Eonrad's neuer Kaden.
Wyomi g Avenue.
Die neuesten Moden in Männer und Knaben
Steifen und wich»« HUz Huten, vemden
Handschuh?« nsV
Orgnnifi t »n IBBV
-vor nur 2« Jahren-hat die Trsder « National «inen Rekord fU>
gleichmäßige» und beständige« Wachsihum, Depositen sind inSgesummi jetzi
»»er »ier und eine halbe M i l l i o n D o l l a r «-sie haben sich meh,
»>t oerdoppe» in den l-tzicn sich« Jahren-und sie wachsen immer noch.
Trader s nal Bunt,
Ecke Wyoming Av>nne »>>d Spruce Straße.
»Gefälligkeit unsere Losung.'
Für Ihren Zkängling
»r ein lull» Nahruna»mt»e> nvlhig hat. Ode: sür Ihre Familie, wenn »„
wünschen reiche, reine Milch, gebrauchet
D!-. Liingc's Lact iled Tissuc Food.
H« ist nichi, was wir sagen, sondern was die Milch thut, welches die ganz
Getchichte Ihrer Poouläriläi enähil
Fraget den Apoiheker dafür oder schreibt an
Nr.
»H» Geifers»» Avenue, , Scranton, Pa
UM Las Bicr von Bicrr»
AM seit über dreißig
höchste Errungenschaft in
der Braumeister-Kunst ist ange
nehm und überzeugend demon-
Robinson's Söhnt
WW Pilsenn Bicr
Es ist ein wirklich gesundes
Bier mit einem reichen, vollen
Geschmack, der ganz sein eigen ist
—ein fehlerfreies Bier, daS Sie
nicht mehr kostet, wie die „ge
wohnlichen" Gebräue.
Rufet 47V „altes" Rufe« 542 „neues."
»i.w »°» WA I o« us.
Lverv rssltei'oftbiZpspsr
ÜÄ'Ä? SZ.I>>IoMÜÜW
Carter s kleine Leber-Pillen.
Sie können nicht au Ein Heilmittel, das
Berstopfnna leide» bewirkt, das, man t.es
und nliicklich sein. L-benÄ froh wtrd.
»UV jjiuu.iu, ,l,u. ».cht Mi, d« Unikrlchrist
»Irin- Pilic». I> V ? »
»i-in-D-ft». !I
« llieinr Preise.
Carter'« Gisen-ViUen
/.Up diicurs Sl. i.°°n.» „i> a« o-»
Erinnert
G » nächsten Bedarf, daß die Accidenz- M
A Abtheilung deS „Scranton Wochenblatt" ?
nue der besten m der Stadt ist.
Mehr s-'n'tkn »B>'g.
auch das D!ünzs>isiem dieseni löbli
chen Streben besser entgegenkom
men, als es bisher geschehe» ist.
Schon sriiher, ehe die Teuerung ih-
Stück vorhanden sei! und es wurde
eeuts-Stiickes beklagt. Selbst den
Doppelcents vermieten manche nicht
gern. Heute bietet sich Veranlas
sung genug, diese Erörterung noch
Viele, welche in gewissen volks
tümlichen Speiseplatzen sich ihre
Milch zu Gemüte zu sichren
10 Cents statt der üblichen S kostet.
Auch viele, welche Krägen zum Prei
se von zwei sür einen Ouarter zu
lausen Pslegen, fanden mit einem
Mal, dab sie mindestens 3l> Cents
und in manchen Fällen noch mehr
dafür bezahlen müssen. Und so be
züglich der Nahrungs- und der
volkstümlichen Gennszmittel erst
Es gibt keine Münze zwischen
einem Nickel und einem „Dime",
Pennies zu wechseln. Der Käuser
würde schon zweifelsohne sich lieber
dieser Unbequemlichkeit unterziehen,
als einen sehr bedeutend höheren
Preis zu zahlen, der ja teilweise
eine Erhöhung um IVO Prozent be
deutet, aber er hat ja keine
Wahl.
Andererseits kann sich der Ver
käufer sür eine Weile ins Fäust
chen lachen. Zu 5 Cents das Glas
bringt ein Quart Milch 2t) Cents,
zu l! 1 Cents aber 4M Die Berechti
diese sollten doch in allen Fällen
angemessen sein. Die Nickel- und
„Dime"-Kettcnläden und viele an
dere Geschäfte mögen zeitweilig ih
re Prosite stark erhöhen, aber sie
stehen in Gefahr, ihr Geschäft zu
verlieren, und alle einsichtigeren
Händler geben sich auch keiner Täu
schung über diese Gesahr hin.
Von beiden Seiten wird daher
neuerdings eine Bewegung begün
stigt, welche darauf abzielt, daß
mindesteiis eine Münze noch, und
zwar zwischen einem Nickel und
werde, sagen wir: ein Sechs- oder
Siebencenls-Stück. Das würde z.
