VOLUM E 4.
CURIOUS MEDLEY.
By the lake where dfr<>oped the willow,
Row, vaMsal", row!
I want to be an angel
And jump Jim Crow!
An old crow natrnin hickory limb,
Non«- nuiued him bm to praise,
Let mekisi him for hit mother,
For he smells of Schweitzer kwo.
The minstrel to the war ha* gone,
With the Banjo on hie knee ;
He woke to hear the sentries shriek
There's alight in the window for thee.
A frog he would a woold* go,
IliA hair wan enrjed to kill,
He line.! to war an old WAy comt,
And the *w«>rd of Bunker Hill.
Oft in the ftllly night,
Make way for liberty I ho cried,
I won't go homo till morning,
With Peg** by my tide.
I am dying, Egypt, dying,
SnflanMfdoh't you cry;
Know how eiiblimo a thing it Is
To brubh away the blue-tailed fly.
Tho boy *ti»od on the burning deck,
With hie Lagg»V" ''lurked fir»r Troy,
One of tiio few immortal names,
liis naiue was l'at Mali#/.
Mary hail a little lamb,
lie could S title unfold,
lie had no teeth fur to eat rom cMce,
And his spectacles wcro gold.
Lay on, lay on. Macduff.
,\lan wants but little here below,
And I'm to be ot the May,
So kiss me quick and got
RECONSTRUCTION.
In his closing speech on the reconstruc
tion question, Mr. Stevens takes occa
sion to say that the Republican majority
in Congress "has agreed that the htates
lately in rebellion are conquered territO'
ry. ' Immediately upon the close of tho
war, Mr. Stevens advanced the theory,
then peculiarly his own, that the South
ern States, having engaged in an insur
rrction which became in time magnified
to the proportions of a rebellion, and so
powerful as to command the recognition
by our own, as well as other governments
of belligerent rights, became for all po
litical purposes a foreign power, subject
in case of ultimate defeat and overthrow
to all the liabilities of a conquered ene
my, with no other rights than those als
lowed by the laws of war, the laws of
nations iyid the laws of humanity. So
far as we can recollect, he advanced this
theory and argued for its recognition with
but little sympathy either in or cut of
Congress. It was regarded generally as
dangerous ground, and as n theory revo
lutionary in its character. Ihe Hepubi
lican party generally accepted the tact
that rebellion had placed the Southern
States outside of practical relations with
the Union, and insisted that on genoral
principles the work of restoration and
reconstruction should be committed to
Congress; but Mr. Stevcii3 stood nlono at
first in maintaining that the rebellion had
o nisummated tho work of secession so
f,r as the liabilities of the States to the
government were concerned, and that
they are in consequence of the failure of
the rebellion conquered territory. Tho
.difference between Mr. Stevens and those
of his party who opposed him was just
thi s —insisted that our arms had con
quered a government, owing, by its own
repeated declarations, no allegianee to
tho United States; they maintained that
we had merely suppressed a rebellion,
which by its magnitude and long contin
uance had disordered aud confused the
political relations of the States that had
engaged in it. Mr. Stevens' view, if
correct, would make theso States for all
political purposes conquered territory,
and entirely dependont upon Congress.—
The other would simplv warrant Congress
by virtue of supreme necessity, in restor
ing order and government to those States
under constitutional restraints and re
strictions.
According to Mr. Stevens' view, the
constitution could impose no restraint to
congression action, that instrument being
n compact between States and not apply
ing to territories, no matter how acquir
ed. No direct issue was ever made be
tween these opposing theories, llcccn
struction was allowed to progress inde
pendent of theory but governed by ncs I
oessity. Congress legislated upon the
subject not on the basis of any particu
lar theory, but as circumstances demand
ed and the necossities of the country re
quired. The result of it all is unques*
tionable a practical recognition of tho
soundness of' Mr. Stevens' view. On no
other ground can the legislation of Con
gess be justified. It implies a total for
feiture of rights by the rebellious States
and assume a sovereign power in Congress
to govern, direct and control them so long
as they remain in thoir present condition.
