111
I tit Nethig •bnvtr.
---
TUURSDA.Y, I.4IOESIBE 1865
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
of the President of the , United Statea to
h r two Mouses of Clmgress at the commence
et o f the first session of the Thirty-ninth
I
~,,,,,grrtl.
liow.eit i zeT i of the Senate and House of
I'
'e .
.nresentenves .
'-' a eratitude to God, in the name of
1 0 cay k re3 ; w i lee preservation of the United
the l'er ro ,' s . tint duty in addressing you. Our
Su it "' is - .ext revert to the death of the late
I,,b"gill I l ly an act of parricidal treason. the
r " ri'elki:futthbeenation is still fresh i finds some
in consideration that he l l ived to en
-13,7,;- itehest proof of its confidence by en.
ie1 . .,,, h n 'the reuewed term of the Chief Magi's
left"' - which he had been elected ; that be
treY , t" civ i l war substantially to a close;
,ht the
broi i ,, s , was deplored in all parts of the
that hi;' e nd that foreign nations have rendered
t .ni— io his inenoory. His removal cast upon..
eetice -- heavier weight of cares then ever devote
'lne A be lv „", nee of his predecessors. To ful
„dui” 1 , 1 1 1 need the support and confidence
0 11111). tr are associated with me in the vale
( a ll h°
0. ~„,renents of government, and the sup
mis "",d c onfidence of the people. There is
butan e
111 w ay in which I can hope to gain tle le
butane ol d it is to state with frankness the
nee .4l w hich guide my conduct, and their
peu,,;„o the he present state of will, e
0 1, ';' 1 : 0 efficiency of my labors in
swir l ',,,, n eure, depend on your and their uq•
Ii 1 A li ~- probil don. . •
, - `;„n of the United States of America
- Vie ` - ',', l - € „1 by its authors to last as long us
el' Intel ' rhemselvies shall last. "The Union
g e , l Bl , l , l , (4 n erpetu . al," are the words of the Con
6u,..tr'. 11. "TO form a more perfect Union." by
l ' - ' - d l i t i l u ance of the people of the United States
an , r j l are d purpose of the Constitution.
l'• ' be b 11 7 „r pivine Providence was never
55e " a minly visible in the affairs of men thlui
, 111 .,' L ' re tio P e,,uillie and the adopting of that instru
e,t it is, beyond comparison, the greatest
''"; i n kuierieau history; and indeed is it
sc' D ',„ - ii . .“.nts of modern times, the most
v u otr °l ' °-.- . ith consequences for every people
The members of 'the Convention
'r ttretirtil •
which loured it, brought to their work the
b l eb pR.
~speriellet, or the Confeueration. of their sew-
Republican other Re üblican Govern
e., ewes, and 0
eats, o ldp
and new : but t hey
needed and they
ati3llll. , s l it wisdom superior to experience.
d when fer its validity it required the up-
AD
t of a people that occupied a large part of
P,n3covnatinent and acted separately in mane. tfis
eutions what is more wonderful than
tiVel. CoIIV
that,
utter earnest contention and long discus
'fla, all feelings and all opinions were
e• ultima
,„ d r awn in one way to its support ?
"in e constitution to which life was thus im
rted contains within itself ample resources
r,, ow e preservation. It has power to en
,j,„ the laws, punish treason, and ensure do
'mono m neaillity. In case of the usurpation
of the Government of a State by one man, or
by an n bintrehy, it becomes a duty of the
l'nitel States to make • good the guarantee to
thstState of a republican form of government,
and a a maintain the homegenonsness of 'all.
roes the la , e.e of time reveal defects? A tem
p/croak of a Me ndment is provided in the Con
ideation Itself, 80 that its condition can always
be rude to conform to the requirements of ad
‘aneing eivilizatiou. No room ks allowed even
'tor the thought of the possibility of Its coming
loan end. And these powers of self-preserva
tion have always been asserted in their com
plete integrity by every patriotic Chief Magis
trate-by Jefferson and Jackson, not less than
by Washington an4 . Madison. The parting ad
vice of the Father,tof his Count ry, while yet
President, to' the people of the United States,
was , that "the flee Constitution, which was
t h e work of their. hands might be sacredly
maintained;" arid the inaugural words of
President Jefferson held up "the preservation
of the General ifoverntnent, in its constitution
al vigor, as the iheet anchor of our peace at
lame and safety Abroad." The Constitution
is the work of t' the people .of the United
butes," taid it shoild be as indestructible as
UR people.
It to not strange that the framers of the Con
stitution, Which .had no model in . the past,
ibuuld not have fully comprehended the exoel
lee* of Their own work ? Fresh from a strng
ee against arbitrary power, many patriots suf.
ivied from harassing fears of an absorption of
the State Governments by the General Govern
ment, and many from the dread that the States •
would break away from their orbits. • But the
very greatness of our country shouldallay the
ipprelien.sion of encroachments by the General
Got enarnent. The subjects that come tit:num
tenably within its jurisdiction are so numer
,o, that it must ever naturally refuse to be
«mbarrassed by questions that lie beyond it.
Were it otherwise, the Executive would sink
beneath the burden ; the channels of justice
would be choked ; legislation would be ob- '
eructed by excess, so that there is a greater
temptation to exercise some of the functions of
the GOperal Government through e the States
than to trespass on their rightful sphere. "The.
theepte acquiescence in the decisions of that
moray" was, at the beginning of the ,centur,\
' , Arced by Je ff erson, "as the vital principle
if
'republics, ,atid the events of the last four yet!
Lot established, we hope forever, that theri
les no appeal to force. The maintenance of the
Znion brings with' it the support of the State
pvernments in all , their ; rights, but it Is not
me of the rights of any State government tore
tounce its own place in the Union or to minty
the laws orthe Union. The largest liberty is to
le maintainedi the discussion of the acts of the
Federal govern ent, but there is no appeal
zi
from its . laws e xcept to the various branch, s of
that government itself, Yor to the people, who
grunt to the members of the Legislatiye and
.f the Executive Departteents no tenure but a
,muted one, and in that manner always retain
the powers of redress, "Tfie sovereignty of the
bates" is thikauguage of the Confederacy, end
not the langthge of the cot:Agitation ; the latter
contains the fiapbatic worths, "The Constitu
don and the LA ws of the Untied States which
that! be mad,,in pursuance thereof, and all
treaties made, 'or which shale, be made, under
the authorityof the United States, shall Le the
supreme law of the land ; and the judges i,n
every State sloll be bound thereby ; anything
it, the Lonstithtion or laws of any State to the
omtney note/ hstanding."
