted States if they
were freed from their liabilities, many of which
were incautiously contracted. Although the gov
ernment of the Union is neither in a legal nor a
moral sense bound for the debts of the States, and
it would be a violation of our compact of Union to
assume them, yet we cannot but feel a deep inter
est in seeing all the States meet their public lia
bilities, and pay off their just debts, at the earliest
practicable period! That they will do so, as soon
as it can be done without imposing too heavy bur
dens on their citizens, there is no reason to doubt.
The sound, moral and honorable feeling of the
people of the indebted States, cannot be question
ed ; and we are happy to perceive a settled dispo
sition on their part, as their ability returns, after a
season of unexampled pecuniary embarrassment,
to pay ofT all just demands, and to acquiesce in
any reasonable measures to accomplish that object.
One of the difficulties which we have had to en
counter in the practical administration of the gov
ernment consists in the adjustment of our revenue
laws, and the levy of the taxes for the support of
government. In the general proposition, that no
more money shall be collected than the necessi
ties of an economical administration shall require,
all parties seem to acquiesce. Nor does there
seem to bo any material difference of opinion as
to the absence of right in the government to tax
one section of country, or one class of citizens, or
one occupation, for the mere profit of another.
" Justice and 3ound policy forbid the federal gov
ernment to foster one branch of industry to the
detriment of anothei, or to cherish the interests of
one portion to the injury of another portion of our
common country." I have heretofore declared to
my fellow-citizens 4hat, in "my judgment, it is the
duty of the government to extend, as far as it may
be practicable to do so, by its revenue laws, and
all other means within its power, fair and just pro
tection to all the great interests of the whole Union,
embracing agriculture, manufactures, the mechan
ic arts, commerce and navigation." I have also
declared my opinion to be " in favor of a tariff for
revenue," and that, " in adjusting the details of
such a tariff, I have sanctioned such moderate dis
criminating duties as would produce the amount
of revenue heeded, and, at the same time, afford
reasonable incidental protection to our home in
dustry ;" and that I was " opposed to a tariff for
protection merely, and not for revenue."
be conferred on the federal government, which,
without it, would possess no means of providing
for its own support. In executing this power by
levying a tariff of duties for the support of govern
ment, the raising of revenue should be the object,
and protection the incident. To reverse this prin
ciple, and make protection the object, revenue the
incident, would be to inflict manifest injustice upon
all other than the protected interests.
In levying duties for revenue, it is doubtless
proper to make such discriminations within the
revenue principle, as will afford incidental protec
tion to our home interests. Within the revenue
limit, there is a discretion to discriminate ; beyond
that limitf the rightful exercise of the power is not
conceded. The incidental protection afforded to
our home interests by discriminations within the
revenue range, it is believed will be ample In
making discriminations, all our home interests
should, as far as practicable, be equally protected.
The largest portion of our people are agricultural
ists. Others are employed in manufactures, com
merce, navigation, and the mechanic arts.
They are all engaged in their respective pur
suits, and their joint labors constitute the national
or home industry. To tax one branch of this home
industry for the benefit of another would be un
just. No one of these interests can rightfully
claim an advantage over the others, or to be en
riched by impoverishing the others. All are
equally entitled to the fostering care and protec
tion of the government. In exercising a sound
discretion in levying discriminating duties within
the limit prescribed, care should be taken that it
be done in a manner not to benefit the wealthy
few, at the expense of the toiling millions, by tax
ing lowest tho luxuries of life, or articles of supe
rior quality and high price, which can only bo
consumed by the wealthy ; and highest the neces
saries of life, or articles of coarse quality and low
price, which the poor and great mass of our peo
ple must consume. The burdens of government
should, as far as practicable, be distributed justly
and equally among all classes of our population.
These general views, long entertained on this sub
ject, I have deemed it proper to reiterate. It is a
subject upon which conflicting interests of sec
tions and occupations are supposed to exist, and
a spirit of mutual concession and compromise irt
adjusting its details should be cherished by every
part of our wide-spread country as the only means
of preserving harmony and a cheerful acquiescence
of all in the operation of our revenue laws. Our
patriotic citizens in every part of the Union will
No. 41.
readily submit to the payment of such taxes - as
shall be needed for the support of their govern
ment, wliether in peace or in wur, if they are so
levied as to distribute the burdens 33 equally as
possible among thern.