Mr. Stevens' assertion therefore is war
ranted by the facts of the case. Ho is
equally correct when he says that we
would have had but very little trouble in
reconstructing the government had we
recognized the principle at tho outset.—
Once concede the Southern States to be
conquered territory and the whole prob
lem is solved. The supreme power be>
comes lodged in Congress and no other
department of the government can inter
fere with its exercise of that power.—
That power extends not only over the po
litical aelat o is and con litioni of the ter
ritory, but by the laws of war, and sub
ject to them, is made to embrace even the
lives and the property of its people.—
Reconstruction as applied to them would
mean simply admission as States, just as
any other territory is built up into States,
and by the same power.
A twelve months experience has done
more to make Congress of one mind on
this important subjoet than all of Mr.
Stevens arguments, unanswerable as they
were. Instead of standing alono as he
did at first, he is supported by nearly all
who then opposed him. The events of
the last year has justified his predictions,
and the country regards bin views as
completely vindicated.— Franklin Jie
yoiitory
AMERICAN CITIZEN.
MAXIMILIAN.
TlO.Vt Kill V I > MEXICO.
Responsible Government for Franoe.
THE EXECUTION OF MAXIMILIAN,
An English Defense of Juarez.
A telegram from Paris, of the 9th of
July, evening, report? : In to-day's sit
ting of the Legislative body the Mexican
question was discussed.
M. Thiers said—The Mexican question
has ended without any good results to
France. Our compatriots remain expos
ed to greater losses than ever, our com
merce with Mexico is ruined, and the
prestige of our greatnen u compromised
in America, liven ill Eurupe the Mex
ican imbroglio lias hampered our attitude
towards the great revolution accomplish
ed in Germany. The lesson of this un
happy expedition is that control and op
position are necessary. The Mexican
expedition was a]>prored b>/ no one in
France, but was, nevertheless, undertaken
and continued for several years. There
are two ways of understanding monarch
ical government. The first is the rule
of a prince with irresponsible ministers,
who merely execute the orders they re.
ceive. The second is a prince governing
with responsible ministers, who have to
submit their views to him as the head of
the State, and can, if necessary, lean
upon a representative Assembly which is
able to oppose the Ministers, both, how
ever, dependent upon public opinion.—
This is tho form oi monarchy towards
which we must advance as speedily as
possible in tho interest of the govern
ment and the couutry.
Perfect silence prevailed in the Cham
ber during this speech.
5!. Granier de Cassagnac defended the
Mexican expedition.
M. Jules Favre stated that the real
idea of the expedition was the subversion
of the Mexican Republic and the estab
lishment of a throne in Mexico, but this
intention had been eoucealed by the g<*v
ernment. The French troops ought to
have brought back Maximilian, and thus
have saved France from the stain ot blood
which will rest upon her. [Noisy inter
ruptions.]
M. Ilouher protested strongly agaiust
the words of Mr. Favre.
MAXIMILIAN'S EXECUTION
EARL DKltur's ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE
ENGLISH I'KERH-
In the English House of Lords, on the
9th of July, Lord Stratford dc ltedcliffo
said that, seeing his noblo friend at the
head of the government in his place, lie
wished to put to him a question of con
siderable interest, and as to which ho had
given him private notice. It related to
the Emperor Maximilian and the allcgod
unhappy termination of his carter. He
wished to ask his noble friend whether
the government had received any official
account of the Emperor Maximilian's
-death, and whether, if the government
had received it, it was their intentiou to
move that the Ilouseahould take auy no
tice of the event, and propose that they
should ofter their condolence to her Maj
esty on what must be to her a subject of
so much affliction ? There was another
subject to which he wished for a moment
to direct the attention of his noble friend,
and that was the continued detention of
the Abyssinian captives.
The Earl of Derby said he had only
just received from his noblo friend a pri
vate intimation that he intended to ask
two questions. lie would bo obliged if
he would postpone the one relating to the
captives in Abysfinia. With regard to
the other question, which concerned the
fate of the Emperor Maximilian, he had
to state that he had received within the
last few hours a telegram from Paris
which unhappily showed that there could
be no longer any doubt upon that sub
ject. That telegram was as follows:
FROM MR. FANE.
PARIS, July 9—1:30 p. M.
Moustier has just received a telegram
from the French Minister at Mexico, da
ted 27th of June. It reports that the
Emperor Maximilian was shot on tho
19th, in spito of every .effort made to save
him ; the lone of the victorious party
was defiant towards all foreign powers,
including Unitod States; they refused to
give up the Emperor's body ; the French
Minister was preparing to depart with his
legation, but although hitherto unmolest>
ed, he thought he might be detained as
a hostage for the surrender of Geseral
Almonte.