Certainly, g Government of the "United
States is a lint; ed Government ; and so is every
1 13
State govern!nt a limited government. With
le, this idea' limitation spreads through m
pi f
every for o administration, general, State
cad muhicipal', and rests on the great dis-
Inquishing principle of the recognition of the
alts of man. The ancient republics absorbed
es individual in the State, prescribed his re-
Lziun, and controlled his activity . The Awed
=system rests on the assert n of the equal
rot of every man to life,Ube
~ty and the par
nit of happiness; to free dom or conscience, to
„the culture i nd exercise of all his faculties.
VJ a consequence, the State government is lim
red, as to the General Government in the inter
ie t,f Union, mato the individual citizen in the
''..:.'rest of freedm .
Saites, with p per limitation of power, are
I
eventual to the 9 tence.of the Constitution of
ice Uaited States. At the very commencement
yea we assumed place among the powers of
zeetrth, the Decl ation of Independence was
Kopted by States; Goatee were the Articles of
C - .'s!ederation, and when " the People of the
Itlted States" ordained and established the
Ce.etution, it was the assent of the States, one
krt.& which gave it vitality. In the event,
1,- ,einy amendment to the Constitution, the
feeetion of Congress needs the confirmation
''',,N4tes. Without States, one great branch of
ilEtslative government would be wanting.
Az , i, if we look beyond the letter of the Consti
et:an to the character of our country, its cepa
ely far codiprehentling within its jurisdiction a
T~M c . )otinental empire is due to the system of
Saks The beat security for the perpetual ex
4:etien of the State is t he "supreme authority"
lite Constitution of the United States,. the
ittrktutty of the Constitution brings with it the
Peimuity of the butes; the mutual relation
me , es us what we are, and in our political
' T itan their connection is indissoluble. The
'hole cannot exist without the parts, nor the
Pott without the whole. So long as tbe Con
cunion of the United States endures, the
' ' ,4 tli will endure; the destruction of the one
. 4 , th e destruction of the other ; the preserve
tun of the one is the preservation of the other.
, i,have thus explained my views of the mu
%;
-_le re lations of The Constitution arid the States,
n-tiuse they unfold the principles on which I
"je sought to solve the momentous questions.
1 overcome the appalling difficulties that
" e 1
me at the very commencement of any ad
ht,t.otetrtetion. It has been my steadfast object
tI
nwape from the sway of momentary pa5 ,L:.,4.1.,
, L : ., 4 . 1 . , and to derive a healing policy from the
, e, .. n rd , , LJ . n_e_n ( t ) ill and unchanging principles of the
. ...... roE ue.e. I found the States suffer
,•st n the effects of a civil war, Resistatme
7thianas, general government appeared to have
Itself. The United States had re
..mer
,3zoi
their armies
of their forts awl arsenals,
armies were in the oocapation of
*wvotiofj.Srtattile which had attempted to secede.
)4it 0 territory within the litnitsof those
, " 4 .'''uld be held as conquered territory
- I „elar m a w
rreakitat tar authority emanating from the
t oot . cast he head of the army, was the
question that presented itself for consider
lean.
military governments, establlitied for
ligietinite period, would Wive offered no
security ((Jr the early suppression of disoon-
tent; would have divided Lb. pselphe WO Ike •
vanquishers and the vanquished; sod would
have envenomed hat red,rather than have restor
ed affection. Once established, no precise limit
to their oontinuanerr was conceivable. They
would have occasioned an incalculable and cut
haunting expense. Peaceful emigration to and
from that portion oftbe country lion. albs beet
means that can be thought of for the reiteration
of harmony t . and that emigration would have
been preven ted; for what emigrant front
abroad, what Industrious citizen at home,
would place himself willingly undermilltarf
rule? The chief persons who would bavetellow
ed in the train of the army would have been de
pendent on the General Government, or men
who expected profit front the miseries of their
erring fellow-citizens. The powers of patron
age and rule which would have been exer
cised, under the President, over a vest, and
populous, and naturally wealthy region. are
greater than unless under exixente necessity. I
should be willing to entrust to any one man ;
they are such as, for myself, I could never, un
less on occasion of great emergency, consent to
exercise. The wilful use of such powers, if
continued through a period' of years, would
- have endangered the purity of the GenionQ
Administration and the liberties of the Sates
which remained loyal.
Besides, the policy of military rule Over a
conquered territory would have implied that
the States whose inhabitants may have taken
part in the rebellion had, by the act of those
inhabitants ceased to exist. But the true theo
ry is, that all pretended acts of secession Irma,
from the beginning, null and Sold. The/Rides
cannot commit treason, nor screen the Individ
ual citizens who may h ave committed trauma,
any more than they can make , valid treaties or
engage in lawful commerce reith any foreign
power. The States attempting to secede placed
themselves in a condition where their vitality
was impaired but not egthigniahed—their
functions suspended, but not destroyed.
But-if any State neglects or refuses perfnrin
its offices there is the more need that the general
government should _maintain all its authority,
end s .as soon as practicable ragtime •exer
else of its functions . On this prin e.I have
acted, and have gradually and quied „Sad by
e r
almost imp erceptible steps. sought to restore
the rightfu lenergy of the Genersifilovernment
and of the States. To that end, Provi-lonal
Governors have been appointed- for the States,
conventions called, governota elected,neesla
tures assembled and Senators and representa
tives -chosen to the Congress of the United
Slates. At the same time the Courts of the
United States, as far as cou id be dope; hale been
re-opened, so that the laws of tire United States
may be enforced through their agency The
blockade has been remosed and the custom
houses re-established in ports of entry, so that
the revenue of the United States. may be col
lected. The Post Mice Department renews its
ceaseless activity, and the General Govern
ment is thereby enabled to communicate
proraptly with Us officers and agents. The
Courts bring security to persons and properly."
The opening of the ports invites the restora
tion of industry and commerce. The Pest
Office renews the facilities of social inter
course arid of business. And is it not happy
for us all, that the restoration of each .one of
these functions' of the General ciovernment
brings with it a blessing to theoStates over
which they are extended? Is it not a sure
promise of harmony and renewed attachment
to the Union that; after all Chit has happened,
the return of the General Government is Itnown
only as a beneficence.
I know very well that this policy is attended
with dome risk ; that for its success it requires
at-least the acquiescence of the States which it
concerns ; that it implies an invitation to those
States, by, renewing their allegiance to the Unto.
ted States, to resume their *functions as States
of the Union. But it is a risk thit must t be
taken ; in the choice of difficulties It lathe '
smallest risk; and to diminish, and it pallet
ble; to remove all danger, I have felt it incum
bent on me to assert one other power of the
General Governaient—the power of pardon.