B. für eine große Zahl Stratzen
bahngefellschaften nützlich sein, die
es fertig gebracht haben, eine Er
höhung ihrer Fahrgelder über eiisen
Nickel durchzusetzen, und würde
doch zugleich jeden Vorwand sür ei
ne unverschämte Erhöhung kleiner
Preise nehmen. Andererseits würde
es in vielen Fälle» Preiserhöhun
gen erleichtern, auf die man bisher
sehr ungern verzichtet hat, aus
Furcht, zuviel Geschäft einzubüßen,
wenn die Erhöhung zu drückend
empfunden würde.
Die neue Bewegung wird u. a.
von Tabakhandelskreisen gefördert.
Es ist bekannt genug, daß Preis
könnte wohl durch einen solchen
Münzerlag viel zur Förderung der
Haushälterischkeit im allgemeinen
können wohl die Dollars schon eher
für sich selbst sorgen.
Ein Major halte die Absicht, sich
zum vierten Maie zu verehelichen.
Er kam beim König Friedrich dem
Großen um die Erlaubnis dazu ein.
Dieser schrieb an den Rand der
Eingabe:
.Von jetzt an kann sich der Ma
jor v. d. H. so »st verheiraten, att
er will,"
z Wenn Sie ermüdet
Z und durstig find
Goldene Medaille
.N-m-.aufd-.Sws»-.
i Stcgniaier Brau Co.
Wm F. Kiesel ä- So«.
Prlnui-Bank.
Notariats-Geschäft und Fener-
Berstchrru»n
>«tablirtlBz».l
z zA t!ackawanna Ave., Scranton, Po.
Gebrüder Scheuer's
..Kcystone"
Brod, Cracker und
Cakes Bäckerei.
3t» 3t.; und Zt7 Brook Straße,
gegenüber der Knopf-Fabrik,
Süd Scranton.
.Sicherheit—zu allererst.^
P.opies savings und
Dime Bank.
z >mr« g al«. '«iditt» KW'«.
DiegrSßte Ztaatdank in Pcanstzlvaili«
Kttverstonr^
Leitender Optiker,
»S I L»tka oa»na 'Avenue.
L^ohNTAITIT^»^
S2Z-S2K Epruce Straße.
.Club' Frühstück.
Dinner und Kaufmann'» Lunch
1I.Z» bis S.
A la Carte immer.
Theater Gesellschaften Spezialität.
Prompte Bedienung.
George I. Rosar, Eigenthümer. »
Henry Horn s
Restaurant,
Pen« Adr., Scr»ts», P«.
r-rd-a" uch tinc, o,ijSgiichn> d««fch«l
«»4« ,udc-->t«>in Speist« aus sei
,t->. und ,«a-,» lehr mäßig-« Preife».
?a«fman»« Mittagelunch itglich 30 »eit«,
Aknd »arme, >j«ni^-ech»rl-
Schadt Äo.,
Allgemeine Versicherung,
«03 » MearS Gebäude.
W. S. Vaughaa,
Gnn>dei>e»thN«
Gekauft, Verkauft,
Vermiethet.
lvfiw. «« «pr»a «dm»»,
Vmmtou, P«
Vnltsch gesprsche». „When theYoungest
Critic has Died."
From The New Republic.
Flesh and blood were made to
endure, but not to endure all
things serenely. Hardest to
endure, for the men who work
and stagger under responsibil
ity, is a constant dinning in the
ears of advice and criticism from
those who look on at a distance.
Even the man whose work is
nothing more than the con
struction of tribal lays yearns
eagerly for the peace to come
"when the youngest critic has
died." What must be the feel
ing of the man who is respon
sible for an important part of
the stupendous business of war
making ,as, for example, the
arming and equipment of our
newly-levied hosts? Consider
the one item of rifles. Immense
numbers must be manufactured,
and many are the materials
that must be assembled and se
lected and tested. Many, ac
cordingly, are the possible slips.
Skilled men are required for the
making, and skilled men are
hard to find and harder to train.
The responsible head of the ser
vice conceives plans for organi
zation, coordination, accelera
tion, and transmits an impulse
through his production machine,
made up of chiefs and sub
chiefs, managers and clerks and
assistants, some alive and ener
getic, some sluggish and in
cli ied toward the perfunctory.
As like as not the impulse
grounds in dead wood or ac
cumulates in a pigeonhole. It
is necessary for the responsible
head to try anew. In the mean
time a roar of criticism has
arisen to deafen and bewilder
him. Our soldiers in camp have
nothing like enough rifles togo
around. They must execute
rifle drills in relays, or resort
to shovels, broomsticks and ca
listhenics. "We must put our
faith in time," cries the ha
rassed chief. "Time?" thunders
the critic. "Time is the Kais
er's ally, not ours."
And the worst of it is that
what the critic says is true. We
are short of equipment, and the
time we spend in getting
equipped may play into t|ie
hands of the enemy. Beiore the
public ,the critic and his victim
stand in the light of contestants,
the one asserting failure to pro
duce results, the other confess
ing, explaining, excusing. The
critic need not take full account
of the difficulties to be sur
mounted. He need not suggest
in detail alternative methods
that might prove more effective.
