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. - ., .YV , - : . -tx '
.11
'it
The whole art of Government consists in tjie art of reino honest. :Jefferson.
I
VOL. 3.
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AT THE OFFICE OF THE
JTeffersonian Republican.
lf m lll'PJIiLI-l m
PROCLAMATION.
Whereas, the Honorable William Jessup,
'resident Judge of the 1 1th Judicial district of
Pennsylvania, composed of the counties of Sus-
niehanna, Wayne, Monroe and Pike, and Jo
seph Keller and John T. Bell, Esqs. Associate
fudges of the courts of Common Pleas ol the
:ounty of Monroe, and by virtue of their offices,
fustices of the Courts of Oyer and lcrrmner
md Gener.il Jail Delivery, and Court of Gener-
il Quarter Sessions in and for the said county
6bf Monroe, have issued their precept to me,
Commanding that a Court of Quarter Sessions
nd Common Pleas, and General Jail Delivery
md court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace, for
ihe said county of Monroe, to be holden at
Stroudsburg, on Tuesday the 6th day of Sep
tember next, to continue one week.
NOTICE-
f. Is therefore hereby given to the Coroner, the
PJustices of the Peace, and Constables of the
fcaid county of Monroe, that they be then and
there with their rolls, records, inquisitions, ex-
-.minations and other remembrances, to do those
fhings which to their offices are appertaining,
and also that those who are bound by recogni-
feznee to prosecute and give evidence against
iho prisoners that are or shall be in the Jail of
the said county of Monroe, or agajnst persons
who stand charged with the commission of of-
ifences, to be then and there to prosecute ones-
liny as shall be just.
c-iir yTTvro a ttt rc? 01 :rr
f O.IlIU. VJUiXO.i.U iJJ0, ouciiu.
Sheriff's Office, Stroudsburg,
July 27, 1812. j ,v
GOD SAVK THE C05iM0NWEA"LTH.
WAYNE COUNTY JMUTTJAL
ALL Persons insuring in this company are
. members equally interested in its velfare
and in the election of its ofiicers.
Iruorder to become a member of this company
and thereby be insured, the applicant gives a pre
mium "note, the -amount ot winch is in proportion
to the amount to be insured, and its degree of
hazard, thus: if S10G0 is to be insured, at 5 per
cent., he gives his note ior 850. if at 10 per cent.
he gives his note for $100, and in that proportion
fr a greater or less sum, according to the rate.of
hazard, on winch note he advances G per cent, and
m additional sum of $1 50 for survey and policy.
He then becomes a member on the approval of
his application and is insured lor five years. The
aggregate of the premium notes constitutes the
cash fund, chargable first, with the expenses, and
second, with the losses of the Company; and
should ii prove insufficient to pay both losses and
expenses tho money to meet the losses, (should
any occur) is borrowed agreeably to the act of in
corporation, and paid. An assessment is then
made to repay such loan upon the premium notes,
i.i proportion to their respective amounts, and in no
c -S3 to be made but once a year, notwithstanding
so, oral losses may happen.
At tho expiration of five years the note, if any
assessments have been made and paid, is given
up, ana the insured may renew his application.
rohcies may at any t:me be assigned or sur
rendered and cancelled, and the premium notes
given up. according to the by-laws .of. tho, Oom-
jspany. io more than three lourths ol the cash
in'aluo of any property will be insured, and all
ysc.-1 r.azards. such as Cotton lactones, irowucr
eMiUs, Bistillenfts, -Machine 'Shops, Manufactories
tir i rimers jnk, and all establishments qt the
aciR cuss of hazards, are not insured upon any
ionJi'ions whatever, and thafno one. risk is taken
vcr vjJUJ, it is considered much more safe and
B?ss expensive than in Strifk nnmnanios. where
fUy insure large amounts and hazardous;proucriy.
f STCM5DJBLL STCfKES. Lent.
ptrouddburg, Monroe cp5.Dc.?r5ll4-l.. r h
STROUDSBURG, MONROE COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 24, 1842.
fin irimi ii i m ' 'ii m i mi ii
PIKE COUNTY HOUSE.
George ISiddis,
Having taken the above stand in tho town bf
Milford, recently kept by Ira Coburn, is well
prepared to accommodate in a satisfactory man
ner those who may favor him with a call.
The TaMe
will ba supplied with tho beat productions af
forded by the market.
Jiis Rooms and Beds are such as will, he
hopes, prove satisfactory to all reasonable cus
tomers. The Bap
is, and will continue to be, furnished with a
choice assortment of Liquors.