As no State can throw a defence over the crime •
of treason, the power of pardon is exclusively
vested in the Executive Government of the
United States. In exercising that power, I
have taken every precaution to connect it with
the clearest recognition of the binding force of
the laws .of the United States, and an unquali
fied acknowledgment of the great social change
of -condition in regard to slavery which has
grown out of the war.
The next step which I have taken to restore
the oonsfitutionel relations of the States, has
been an invitation to them to participate in the
high office of amending the Cons LI tu ti on. Every
patriot must wish for a general amnesty•atthe ,
earliest epoch consistent with public saf ety.
• For this great end there is need of a concur
rence of all opinions, and the spirit of mutual
conciliation. All parties In the late terrible con-
tilct must work together in harmony. It is not 4
too much to ask, in the name of the whole peo
ple, that, on the one side, the plan of restoration
stra:l proceed In conformity with a willingness
to emit the disordeni of the past into oblivion ;
andahat, on the other, the evidence of sincerity
in the future maintenance of the Union shall be
put beyond any doubt by the ratification of the
proposed amendment tothe Conetitution.which
provides for the abolition of slavery forliver -
within the limits of our country. So long as the
adotion of this amendment is delayed, oolong •
will' doubt, and jealousy, andftneertainty pre
vail. This is the measure which will efface the
sad memory of the past ; this is the measure
•4eblcb will most certainly call populatio n and
;capital, and security to those parts of the t f niou
.thatneed them most. Indeed, iii. not too much
,tro ask of the States' which are now resuming
•their places in the family of the Union to eve
•••• this pledge of perpetualloyalty and peace. Un
til it is done, the past, however much we may
-desire it, will not be forgotten. The adoption
of amendment reunites us beyond all power
orAlsruption. It heals the wound that is still
lieperfectly closed ; it removes slavery, the ele-•
anent which basso long perplexed and divided•
the country ; it makes of us once more a uni
ted people, renewed and strengthened, bound.
tore than ever to mutual affection and sup
rr.
amendment to the Constitution being
adopted, it would remain for the States, whose
powersfitave been so long in abeyance, to re
sume their places in the two branches of the
National Legislature, and, thereby complete
the work of restoration. Here it is for you,
fellow-citizensof the Senate and for you fellow
citizens, of the House of Representatives, to .
judge. e h of you for yourselves , of,the elec •
tions, urns, and qualifications of your own
mem
The All assertion of the powers of ihe Gen
era' Government requires (beholding ofCircuit
Courts of the United States within the districts
where their authority ham been interrupted. - In
the present posture of our public affairs, strong
objections have been urged to holding those
courts in any of the States where the rebellion
has existed ; and it was ascertained, by inquiry,
that the Circuit Court of the United States
would not be held within the district of Virgin
ia during the autumn or early winter, nor un
til Congress should have "an opportunity to
consider and act on the whole subject." To
your deliberations the restoration of this branch
of the civil authority of the United States is
therefore necessarily referred, with the hope
that early provision will be made for the re
sumption of all its functions. It is manifest
that treason, most flagrant in character, has
been comm itted. Persons who are teamed
with its commission should have fair and ftn
• partial trials in the highest civil tribunals of
the country, in order that the Constitution and,
the laws may be fully vindicated; the truth
clearly established and affirmed that treason is
a crime, that traitors should be punished and
the offence made Infamous; and, at the same
time, that the question may be judicially set
tled, finally and forever, that' no State of its
own will has the right to renounce its place in
the Union.
The relations of the General Government to
wards the four millions of inhabitants whom
the war has called into freedom have engaged
my most serious consideration. On the pro-
priety of attempting to make the freedmen
electors by the proclamation of the Executive,'
I took for Loy counsel the Constitution itself,
the inteapretation of that instrument by Its
authors and their oontempc_kraries, and recent
legislation by Congress. When, and
flint
And
movement towards independence the Congress
of the United States instructed the several
States to institute governments of their own,
they le ft each State to decide for itself the con
ditions for the enjoyment of the elective (ran
aim. During the period of the confederacy,
there oontinued to exist a very great diver
sity In the qualifications of electors in the sev
eral States, and even within a State a distinc
tion of qualifications prevailed with regard to
the officers who were to be ehosee. The Con
stitution of the United States recognizes these
diversities when it enjoins that, in the choice
of Members of the Rouse of Representatives
of the United States, I' the electors in each
State shall have the qualifications requisite for
electors of the most numerous branch of the
State Legislature." After the formation of the
Constitution it remained, as before, the aid
form usage
for each State to enlarge the body
of its electors, aooording to its own judgment ;
and under th is system, one State after another
_has proceeded to Increase the number of its
electors, until now universal suffrage, or some
thing very near it, is the general-rule. So Axed
was this reservation of power in the habits of
the people, and so unquestioned has teed the
interpretation of the Constitution, that during
the civil war the late President never harbored
the purposertainly never avoiredlthe par
pa disregarding it ' • and in the acts
of Congress, during that period, nothing am
be found which, during thecoatinultnee of
hostilities, much lees arm their aloo f
_would
hate sanctioned any departure by tM NUM
• live from a politer whke has so nalfeently ob
tained. Moreover, a concession of the elective
franchise to the freedmen, by act of the Presi
dent of the United States, must have been ex
tended to all colored men, wherever found,
and so must have established a change of suf
frage in the Northern, Middle and Western
States. not less than in the %others and South
western. Such an act would bays created a ,
new class of voters, and would have been an
assumption of power by the President which
nothing in the ConsdituUon or laws of the -
United
tetates would have warranted. -
On the other band, every danger of conflict
Is 'welded wham the settlement of the question
Is referred to the several States. • They can,
each for itself, decide on the measure, anti
whether it Is to be adopted at oboe and ebb°.
hardy. or Introduced gradually sad with acrt-
Melons. In my Judgment, the freedmen, if
sooner partictipalkut in the eteether fran
chise. through the States than through thegen
eral government, even if it had power to inter
vene. When the tumult of emotions that has
been raised by the suddenness of the social
change shall have subsided, it may prove that
they will receive the kindliest usage from some
of Wore o p n en whomded they lave heretofore most
=lad (
e.
le I have no dbt that new, after the
demo( the war, it is 1210 t, competent for the
general government to extend the elective
franchise in the several States, It is equally ,
clear that good faith requires the security of the
freedmen In their liberty and property, their
right to labor and their tight to claim the just
returtt of their labor. I Cannot too strongly urge
a diipasslonate treatment of this subject which .
should be carefully kept • aloof front all party
strife. We must equally avoid hasty assump
tions of any natural iinpossibility for the two
races to live aide by side in a state-of mutual
benefit and good will. The experiment Involves
us ig, no inconsistency; let us, then, grton and
make that
.experiment in good faith Land not
to be too artily disheartened. The country is
in rued of labor, and the freedmen are "in need
of employment, culture and proteationi While
their right of voluntary migration and •expa-
Walton is not, to be questioned, twoold net
advise their forced removal and colonization.