Earl Derby continued : My Lords, I
must say that I share in all the feolings
of your lordships—(cheers)—at this most
unnecessary, most cruel and barbarous
murder, which must excite horror in ev»
ery civilized country. (Cheers.) It is
a murder purely gratuitous, and so far
from producing any beneficial effect, can
only add to the miseries of which that
unhappy country has been for so many
years the subject, and I fear it b only
too probable that it will have to sustain
similar miseries for raany years to come.
I hope my noble friend will excuse me at
the present moment for declining to give
any auy opiuiou as to whether your lord
ships will be invited to express your feel
ings on the subject by any public act.
Viscount Stratford de Kedcliffo said
that, as a member of the House, he beg
ged to stale that he would bring forward
some resolution on the subject in caso
her Majesty's government did not think
that sufficient reasons existed for inviting
an expression of opinion from tho House
with regard to tho matter.
Lord Kedesdale hoped the noblo vis*
couut would give public notice of hi*
"Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it"— A. LINCOLN
BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PENN'A, WEDNESDAY, JULY 31, 1867-
question, and not give it privately, as he
was in the habit of doing. The giving
of private notices prevented every other
peer from taking part in the discussion
of the questions brought forward, al
though they might feel an interest in
them. It was extremely inconvenient
that notices were not given publicly. It
might induce noble lords to cone down
to the House and take part in the debated.
[Hear, hear.]
QUEEN VICTORIA'S OPINION.
[London (Jnly 9) corrwipondMice of Manchester
Uuardiaa.'j
On Friday there is to be a discussion
on recent events in Mexico. Mr. Otway
brings forward a pioposal that cur Min
ister, Mr. Scarlet, should be recalled, in
ooder to mark this country's reprobation
of the execution of Maximilian. Lord
Stanley, it is said objects to being forced
into taking such a stop, which would no
doubt be the avowal ot a policy at vari
ance with that imperturbable neutrality
which he has always advocated, and
which so far he has practiced. Other
members of the cabinet take more of the
old Pitt and Sidmouth view'; and it
would not be difficult, in the present ill
humor of the tory party, to blow up an
flame.
It would be a mistake, however, to sup
pose that this movement, should it take
place, is in any way inspired by the Court.
The Queen, it is undbrstood, !euds no
countenance to hot or hasty counsels pro
fessing resentment against the republi
cans of Mexico. She is too well read in
constitutional principles to suffer her
sympathy for Maximilian's widow to con
found her judgment as to the wisdom of
his course, and the impolicy of our shap
ing our diplomatic behavior by the de
plorable events he himself precipitated.
The Queen, like her sagacious uncle Le
opold, regretted that he should have gone
to Me xieo; and that, having gone, he
should have tarnished his brief reigu by
the fatal acts of October, 1800, regard >
ing prisoners of war. Mr. Scarlett may
have leave of absence for a year, without
his absence doing any hurt to Hritish in
terests iu Mexico; and if at the end of
that time Juarez shall be able tore estab
lish the form of government which we
recognized up to 1804, when our plenis
potentiary, Sir Charles Wyke, returned
to Europe, we shall then be free to ac
credit some one else as Minister to Mex
ico. Hut for Parliament to sit in judg
raent on events with which England has
nothing to do, and to break off diplo
matic relations on account of them, is a
course which tho majority of the House
of Commons is very unlikely to favor.
NO AUSTRIAN REPRISALS.
Referring to the telegraphic onnounce
ment from Vienna that Admiral Teget
hoff is to proceed to Mexico to claim tho
body of the Emperor Maximilian, and
that an Austrian squadron will accompa
ny him, the Paris Debuts, of July 9, de
clares that the second part of that asser»
tion appears to it completely inadmissa
ble. No squadron, says the Debuts , is
wanted to bring back a coffin. The mis
sion of theconquerorof Lisas,with astrong
force seut into Mexican waters, would
seem to announce tho intention of chast
ising Juarez and his partisans. Wo most
heartily wish that means could bo found
to capture the bands which seized aud
put to death the brothel of Francis Jos«
eph : but is the thing possible ? On tho
other hand, would there not be as much
injustice as barbarity iu bombarding Vera
Cruz, and thus punishing, for tho Em
peror's murder, tho town which remained
longest faithful to tho empire 1 Austria
will doubtless understand, just like
France, what is the most prudent course
at the present day—namely, to entrust
to the ambitious gladiators of Juarez
themselves the task of chastising each
other, and of exterminating themselves,
turn by turn, in a sauguinary anarchy.