H tables
are large and commodious, and will be well
stocked with Hay and Oats indeed every at
tention which can promote the comfort and sat
isfaction of customers will be cheerfully be
stowed. His house is large and well calculated to ac
commodate Pleasure Parties.
With these advantages backed by some ex
perience in the business and a determination to
keep a good public house, he confidently ex
pects a fair portion of public patronage.
Milford, August 4, 18-12.
For Monroe County Courts, Sept. T. 1842.
1 Jacob Starner and Michael Altemos, admin
istrators of Michael Starner. dee'd. vs. John
Gower, No, 41, May t. 1837.
2 Jjaforge vs. Jayrie, No. 7, Sept. t. 1S3D.
3 Keller vs. Kortz, rfo. 14, May t. 1S40.
4 Wallace vs. Newman and Dimmick, No. 29,
Sept. t. 1840.
5 Stokes, Dreher and Miller, for the use of
Daniel Stroud, et. al. vs. Walton, No. 24,
Dec. t. 1840.
6 Colt vs. Bond, Nn. 4, Feb. t. 1S4I.
7 Place to the use of Lander, vs. Dimmick,
No. 8, Sept. t. 1841.
8 Robert Levers, et. al. vs. Lynford Van Bus
kirk, eL al. No. 23, Sept. t. 1841.
if Colt vs. Bond and Havs, No. 43, Sept. t.
1841.
10 Colt vs. Samuel Bond, No. 44, Sept. t. IS 11.
11 Colt vs. Dreisbach, No. 45, Sept. t. 1841.
12 Mulford, Martin & Co. vs. Wallace & New
man, No. 48, Sept. t. 1841.
12 Murphy vs. Eck, No. 15, Dec. t. 1841:
14 David Hefielfinger vs. Sarah HefFelfinger.
15 Sarah Neyharl, by her next best friend John
Kern, vs. Philip Neyhart, No 5, Feb. 1. 1842.
ARGUMENT LIST.
1 In the matter of the estate of P. Bulz, dee'd.
Tule to shew cause why the enter and the
order of the court, Sept. i. 1841, shall not be
stricken off.
2 Schoonover vs. Schoonover.
3 Winch vs. Brown. ,
4 Hollenback, et. al. vs. Stephen- and Isaac
Gould. .
5 W olf vs. Yanhorn.
6 Brown vs. Post ens. - . ..
7 Commonwealth of Pa. vs. Brewer.
8 do vs. II. Eck..
9 Price vs. Stokes.
NEW ESTABLISHMENT.
Wholesale and Retail
TEN ATI SHEET 1IN
WAKE
" MANUFACTORY,
At Stroudsburg, Monroe county , Pa.
Tho subscriber respectfully informs the citi
zens of Stroudsburg and the public generally,
that he has opened a shop on Elizabeth street,
nearly opposite William Eastbnrrr's store, where
he intends keeping constantly on hand, and will
manufacture to order, all articles in his line of
business, such as1
TIN-WARE in all its variety,
Stove -Pipes and Brums of all sizes,
Spouts for Dwelling Houses and
other Buildings.
Alscr,oery superior Russian and
American Sheet Iron,
Which he will manufacture into, every shape to
suit purchasers, &c. &c.
As the subscriber is a mechanic himself, and
employs none but first-rate workmen, the pub
lic may rest assured that his work is done in
the best and most workmanlike manner; and ho
respectfully solictits a share of public patron
age. - Come and see for yourselves, before you pur
chase elsewhere.
XO53 PJ2WTJER and LEAD, taken in ex
change for work, and all kinds of REPAIRING
in the Copper, Tin, pndT.shce; Iron Business
done at-the shortest notice. , .
WAN-DEL .BREMER. '
utaujiu.
ii tSic laic VcSo Message.
Mr. Adams rose, and, in a firm and distinct
tone of voice, audible in every part of the Hall,
read his report as follows:
The Select Committee, to whom was refer
red the Message of the President of the United
States returning' to this House the actj which
originated in it, "to provide revenue from im
ports, and to change and modify existing la'.vs
imposing duties on imports; and for other pur
poses," with his objections to it, with insiruc
tionsto report thereon to the Kouc, have at
tended to that serviucj and rcspectiuiiy report:
The Message is the last of a series of Exec
utive measures the result of which has been to
defeat and nullify the whole action of the Leg
islative authority of this Union, upon the most
important interests of the nation.