Let us rather encourage them to bondable and
useful industry, where It may be beneficial to
themselves and to the country; and, nstead of
hasty anticipations of the eertainty of failure,
let there be nothing wanting to the fair trial of
the experiment. The change in their condition
is the substitution of labor by contract for the
status of slavery. il'he freedmen cannot fairly .
be accused of unwillingness to work, so long
as a doubt MOW= about his freedom of choice
In his pursuits, and the certainty - is recov
ering his stipulated-wages. in ` t he Inter
estsor of the employer and emplo - Coincide.
The employer desires in his w meu spirit
and alacrity, and these can be pertnanenfty se
cured in no other way. And if the one ought
to be able to enter:* the contract, ea Ought the
other. The public interest will be best promo
ted, if the several States will provide adequate
protection and remedies Ibr the freedmen. Co
in this is in some way acoompliehcd, there is
no chance for the advantageous use of their la
bor; and the blame of 111-success will not rest
on them, , '
I know that al ncere philanthropy is earnest for
the immediate realization or its remotest alms;
but time is always an element in reform. It is
one af;the Outlastarta on rechrd to have bro't
four nfillions of people tWo freedam.,.. The ca
reer oeffree industry mtthe fairly opened to
attempted then their future prosperity and con-
ditionintuat, after teleran mainly Ott them
selves. ' If they fail,eind so perish away, let us
be careful that the failure shall not be attribu
table .to pet"' denial of Justice. In eft.that re
lates toile destiny of the freedmebt we need
not be too anxious to read the future ; 'many - -
incidents which, trout a speculatiee point of •
view. might raise alarm, will quietly settle
.themselves.
No* that slavery is at an end, ee near Its?"
end, the greatness of lle evil, la the point of.
view Cif public) economy, beodmet
_more and-
more apparent. Slavery was ersentlailft a rici
' nopoly of labor, and as such, looked tMStateit
whets ft prevailed against the incominrof free
industry. Where labor was the prepertY of th)
capihdist, the 'white man was excluded from
etnployment, or bad but the second belt icbanoe
of finding it e and the foreign emigrant turned
rimy from the region where his condition
would be so precarious. With the destruction
of the monopoly, free laber will_ hasten from
all parts of the civilized World, to assist in de
veloping various and immeasnrable resources
which have hitherto laid dormant. The eight or .
:nine States nearestthe Gulf of Mexico 'have a
moll of eiqberent fertility , 'a climate friendly to
long life, and can sustain Cdensee population
than Is found aset in any part of o ur country.
A.ndithe future -Influx or population to them
will be mainlyy, from the North, or from the
most cultivated nations in Europe. Froht the
sufferings that have attended them duridg oar
late; struggle, let us -look Away to the future,
which is sure no, by %den Without with greater
Thethan -lute' eveebefeire been known:.
The retrieval& the monopoly of slave labor Is
a plidgethat tbosie regions will be pled by
a nutherons and enterprising pope on, which
will ill ; with any lathe Union in co piett l ees,
inventive genius, wealth and industry.
Our Government springs from and was de
for the people—not the people for the Govern
ment. - To them it owes alftiance; from them
It must derive its courage. - strength and eels
dom. But, while_the Government Is , thus •
bound t 4 defer to te people, from whom it de
rives Itit; existenoe,dr, should, from the very
oonsidatihrt of its origin, be strong in its
.-power of resistance tokthe establishment of in
equalities. 'Monopolies, perpetuate. andantes
legislation, are contrary to the Rados of free .
government,- and ought not to allowed.
Here, there is no room for favored classes or •
.monopolles; the principle of our Government
is that of equal laws and freedom of industry.
Wherever monopoly ;attains a foothold, it is 4
sure to the a sou of of denger, disoord, and
trouble. We shill'i but fulfill our duties as leg
islators by according _ " equal and exact Justice
to all men," special privileges to one. The
Government is subordinate to the pie; but, --•
as the sent and representative o the people,
•
it must be held superior to monopcilles, which,
in themselves , ought never to be granted, and
which, where they islet, must be subordinate
and yieldto the Government.
The Constitution confers on Convent the
right to regulate commerce among the several
States. It is of the first necessity, far the main
tenanceof the Union,thet that commerce should •
be: bee and unobstructed. No State can be
Justified in any device to tax the transit of
travel andoommerae between States. The po
sition of thany States is such that, if they were
allowed to take advantage ofit for purposes of
local revenue, the commerce between States
might be lujuriotudy burdened, or even virtu
ally gprohibited. It is best, while the country
is still young, and while the tendency to dan
gerous monopolies of this kind Is still feeble, to
use the power of Congress so as to prevent any
selfish Impediment to the free circulation of
men and merchandise. A. tax on travel and
merchandise, in their transit, constitutes one
of the worst fbruts or monopoly and the evil is
Increased if coupled with a denial of the choice
of route. When the vast extant of our country
is considered, it is plain that every obstacle to
the feet circulation of commerce between the
States ought to be sternly guarded against by
appropriate legislation, within the limits of the •
Constitution.
Tbe report of the Secretary of the Interior
explains the condition of the public lands, the
transactions of the Patent oast% and Pension
Bureau, the management of our Indian affairs,
the made in the construction of the
a railroad, and furnish,s information in
reihrence to matters of local interest In the Dis
trict of Columbia. It also presents evidence of
the successful operation of the Homestead Act, ,
under the provisions of which 4180,We acres
of the pubho lands were entered during the
last deed year—mare than one-fourth of the
whole number of sparse sold or otherwise dis
posed of during that period, It is estimated
that the receipts derived from this source are
sufficient to cover the expenses incident to the
survey and disposal of the lauds entered under
this Act, and that payments in cash to the ex
tent of from forty to fifty per cent. will be made
by settlers, who may thus at any time acquire
title before the expirati on of the period at
which it would otherwise vest. The Home
stead policy was only established after long
and earnest, resistance; experience proves its
contributes to the public resources, are worth
b w cut imknL eettlers. The whose lab o r labo in th r ehands o
creates w r eal ind tb uign.
and
more to the United States than if-they bad
been reserved se a solitude fur future pur
chaaere.