The republic of Texas has made known her de
sire to. come into our Union, to form a part of our
confederary, and enjoy with us the blessings of
liberty, secured and guarantied by our constitu
tion. Texas was once a part of our country was
unwisely ceded away to a foreign power is now
independent, and possesses an undoubted right to
dispose of a part or the whole of her territory, and
to merge her sovereignty, as a separate and inde
pendent State, in ours. I congratulate my coun
try that, by an act of the late Congress of the Uni
ted States, the assent of this government has been
given to the reunion ; and it only remains for tho
two countries to agree upon the terms, to consum
mate an object so important to both.
I regard the question of annexation as belong
ing exclusively to the United Slates and Texas.
They are independent powers, competent to con
tract ; and foreign nations have no right to inter
fere with them, or to take exceptions to thwir re
union. Foreign powers do not seem to appreci
ate the true character of our government.
Our Union is a confederation of independent
States, whose policy is peace with each other and
all the, world. To enlarge its limits, is to extend
the dominion of peace over additional territories
and increasing millions The world has nothing
to fear from military ambition in our Government
While the Chief Magistrate and the popular
branch of Congress are elected for short terms by
the suffrages of those millions who must, in their
own persons, bear all the burdens and miseries of
war, our government cannot be otherwise than
pacific.
Foreign powers should, therefore, look on the
annexation of Texas to the United States, not as
the conquest of a nation seeking to extend her do
minions by arms and violence, but as the peaceful
acquisition of a territory once her own, by adding
another member to our confederation with the con
sent of that member thereby diminishing the
chances of war, and opening to them new and
ever-increasing markets for their products.
To Texas the reunion is important, because the
strong, protecting arm of our government would
be extended over her, and the vast resources of
her fertile soil and genial climate would be speed
ily developed; while the safety of New Orleans
and of our whole south-western frontier against
hostile aggression, as well as the interests of the
whole Union, would be promoted by it.
In the earlier stages of our national existence,
the opinion prevailed with some, that our system
of confederated States could not operate success
fully over an extended territory, and serious ob
jections have, at different times, been made to the
enlargement of our boundaries. These objections
were earnestly urged when we acquired Louisiana.
Experience has shown that they were not well
founded. The title of numerous Indian tribes to
vast tracts of country has been extinguished.
New States have been admitted into the Union.
New Territories have been created, and our juris
diction and laws extended over them. As our
boundaries have been enlarged, and our agricultu
ral population has been spread over a large sur
face, our federative system has acquired addition
al strength and security. It may well be doubted
whether it would not be in greater danger of over
throw, if our present population were confined to
the comparative narrow limits of the original thir
teen States, than it is, now that they are sparsely
settled" over a more expanded territory. It is con
fidently believed that our system may be safely
extended to the utmost bounds of our territorial
limits ; and that, as it shall be extended, the bonds
of our Union, so far from being weakened, will
become stronger.
None can fail to see the danger to our safety
and futuro peace, if Texas remains an indepen
dent State, or becomes an ally or dependency
of some foreign nation more powerful than her
self. Is there one among our citizens who
would not prefer perpetual peace with Texas,,
lo occasional wars, which so often occur be
tween bordering independent nations? Is there
one who would not prefer freo iniercunrsH
with her, lo high duties on all our products ami
manufactures which enter her ports or cross
her frontiers? Is there one who would not pre
fer an unrestricted communication with her cit
izens, to the frontier obstructions which must
occur if she remains out of the Union ? What
ever is good or evil in the local institutions of
Texas, will remain her own, whetherannexed
to the United Stales or nor. None of ihe pte
ent Slates will be responsible for them, any
more than they are for the local institutions of
each other. They have confederated' together
for certain specified objects. Upon the same
principle that they would refuse to form a per-