At the accession of the late President Harri
son, by election of the People, to the Executive
chair, the finances, the revenue, and the credit
of the country were found in a condition so
greatly disordered and so languishing, that the
first act of his Administration was to call a spe
cial session of Congress to provide a remedy
for this distempered state of the great body pol
itic. It was even then a disease of no sudden
occurrence, and ordinary malignity. Four
years beore, the immediate predecessor of Gen
eral Harrison had been constrained to resort to
the same expedient, a special session of Con
gress, the result of which had only proved the
lirsi of a succession of palliatives, purchasing
monetary relief at the expense of deeper seated
disease and aggravated symptoms, growing dai
ly more intense through the whole four years
of that Administration. It had expended, from
year to year, from eight to ten millions of dol
lars beyond its income, absorbing in that period
nearly ten millions pledged for deposite with
the States, eight millions of slock in the Bank
of the United States, from five to sis millions of
trust funds, and as much Treasury notes; and
was sinking under the weight of its own improv
idence and incompetency.
The sentence of a suffering people had com
manded a. change in the Administration, and
the contemporaneous elections throughout the
Union had placed in both Houses of Congress
majorities, the natural exponents of the princi
ples which it was tho will of the People should
be substituted in t he administration of their Gov
ernment, instead of those which had brought
the country to a condition of such wretchedness
and shame. There was perfect harmony of
principle between the chosen President of" the
People and this majority, thus constituted in
both Houses" of Congress; and the first act of
his Administration was to call a special session
of Congress for their deliberation and action
upon the measures indispensably necessary for
relief to the public distress', and to retrieve the
prosperity of the great community of the nation.
On the 31st day of May, 184 1, within three
months after the inauguration of President Har
rison, the Congress assembled at his call. But
the reins of the Executive car were already in
other hands. By an inscrutable decree of Pro
vidence the chief of tho People's choice, in
harmony with whosfc principles the majorities
of both Houses had been constituted, was laid
low in death. Tie President who had called
the meeting of Congress was no longer the
President when the Congress met. A succes
sor to the office had assumed the title, with to
tally different principles, though professing the
same at the time of his election, which, far from
harmonizing, like those of his immediate pre
decessor, with the majority of both Houses of
Congress, were soon disclosed in diametrical
opposition to them.
The first development of this new, and most
unfortunate, condition of the General Govern
ment, was manifested by the failure, onco and
again, of the first great measure intended by
Congress to reatoro the credit of the country,
by tho establishment of a National Bank- a fail
ure caused exclusively by the operation of the
veto power by the President. In the spirit of
the Constitution of tho united States, tho Ex
ecutive is not only separated from iho Legisla
tive power, but made dependent upon and re
sponsible to it. Until a very recent period of
our history, all referoncd in either House of Con
gress to the opinions or wishes of tho Presi
dent, relating to any subject in deliberation be
fore them, was regarded as an outrage upon
the rights of the' deliberative body,-among tho
first of whose dtlties it is to spurn the influence
of the dispeiiritir of patronage and power. Un
til very recently, it was suUfty'ent greatly to im
pair the influence of any member to be suspect
ed of personal subserviency to the Executive;
and any allusion to his wibhos in debate was
deemed a departure not less from decency than
from oriior. An anxious desire to accommodate
tho qcjion of Congress to (he opinions and wish
es of Mr. Tyler had 1ed jo modifications of the
.first bill for the establishment of a National
Bank, presented to him for his approval, wide
ly differing, from the opinions entertained of
.their expediency by the 'majorities, of both.
Houses ,of '.Congress, but'' .which faile.d.to obtain
that approval Tor lic. sake of -which, they '.had
been reluctantly adopted. A 'se,cpnd attempt
ensued,' under-'a sehs'o of the indispensable .ne
.v '.'i1 js a
cessity of a fiscal corporation to the revenues ,
and credit of the nation, to prepare an act, to
which an informal intercourse and communica
tion between a member of the House, charged
with the duty of preparing the bill, and the Pres
ident of the United States himself, might secure
by compliance with his opinions a pledge in ad
vance of his approval of tho bill, when it should
be presented to him. That pledge was obtain
ed. The bill was presented to him in the very
terms which he had prescribed as necessary to
obtain his sanction, and it met the samo fate
with its predecessor: and it is remarkable that
the reasons assigned for the refusal to approve
the second bill are in direct and immediate con
flict with those which had been assigned for the
refusal to sign the first.