TM - lamentable events of the last tour years,
and the sacrsdoes made by the Want man of
our army and navy, have swelledtbe records
of the Pension Bureau to an unprecedented
extant. On the Seth day of June last the total
nnesber of pensioners was 85,99 0f 3, requiring
ex the
Ma for
thetr annual pay, exclusive
stun of likma. The number of applications
that have been atonal since that date will re.
quire a large increase of the amount for the
next. OW year. The means for the payment
°Me stipends doe, under existing laws, to
onvdisaWed soldiers and sailors, and to the
bunillea of such as have periabedtn the service
of the ()pantry, wall nit doubt be cheerfully and
womptly granted. A grat e People wni not
Essitite to sanction any measures laving foe
their object the relief of mutilated sokilers and
amines made fatherless in the abets to pre-
UM nor astlenni Mists:we.
The report of the Postmaster General pre
sents an enocutraging exhibit of the operations
of Tito Poet Odioe Department during the pier,
Ms wanner of the pun ear
PUIZIPIUM from the loyal
Gl s
enntennd th e annual
Oreapte from all Abe &aka Previous to the re
hellion, in the sum 0f56,038,09,1 ; and the annu
al
average increase of revenues daring the'last
four years, compared with the revenues of the
four years immediately proceeding the rebel
lion, was $3,533,845. The revenues of the last
fiscal year amounted to $14,556,158, and the ex
penditures to $13,684,7Z, leaving
_a surplus of
receipts - over expenditures of P 61,430, Pro
gress has been made in restoring the postal
service in the Southern States. The views
Presented by the Postmaster General against
the policy of grunting stabeldies to ocean mall
Steamship lines upon established routes, and
In favor of continuing the present system,
. which limits the 'compensation for ocean ser
vice to the postage earnings, are recommended •
to the careful consideration of Congress.
Itappours, from the report of the Secretary
of the Navy, that while , &tithe commencement '
of the preaeniyear there were in commission
530 vessels of all classes and descriptions,
armed with 3,000 guns and manned by 51,000
men, the number of vt saels at present in com
mission is 117, with 830 guns and 12,1111 men.
By this prompt reduction of the naval forces
the expenses of the Government have been
largely diminished, and a number of vessels,
purchased for naval purposes from the Mer
chant marine, have been returned' to the
peaceful igstiirsuita of commerce. Since the
suppressiou of active hostilities out foreign
sq nadronlebave been re-established, and con:
slat of wimple muph more efficient than those
employetren similar service previous to the'
rebellion. The 'suggestion for the enlarger ent l
of the navy yards, and especially fur the ;
lablishment of one in fresh water for iron.°
„!
vessel., is de s ervi n g of consideration, as) is
also the reccommandatlon for a different
lion and more ample grounds for the N val
Academy.
In the report orthe Secretary of War alien:-
eral summary is given of the military*m
paigna of 1864 and 1885, ending In the su*Nes.
Mon of armed resistance to the national author
ity in the insurgent States. ; The operetta of
the general administrative Bureaus of t 'ar ,
Department during the past year are de ,
and an estimate made of the approprii one,
that will be required for military pu. in
,
the fiscal year commencing the 30th of ne,
1866. The national military force on the of
Msy t 1865, numbered 1,000,516 men. It • ro
posed to reduce the military estabitshme to a
peaoefooting, comprehending 50,000 traits; of
all arms, organised so as to admit of IA en
largement by filling up the ranks to e/gOty
itvo thousand six hundred, if the circumatannks
of the country.should require an augmentation
of the army. The volunteer force has al*ady
been reduced by the discharge from servlee of
over eight hundred thousand troops, and the
Department Is proceeding rapidly in the 'Work
of further reduction. The war estimate* are,
reduwd from $516,420.131 to $33,814,461; which amount, in the opinion of the Dope! meat, is
adequate for a peace establishment.. Thepea
sures of retrenchment In each Bureau and
brapdh of the service exhibit a diligent ecotio-i
my' worthy of commendation. Reference is al
seined° in the report to the necessity of provid
ing for a uniform militia system, and to the
propriety of making suitable provision for
wounded and disabled officers and soldiers.
The revenue system of,the country is a sub
ject of vital interest to its honor and prosperi
ty, and should command the earnest consider
ation of Congreis. The Secretary of the Treas
ury will lay before roil a full'and detailed re
port of receipts and disbursements of the
last fiscal year of the first quarter of the pre
sent fiscal year of the probable reeelpte and ex
penditures for the other three quarters, and the
estimates for the year following the 30th of
June, 1865. I, might content myself with a
reference to that report, in which you will find
all the information required for your delibera
tions and decision.. But the paramount
im
portance of the subject so presses itself on my
own mind, but I cannot but lay before you my
view. of the measures which are required for
the good character,
and, I might almost say,
for the existence of this people. The life or a
republic lies certainly in the energy, virtue,
and Intelligence of its citizens, but It Is equally
true that a good revenue system is the ills of
- an organized government. I meet you at a
time when the nation has voluntarily burden
ed itself with a debt unprecedented' in oar an
nals. Vast as is its amount, it fades away into
nothing .when compared with the countless
bless:rigs that will be conferred upon our coun
try and upon ,man by the preservation of the
nation's life. Now, on the first occasion of the
meeting of Congreie since the return of peace,
•itis of the utmost importance to Inanguiate a
just policy, which shall at ones be put in mo
tion, and which shall:cOmmend itself to those
who come after
_us for Its continuance. we
Most aim at _nothing, less than the complete
effacement of the tinanchg . 9vits that nem..
eerily followed a state of civil war. We must
endeavor to apply the earliest remedy to the .
deranged state of the currency, and not shrink
from devising a policy which, without being 0.
oppressive to the people, shall mmediately be
gin to effect a reduction of the debt, and if
persisted in, discharge it fully within defi
nitely-fixed number of years.
It is our first duty to prepare in earnest fbr
our recovery from the ever-increasing evils of
an irredeemable currency, without a sudden
revulsion, and yet withqut untimely procrasti
nation. For that end, we must, each in our
respective positions, prepare:the way. • I hold
it the duty of the Executive to insist upon fru••
guilty in the expenditures; and a sparing soon
omy is itself a great national resource. Ol a the
banks to which authority has been given to is
sue note' secured by bonds of the United States,
we, may require the greatest moderation and
prudence, and the law must be rigidly enforced
when its limits are exceeded. We may, each
one of us, counsel our active apd enterprising'
eountrymen to be constantly on their guard;
to liquidate debts contracted in a paper cur
rency; and, by conducting business as nearly
as pos ible on a system of cash payments or
short credits, to hold themselves prepared to
return to the standard of gold and silver. To
aid our fellow-citizens in the prudent manage
- rnent of their monetary *Zara, the duty de
volves on us to diminish by law the amount of
paper money now in circulation. Rive year,
ago the bank-note circulation of the country
• amounted to not much more than two hundr ed
millions; now the circulation, bank and na
tional, exceeds seven hundred millions. The
simple statement of the fact recommends more
strongly than any words of-aline could do, the
necessity of our restraining this expansion.