He has won the case before the
bar of public opinion when he
has exhibited the disproportion
between actual achievements
and the national need. What
refuge remains to the official
whose work is criticised? Only
the higher responsibility of his
superior. If he is not doing his
work, how is it that he is re
tained in his position? And
thus the collective impact of all
criticism of our war prepara
tions, as of our military and po
litical strategy, converges upon
the center of ultimate responsi
bility, the President .
The President is ultimately
responsible for our conduct of
the war. If we arrive too late,
or with forces inadequately
trained or equipped, the blame
for our defeat will fall upon the
President. Nor does his re
sponsibility end here. More and
more, Frenchmen and English
men, Russians and Italians,
Jungo-Slavs and Checo-Slovaks,
are asserting that the outcome
of the war will ,be determined
by American action. If the war
ends before the objects that his
tory will pronounce attainable
have been attained, the blame
will rest with America and its
President. If the war is pro
longed" for the sake of objects
that are not attainable, or if
attained impossible of retention
through the readjustment fol
lowing the peace, the blame will
rest equally with America and
President Wilson. No other
living man carries a weight of
responsibility to compare with
that borne by our President. A
Kaiser may shift responsibility
to his Chancellor. A Chancellor
observing ominous portents in
the skies may retire, thus shift- .
ing part of the odium of dis
aster upon a successor, who may
in turn retire in time to escape
a share of the loss. Just so the
underwriters of a ship overdue
may avoid part of the loss
through reinsurance . AU Euro-
pean statesmen can reinsure,
but not President Wilson. He
can lay down his responsibilities
only with the expiring of his
term of office, when the war no
doubt will be over.
Let us listen for a moment to
the dull roar of criticism assail
ing President Wilson's ears.
VVe shall discern articulate
questions in plenty. Why have
we yet no workable plan for or
ganizing our labor supply and
placing the required amounts at
the command ot our most es
sential services? Why are we
behindhand in our ship-building
program? Why have we not
faced and solved the problem of
providing trained crews for the
ships we are preparing to
launch? Why did we fail to
give adequate backing, material
and moral, to the political ele
ments in Russia that gave pro
mise of a reasonable degree of
governmental stability? Why
did we not discourage the Ita
lians from a military enterprise
bound to lead to disaster? There
are more questions current, but
there is no profit in repeating
them. It is not disputed that
any critic could ask more ques
tions than seven President Wil
sons could answer.
Are we to imagine that the
man who bears for the time the
chief responsibility in the world
war maintains always a serene
consciousness under the din of
questioning and criticism? Pre
sident Wilson is human, arrest
ingly human in the rare glimp
ses of his real personality that
his fellow-citizens are permitted
to catch. It is reported, unoffi
cially and probably erroneously,
that he has expressed a wish
that all critics might be export
ed. In his heart he may well
have wished at times that all
critics were dead.
But no one knows better than
the President that neither ex
portation nor death of the cri
tics would bring more than a
momentary respite to those who
are overladen. Criticism has an
essential function to perform,
and no statesman can safely
dispense with it. If our war
machine is not working per
fectly, somebody ought to "say
it, say it so insistently that the
whole people will be forced to
take account not only of this
fact but of the reason for it.
It will not do togo on the sup
position that the official author
ities will always anticipate the
unofficial critics in the discovery
of defects and well proceed forth
with to their removal. We have
no official authority to whom
we can' more safely impute in
fallibility than the British had
in Lord Kitchener. He was not
a soldier-bureaucrat tied up in
red tape, but an extraordinarily
energetic, resourceful master of
men. And yet he would not be
lieve in high explosive shells.
British soldiers perished use
lessly upon entanglements that
shrapnel could not destroy, yet
Kitchener would not believe un
til the Northcliffe papers forced
the issue. In so great an under
taking as our war there must
inevitably be serious wastes
and stupidities whose existence
will never be made known to
the President and the people
and 'whose correction will not
be undertaken at all if voluntary
criticism repudiates its proper
function.
Nor is this all. Wars never
move according to prediction.
We may have the best ground
ed expectations of success in a
campaign we are undertaking,
and yet fail in tangible results.
Is it better for us to march
serenely to failure, blinded by
optimistic forecasts, or to be
forced by the critics to take in
to account the chances of fail
ure? Wars never end in the
way even the wisest and most
disinterested statesman promises.
In the final outcome all pormises
must be pruned down to prac
ticability. Shall we stop the
mouths of the critics, who set
up our hopes for us against the
background of the practicable?
If we do we shall experience
the same enraged disappoint
ment as the Japanese experienc
ed when they learned how far
the treaty of Portsmouth fell
short of their hopes.
Criticism founded upon ex
pert knowledge, criticism that
takes into account all difficul
ties to be overcome, performs,
as all will admit, a useful func
tion. But what is the gain from
captious, uninformed, otten ma
licious, criticism? There is
none. But even such criticism
cannot safely be suppressed. Let
us bear in mind that there is
not a single hollow ruin of a
dead-wood official who would
not protest that criticism direct
ed against him was captious.
uninformed. malicious. Critic
ism is like a windstorm in a
forest. It scatters some green
leaves, it breaks a few useful
brandies, but the trunks it top
ples over aie trunks that dis
figure the living U est and in
fest it with decay.