Thus the measure, first among those deemed
by tha Legislature of the Union indispensably
necessary, for the salvation of its highest inter
ests, and for the restoration of its credit, ltd
honor, its prosperity, was prostrated, defeated,
annulled, by the weak and wavering obstinacy
of one man, accidentally, and not by the will of
the People, invested with that terrible power,
as if prophetically described by one of his own
chosen ministers, at this day, as "the right to
deprive the People of self-government.'
The first consequence of this Executive leg
islation was not only to prostrate the efforts of
the Legislature itself, to relieve the People from
their distress, to replenish the exhausted Treas
ury -and call forth the resources of the country,
to redeem the public faith to the fulfilment of
the national engagements, but to leave all the
burdens and embarrassments of the public
Treasury, brought upon it by the improvidence
of the preceding Administration, bearing upon
the People with aggravated pressure. The fa
tal error of the preceding Administration had
been an excess of expenditure beyond its in
come. That excess had been an average of
eight millions of dollars a year, at least du
ring the four years of its existence. The prac
tical system of its fiscal operations had been a
continued increase of expenditures and diminu
tion of revenue, and it left as a bequest to its
successor no effective reduction of expenses,
but a double reduction of revenue to the amount
of millions, to occur, of course, by the mere
lapse of time, unless averted, within fifteen
months, by subsequent legislation.
By the double exercise of the Presidential inter
dict upon the two bills for establishing a National
Bank this legislation was prevented. The ex
cess of expenditures beyond the revenue continued
and increased. The double reduction of revenue,
prescribed by the compromise of 1833, was1 suf
fered to take its full effect no reduction of the
expenditures had been prescribed; and in the
course of eighteen months, since the inauguration
of President Harrison, an addition of at least fif
teen millions to tho enormous deficit already ex
isting in the Treasury at the close of the last Ad
ministration, is now "charged upon the prevailing
party in Ccngress, by those who had made it the
law, while the exercise of the veto power alone
disabled the legislature itself from the power of
applying the only remedy winch it was wjthm the
competency of legislation itself to provide!
The great purpose for which the special ses
sion of Congress had been called was thus de
feated by tho exercise of the veto power. At
the meeting of Congress, at the regular annual
aession, the majorities of both Houses, not
yielding to the discouragement of disappointed
hopes and bafiled energies, undertook the task
of raising, by impost duties, a revenue adequate
to the necessities of the Treasury, and to the
fulfilment of the national obligations.
By the assiduous and unremitting labors of
the committees of both Houses charged with
the duties of providingfor tho necessities of
the revenue, and for the great manufacturing in
terest of the Northern, Central, and Western
States, which must be so deeply affected by
any adjustment of a tariff, to raise exclusively
a revenue adequate to the necessary expenses
of the Government from duties on imports, a
tariff bill believed to be nearly, if not wholly,
sufficient for that purpose, was elaborated and
amply discussed through a long series of weeks
in both branches of the Legislature. Tho pro
cess of gestation through which alone such a
complicated system could ho organized, neces
sarily consumed many months of time,; nor
were the committees or tho House exompted
from severe reproach, which the purchased
presses of the Executive Chief are even yet
casting upon Congress, without rcbhlre or re
straint from him. The delays were occasioned
by the patient and unwearied investigation of
the whole subject oy tnc appropriate, commit
tees. As the period approached when '.he so
called compromise tariff Was to ho consumma
ted, leaving tho Government without any re v
enuo tariff sanctioned by tho law, tho prudence
of Congress, without precipitating their deci
sion upon the permanent system which they
fondly hoped to establish, provided and sent to
the President a temporary expedient, limited in
its operation to tho space of dno month, during
which to avoid, as they thought, the possibility
of a collision with tho apprehended antipathies
of the President, they had suspended for the
samo month tho distribution of the proceeds of
tho bales qf the public lauds, which4, by a pre
vious law, wtjs to taljblfectjtho day after the
expiration ojitbe cgmpromtsV, Not only was this
No. 25.
most conciliatory measure coniemptuouslv re
jected, but, in total disregard of ihe avowed
OpmiOnS Ol Ills UWll uulici-iij wi mv iiuy,
concurring with those, nearly unanimousf tdl
the most eminent lawyers cf the' land, in soli
tary reliance upon the hesitating opinion of :Fm
Attorney General, he has undertaken riofonly
to levy taxes to the amount of millions upon th
People, but to prescribe regulations for ifcreoi
?ection, and for ascertaining the-value of im
ported merchandise, which tho Jaw had; id fix
press terms, reserved for the legislative a'utio-:
of Congress.