The gradual reduction of the currency is the
only measure that can save the - business of the
country from disastrous calamities; and this
can be almost imperceptibly accomplished by
'gradually funding the national circulation in
securities that may be made redeernable at the
at the pleasure of the government.
Our debt is doubly secure—first in .the ac
tual wealth and still greater undeveloped re
sources of the country; and next in the char
acter of our institutions. The most intelligent
observers among political economists have not
failed to remark that the public debt of a coun
try is sate in proportion as its people are free;
that the debt of a republic is the safest of all.
Our history confirms and establishes the theo
ry and is , I firmly believe , destined to give it
a little more signal illustration. The secret-of
this superiority springs not merely from the
fact that in a republic the national obligations
are distributed more widely through countless
numbers in all classes of society ; it has its root
in the character of our laws. Here all men
contribute to the public welfare, and beer their
fair share of the public burdens. During the
war, under the impulse of patriotism, the men
of the great body of the people, without regard
to their own comparative want of wealth,
thronged to our armies and filled our fleets of
war, and held themselves ready to offer their
lives for the public good. Now. in their turn,
the property and income of the country should
bear their just proportion of the burden of tat
• *don while in our impost system, through
means of which increased vitality is incident
ally imparted to all the industrial interests of
the nation, the duties should be so adjusted as
to fall most heavily'on articles of luxury, leav
ing the necessaries of Mess free from taxation
as the absolute wants of the government, eco
nomically administered,Will justify. No fa
vored class should demand !readout from as
sessment, and the taxes should be so distribu
ted as not to fall unduly on the poor, but rather
on the accumulated wealth of the country. We
should look at the national debt just as it Is—
not as a national blessing, but as a heavy bur
-1 den on the industry of 'the country, to be Ws
ch without unnecessary delay.
li r r i estimatedby the Secretary of the Treas
ury that the expenditures for the fiscal.
ending tbe Beth of June, gratifying will ex the
receipts $112,194,e47. It is , however,
to state that it is aleoestltuated that the , reve
nue for the year ending the 110th of June, 1887,
will exceed the expenditures in • the sum of
6111,682,818. This amount, or so Much as May
be deemed sufficient for the purpose, may be
applied for the reduction of the- public debt,
which, on the 31st day of October, 1865, was
12,740,8&1,750. Every reduction will diminish
the total amount of interest to be paid, and so
enlarge the means of still further reductions,
until the whole shall be liquidated ; and this,
sa will be seen from the estimates of the Secre
tary of the Treasury, may be accomplished by
annual payments even within a period not ex
thlity years. I have faith tbat , we
shall all this within a reasonable time;
that, as we have amazed the world by the sup
pression of it civil war which was thought to
be beyond the control of any Government, 110
we shalt squally show the superiority of our
institutions by the prom*l faithful dis
charge of our natiopat o s.
'The De partment off)Ag ture, under its
present direction, is accomplishing much in
developing and tilising the vast
f earieultura
capabilities of t h e country, and inkuvrta,
...Ran respecting the &WWI Of its management,
reference fa made to the sienna report of the
Commissioner.
I have dwelt thus fully on our domestic af
fairs because of their transcendent importance.
Under , any circumstances, our great 'extent of
territory and variety of climate, producing al
most everything that lanseessarylbr the wants,
and even the comfbres of man make as singu
larly independent of the varying policy of for
eign Power s , and protecttua against every temp
tation to "entangling allianms," whileat the
present moment the re-establisliment of har
mony, and. the strength that comes from har
mony, will be our best security against "na
tions who jaisl power and forget right." For
myself, it Ms been and will be my constant
aim to prompt peace and amity with all for
eign nation.~ and powers ; and I have every
reason to Were that they all, without excep
tion, are an animated by the same disposition.
Our relat us with the Emporia. of China. ikk
f
recent in t it origin, are most friendly. Our
commerce th his dominions is receiving new
developme ; and it is very pleasing to find
that the Go rnmenrof that great Empire man
ifests Bathe ion with our policy, and reposes
just confidence in the fairness which marks
our intercourse. The unbroken harmony be
tween the United States and the Emperor of,
Russia is receiving .a new support from an
enterprise designed to Gerry telemephic lines
across the continent of Asia, tbrongh his do-
Minions, and so to connect us with all Europe
by a new ehannel of intercourse. - Our com
merce with South America is about to receive
encouragement by a direct line qt =mail steam
ships to the rising Empire of Brazil. The dis
tinguished party of men of science who have
recently left our country to make a scientific
exploration of the natural history, a• - d rivers
and mountain ranges orthat region, have re
ceived from the Emperor that generous wel
come which was to have been expected from
his constant friendship for the United States, ,
and his welt known zeal in promoting the ad
• tenement of knowledge. A hope is enter
tained that our commerce with the rich and
populous countries that border the Mediter
ranean sea may be largely increased. Noth
ing will be wanting, on the part of this Gov
eanment, to extend the protection of our deg
over the enterprise of our fellow-citizens. We
receive from .the Powers In that region assur
ance of good will; and it is - worthy of note, ~
that a special envoy has brought us messages
of condolence on the death of our late Chief
Magistrate, from the Bey of Tunis, whose rule •
includes the old dominions of Carthage, on the
African toast.
Our domestic contest, now hiPpily ended,
has left some traces in our relations with one
at least of the great maritithe POWers.' The
formal accordance of belligerent rights to the
insurgent States. was unprecedented, and has
not been justified by the issue. But in the
systems of neutrality pursued' by the Powers
which made that concession, there was a
marked difference. The materials of war for
the insurgent States were furnished, in a great
measure from the workshops of Great Britain;
and British ships, manned by British subjects,
and prepared for receivin4British armaments,
sailed frorrrthe ports of Great Britain to make
war on American commerce, under the abetter
of a commission from the insurgent States.—
These ships, having once escaped from British
ports, ever afterwards entered them in every
pert of the world, to refit, and so,to renew their
depredations.
. The consequences of this conduct were most
disastrous to the States then in rebellion, In
creastdg the desolation and misery by the pro
lopgation of our civil contest. It had, more
over, the effect, to a great extent, to drive the
American flag from the sea, and to transfer
much of our shipping and citirown rnerm to the
very Power whose subjects bad created the ne
cessity for such a change. 'These event" took
place before I was called to the administration
of the Government. The sincere desire for
peace by which I am animated led me to ap
prove the proposal,. already made, to submit
the questions which had thus arisen between
the two countries to arbitration, .Tbese ques-.
time are of such moment that they must have
commanded the attention of the great Powers,
and are so interwoven With the peace and inter
ests of every one of thetn as to have insured
au impartial decision. I regret to inform you
that Great JBritain declined the arbitrament,
but, on the other hand, incited us to the form
ation of a 'Joint commission to settle mutual
claims between the two countries, from which
those for the depredations before mentioned
should be excluded. The propostUen, in that
very unsatisfactory form, has been declined.
The United States did not present the subject
as an Impeachment of the good faith of a Pow
er which was professing the most friendly
dispositions, but as involving questions,- of
public law, of which the settlement is essential'
to the peace of nations;
and, though pecuniary
reparation to their injured citizens would have .
followed Incidentally on a decision against
Great Britain, such compensation was not their
primary object. They bad a higher motive;
and it was in the interests of peace and justice
to establish important' principles of interna
tional law. The correspondence will be placed
before you. The ground on which the British
Minister rests his justification is, substantially
that the municipal law of a nation, and the do
mastic interpretatione of that law, are the
measure of its duty as a neutral ; and I, feel
bound to declare my opinion, before you and •
before the world, that that justification cannot
be sustained before the tribunal of nations.
At ,.
Ihe same time I do not advise to any preg
ene. attegipt at redress by acts of legislation.
For the future, friendship between the two .
countries mus t rest on the basis of mutual
justice..
From the moment of the establishment of
our tree Constitution, the civilized world has,
been con' ultied by revolutions in the interests .
of democracy or of monarchy ; but through all
those revolutions the United States have wise
ly and firmly refused to become propagandists
of republicanism. It la the only government
suited to our condition; but wehave never
..
sought to impose it on others; an& ere have
consistently followed the advice of Washing
ton to recommend It only by the careful pres •
-
ervation and ,prudent use of the :blessing.
During all the intervening period the-policy of
European Powers and of ,the United States
has, on the whole, been harmonious .,, Twice,
indeed, rumors of the invasion of some parts
of America, in the interests of monarchy, have
prevailed ; twice my predecessors have had
occasion to announce the views of this' nation
in respect to such interference. On both octal
sloes the remonstrance of the United States
was res, from a deep conviction tor the
part ofEuropean Governmets, that the sys
tem of non-interferencoand mutual abstinence •
• from propagandism was the true rule on the
two hemispheres.
• Slum those times we have adianded in wealth
and power; but we retain the same pur
pme to leave the nations of Europe to choose -
their own dynasties and -form their own Rya-
Items of government. This consistent modera
tion may- justly demand a corresponding mod
eration. We shOuld regard it ma great calam
ity to ourselves. to the cause of good govern
ment and to the peace of the world, should
any iuropean Power challenge the American
people, as it *ere to the defence of republican
ism against fore ign interference. We cannot
'foresee and are unwilling to consider what op
portunities might present themselves, what
combinations might offer to protect ourselves
against designs inimical to our form of govern
ment. The United States desire to act in the
future as they have ever acted heretofore; they
never will be driven from that course but by
• the aggression of European Powers; and we
rely on the wisdom and justice 'of those Pow
ert to respect the system of non-interference
which has so long been sanctioned by time,
and which, by its good results, has approved
. Itself to both continents.
The correspondence between the United
States and France, in reference to questions
which have become subjects of discussion be
tween the two governments will, at a proper
time, be laid before Congress',
When, on the organization of our govern
men' under the Constitution, the President of
theunited States delivered ds inaugural ad
dress to the two Houses of Congress, he 'said to
them, and through them to the country and to
mankind, that the " preservation of the sacred
fire of liberty and the destiny , of the republican
model of government are justly considered as
deeply, perhaps es finally staked on the experi,
ment intrusted to the American people." And
the House of Representatives answered Wash
ington by the volt:* of Madison: " We adore
the invisible hand which has led the American
people, through so many difficulties, to cherish
a conscious responsibility for the destiny of
republican liberty."
More than seventy-six years have glided
away since these words were spoken ; the Uni
ted States have peened through severer trials
than were foreseen; and now, at this new
epoch in our existence as one nation, with our
Union purified sorrows, and strengthened
by conflict , and established by the virtue of •
thepeople, the greatness of the occasion invites
us once more to repeat, . with solemnity, the
pledges of our fathers to bold ourselves answer
able before our fellow-men for the 'success of
the republican form of government. Experi
ence has proved its sentiency in peace and in
war; it has vindicated its authority through
dangers and affiletione and sudden and terrible
' emergencies, which would have crushed any
system that had been less firmly fixed in the
hearts of the people • At the Inauguration of
Washington the foreign relations of the coun
try were few,' and its trade was repressed by
hostile regulations; now all the civilized
nations of the globe - welcon2e our commerce,
and their governments prams towards us am
ity.
Then our country fait its way hesitatingly
along an untried path, with States so little
—.bound together by rapid insane of
lion es to be hardly known to one another, and
with historic traditions .extending over very '
few years ; now intercourse between the Slates'
ts swift and Intimate; the experience of centu
ries has been crowded into a few generations,
and has created an intense, ludcetructible na 7
ticnality. Then'our jurisdiction did not reach
tie‘ ond the iheonvenient boundaries of Mt,
territory which had achieved Independence ;
now, through cessions of lands, first colonized,
by Spain and France, the country , has acquired.,
a more complex character, and has for its
natural limits the chain of Lakes, the Gulf of
Mexico, and on the east and the west the two
great oceans. Other nations were wasted by
civil wars for ages before they could establish
for themselves the necessary degree of unity;
the latent conviction that our form of govern-.
went us the best ever known to the'svorld. hart
enabled us to emerge from civil war within
four years, with a complete vindication of the
constitutional authority of the General Govern=
meat, and with our local liberties and State
institutions unimpaired.
The throngs of emigrants that crowd to our
shores are witnesses of the confidence of all
peoples In our permanence. Here is a great
land of free labor, where industry Is blessed -
with unexampled rewards. end the bread of
the workingman• is sweetened by' the con
sciousness that the cause of the country "is his
own cause, his own safety, his own dignity.lt.