And now, to crown this system of Qd'h&htrl
and tuireleh'jng 4-rc;f .! of P.-a!CuL?v'c.iHta-t
ion by the alternate gross abuse of constitu
tional power and bold assumption of pover
never vested in him by any law, we copie to
the "Veto Message refcrrcd'by the House" rtftliu
committee.
A comparative review bf the four several
vetoes which, in ihe course of fifteen month-.;
have suspended tho legislation of this UfftOi!,
combined with that amphibious producid:T,"iha
reasons for approving and signing a bill, ahd at -the
same time striking, by judicial construction,
at its most important enactment, illustrated by
contemporaneous effusions of temper arfd of sen
timent divulged at convivial festivals, 'and ob
truded upon the public eye by tho fatal friend
ship of sycophant private correspondents: an f
stripped to its naked nature by the repoated'atul
daring assumption both of legislative and o"
judicial power, would present -anomalies t)i
character and conduct rarely seen upon earth.
Such an investigation, though strictly "within
the scope of the instructions embraced iii iu
reference to this committee, would require a
voluminous report, which the scantiness o'f time
will not allow, and which may not be necessa
ry for maturing the judgment of tho House upotf
the document now before them.
The reasons assigned by tho President for
returning to the House of Representatives, with
his objections, the bill to provide revenue from
imports, and to change and modify existing laws
imposing duties and for other purposes, are
preceded by a brief dissertation upon the pain
ful sensations which any individual invested
with the veto power must feel in exercising it.
upon important acts of the Legislature. The
paragraph' is worded with extreme caution, and:
with obvious intent to avoid the assertion, made
in such bread and unqualified terms in the Imtar
read at the Philadelphia Independence-day din
ner party, that Congress can enact no laics with
out the concurrence of the Executive. There
is in this paper a studious effort to save any in
dividual from the imputation of asserting tho
unqualified independence of the Executive upon'
the Legislature, and the impotence of Congress
to enact any law without him. That assertion,
made in so explicit and unqualified terms, iift'He
Philadelphia letter, is here virtually disclaimed
and disavowed. The exercise of soma indepen
dence of judgment, in regard to all acts of legis
lation, by any individual invested with the veto
power, is hero curtailed and narrowed down to
the mere privilege of not yielding his well-considered,
most deeply fixed, and repeatedly de
clared opinions on matters of great public con
cernment, to those of a co-ordinate department,
without requesting that department seriously to
re-examine the subject of their difference. The
co-ordinate department to the Legislature is no
longer ihe co-ordinate branch oj the Legisla
ture. The power of Congress to enact a law
without tho co-operation of any individual Ex
ecutive is conceded, not merely by unavoidable
inference, for tire closing paragraph of the mes
sage, recurring again to the same troublesomo
reminiscence, observes that, after all, the effect ot
what he docs is substantially to call on Congress
to reconsider the subject. If, on such reconsider
ation, a majority of two-thirds of both Houses
should be in favor of this measure, it will become
a law notwithstanding his objections. The truism
of this remark may perhaps be accounted for by
the surmise that it was a nev; discovery made
since the writing of the Philadelphia dinner-party
letter; and tho modest presumption ascribed to the
Constitution that the Executive can commit no er
ror of opinion unless two-thirds of both branches
of the Legislature are in conflict with him, is tcm
pered by the oiniablo assurance that in that event
he will cheerfully acquiesce in a result whicr
would be- precisely the same whether he should
acquiesce in it or not. The aptitude of this hypo
thetical position may be estimated by the 'calcula
tion of tho chances that tho contingency which it
supposes is within tho verge of possibility.
Tho reasons assigned by tho President for his
objections to this "bill are further preceded by a
narrative of his antecedent opinions and commun
ications on tho subject of distributing tho proceed
of tlio sales of the public lands. Ho admits that
ay the opening of the extra session he reconme:i
ded sueh a distribution, but he avers that this re
commendation was expressly coupled with the con
dition that the duties on imports should not exceed
the rate of 20 por cent, provided' by tho compro
mise act of 1S33.
Who could imagine that, after this most emphatic
coupling of the revenue from duties of impost with
revenue from the proccegds of tho' sales of the pub
lic lands, the first atid paramount objection of
tho President to this bill should bo that it unites
two i subjects, which so far from having any af-
hunv to one another, aro wholly mcongruoui
in their character which two stibiccts are
laeuucaiiy tne samo wnn jnoso wutcn.01 ilaH
1
m
Mi