Here every one enjoys the free use of his faeu,/-
- liee and the Choice of activity , as it natural
right. Here, tinder the combined influence of
a fruitful soil, genial climes and happy institu
tions, population has increased, fifteen -.ford
within u century, liere. through the easy de.-
volopment of boundless resources, wealth. has
increased with two-fold greate", rapidity than
numbers, so that we have lbecome secure
against the financial vieissitudem of other coun
triesii.and, alike in, business and opinion, are
self-Centred apd truly independent. Here
more and more care is given to provide educa
tion tor every one born on our soil. • -
Here religion, released from political nonne
tiop with the civil government, refuses to milli
serve the craft of statesmen, and becomes, in
its Independence, the spiritual life of the pea
tele. Hero toleration Is extended to every opin
ion, in the quiet certainty that truth needs only
e fair field to secure the victory. Here the hu
man -mind goes forth unshackled tri the pur
sult of science, to colleetstores of knowledge,
• and acquire au ever-increasing mastery over
the forces of nature. Here the nationid domain
is offered and held in millions of separate free
holds, so that our fellow citizens, beyond the
cccupants of any other part of the earth, con
stitute in reality a people. Here exists the
democratic form of government ; and that form
01 government by the confession of European
statesmen, "gives a power of whichno other
form is capable,'because it incorporates every
man with the State, and arouses every thing
that belongs to the soul.".
Where, in past history, does a psrtillel exist •
to the public happiness which is within the
reach Inf the people of the United States?
Where; in stay part of the globe. can institu
tions be foetid so suited to their hearts' or so
entitled to their love as their own free Conan;
tution Every one of them, then, in whatever
part of the land he hes his home, must wish its
perpethity. Who of them will not now ac
knowledee, in the words of Washington, that
"every stop by which the people of the United
States have advanced to the character of an In
dependent nation, seems to have been distin-,
guished by some token of Providential agetn%
ey r Who will not join with me in theprayer,
that the invisible hand which has - led us
through the clouds that Bloomed around our ,
path, will so guide us onward, to a perfect res- •
toration of fraternal affection, that we e -of this
day may be able to transmit our great
et State Governmerits in all their rights,
of the,General Government in its whole con
stitutional vigor, to our posterity, and they to
theirs through countless generations? •
ANDP.EIN Jointoitt.
Washington, Dec. 4, 1865.
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• done to Order. e '
• •Manufnciorers of E. H. STEARNS'•l'afp:nt
EIAD BLOCK AND ROSSING MACHINERY
for Saw.Mllla.
Corner Tenth and Holland streets. Orders respect
solicited. • • dcl
GROCERIES! p • OCERIES
Z. / A. kikrria
Would rdspect fully inform the p%'bllc that they haVe
' purehasedthe stock of groceriesofJ. A. Bliss, at the
corner of 11th and State sui., , where they intend - to
keep as good an assortment of
,t CiItOC4EIES AND-PROVISIONS, '
Stone. Wooden and Willow Ware, and variety. as
...good as there is kept in Erie. The best brand of
Erie Co. flour kept constantly, on hand—warranted
a good article.
Goods delivered I.'n any part of the city free of
charge. Tip highest market price paid for all kinds
of country produce.. /kin't ferget the place, corner
. Bth and State streets.
J. MINSIO. inachal] '
CANCERS CAN BE CURED!
hir. animal", of Quincy, 111., the American Cancer •
Champion, has established a branch office at No. 91
State street; opposite the American Hotel, Roches
ter. N. Y., where Cancers can be auccesofully treated
and removed from the patient within. from two to
twenty days, without the nse of knife, shedding
blood, or causing serious pair. •
.1. DURFEE, Actuary.
SESIEBUCISA :
Hon. Erasing Corning, Albany, N. T.
Henry Wells, President Am. biz. 00., Aurora, NY.
Hon. W. O. Fargo, Mayor of Buffalo.
Oren Sage. Esq .: , Rochester.
D. R. Barton, h.sq.. dochester.
• air- Send for Circular.
A Y ER'S PI•LLS!
Are you slcic, feeble and complaining! Are you
out of order with your system deranged and your
feelings nueornfortable? These symptoms are often
the prelude Co serious illness. Home fit of sickness
Is creeping upon you, and should be averted by a
timely use of the Milt remedy. Take Ayer's Pills,
and cleans&out the disordered brimore—purity the
blood, and let the fluids move on unobstructed in
health again. They stimulate the functions of the
body low vigorous activity, purify thesystern froni
the obstructions which make disease. A cold Set
tles somewhere in the body, and deranges its nate.
ral functions. These, if not relieved, react_ Upon
themselves and the surrounding
general aggravation, suffering add derangement.
While in this condition, Lake Ayer's rills, ay a see
action the
how directly they restore the natural
system, and With it the buoyant feeling of h Ith
again. What is trueand so apparent in this ttlil
and common complaint is also true in many f the
deep seated and dangereas distempers: The
purgative effect expels them. Ciused by similar
obstructions and derangements of the natural func
tions of the body, they are rapidly and many Of
them surely cured by the same means hone Who
kn w the virtue of these Fills will neglect to em
ploy them when suffering from the disorders they
cure, such as Headr.che, Foul btomach, Dysentery,
Bilious C o mplaints, Indigestion, Derangement of
the Liver, Oestivencls, Oonecipation, Heartburn,
itheumat.sin, Dropsy, Worms and Suppression,
When taken In lame.(lo%ea.
They are Sugar Coated. so that the most sensitive
can tate them easily, and thee are =roy um Wit
purgative medicine yet discievered.
AYER'S. A. (3 , 13 la ()UAW,.
For rho speedy and certain Cure of Intermittent Ji
tat
Fever,
or Chills and Fever, Remittent Fever . chill ""`
Fever, Dumb Ague, Periodical Headache or Billow t h e
H e at ache, said i3. llotta Fevei ; indeed, for the whq - Gen
class of diseases migliating In billarydemngsmc
caused by the malaria of miasmatic countrks, Jcurred
This remedy has rarely Ilsiled to cure the as , husband
cases of Chills and Fever, and It has this g r aime had
'vantage Orel other Ague medicines, that
the complaint without injury to the palate it.
contains no quinine or other deleterious
nor does It troduce quinialn or any iglu
whatever. Mhalc log brothers of the are innocent par-
West, try it and you will endorse' thew from couvio-
Prepared by J . C . Av wit AA r ,
`—" -Ividenee bas just
sold hy. all Druggists.
arbett and Fleming,
WANTKI).—OL,D . CANVA:ilienee of death have
Soldiers, and others iseek6 the guilty parties in
ployment, to canvass every city
in that Cif i about two
United Slates for the 4
ARP PUBIABIIII 4 IO AlitElOOlh two other men were
ADELPlitial evidence; found guilty
The publications of this J the State Prison far ten
eady sale rer indneet e t h e y are now serving out
tired ttuut any other r ._. -.
iloney reqn red for coo.se presi d ing Judge and Die
party elm clear V. 3,00 a d have petitioned , for the release
w a =" lien<l T p"'u t iri ;us wrongfully imprisoned
oceldeteedw3t,
hair ehawls constitute the latest
Ass among the people of fashioa of
.k. They cost's trifle of tiro or three
A. Ilizusze
or9B•wem