Alas! why did wo not adopt that policy
towards Juarez and his accomplices a lit
tle sooner 1
JURAEZ's DEFENSE—ENGLISH JUSTIFI
CATION OF THE MILITARY EXECUTION.
(Fp->m tho Loudon N«ws, July 10.)
It is ouly too easy to account for and
excuse the distressing exaggeration into
which some of our contemporaiies who
conspicuously applauded tho attempt of
the Emperor Napoleon, to found a vica*
rious empire iu Mexico, and others who
habitually practice upon the iguorance,
the credulity or the forgetfuluess of their
readers, are descanting upon tho deplora
ble execution of the Archduke Maximil
ian of Austria. These journals appear
to imagine that when they have called
President Juarez a "savage" and an "as
sassin," sentenced bim to the execration
of the civilized world and of posterity,
and invoked the retribution of the United
States Government —of all Governments
in the world—on the head of tho man
who has at last succeeded "in clearing the
Western world of an invading army and
of an alien monarchy," history will ac
cept their suppressions and distortions of
the truth and their hollow declamation
as a conclusive verdict upon a seriei of
transactions of which the court martial
at Queretaro is the last and most; lamen
table, but not perhaps the most disgrace
ful. Withovt surprise, but not without
regret and shame, we find English jour
nals vieicg with the • Mcniteur in veracity
and with the Comtitutionnel and Patrie
in expressions of remorse which read like
Mr. Brodhead's indignant denunciations
of the crimes ho ordered and paid for.
Need we protest that there is not a
man with a heart in his breast, of what
ever political party or opinion, who con
templates with the prafouadest pity the
tragic destiny o? a prince endowed with
all the charms and grace- of character
which in private life won the lovo of
i'pMU ds ud publiic life engage the
loyalty of nations ? Assuredly if there
be any political party, or any portion of
the prise of Europe, which has a pecu
liar light to condemn and deplore au act
of vengeance and the loss of a rare op
portunity and example of mercy and for
giveness, it is the Liberal and Democrat
ic party, who, in 1848, abolished the
punishment of death for political offen
ces—it is that portion of the European
press, which, in 1861, dissaaied the nn>
fortunate Archduke Maximilian from of
fering himself as the dupe and the victim
of the Emperor Napoleon's dreams and
designs. Those dreams and designs de
pended for their fulfilment on the disrup
tion and subversion of the American re
public, and the recognition by force of
arms of the slaveholding Confederacy, at
the bost of untold calamities, for the
greater glory of the second empire. Our
tory contemporaries are at least consist",
ent; they have seized theoccas on of this
catastrophe in Mexico to renew their
complaints of the shortsighted policy of
the liberal English government which
declined to lend the blood and treasure
of this country to that Napoleonic "idea;"
which consented, indeed, to join with
France and Spain in demanding of the
Mexican government the payment of cer
tain money claims, and the punishment
of outrages committed, not by the acts of
President Juraez, but by the promoters
of a Mexican empire^ —by Marquez and
Miramon and their accomplices—but
declined, thanks to the honesty and pru
dence of our Minister accredited to I'res l
ident Juarez, and to the commander of
our naval forces, suppor&d by the Span
ish General (Prim) to breyk [after the
fashion of the French General at Rome,
in 1849,] the convention of Soledad,and
to convert a limited and defined expedi
tion into an illegitimate, inordinate and
ruinous adventure, begun in perfidy, and
fated to disaster. Let the official rhet
oricians in the Corps Legislatif, and the
official journals of the second empire,
pretended to disguise, if they cau, the
full and absolute responsibility of their
master for that enormous conspiracy of
factious priests, palace jobbers, imperal
ist agents and adventurers, and Mexican
outlaws, against the independence of the
United Slates, under cover of a crusade
against the anarchy of Mexico. llund
reds of innocent French families have
paid the penalty of that magnificent ro
mance in the blood of their children and
in "bonds' not worth the paper they wore
printed 00. The claims of French mer
chant i'.po» the Mexican republic were
insignificant in comparison with those of
English creditors. The Mexican empire
has cost France forty millions sterling;
and, according to the Moniteur, the last
state of Mexioo is worse than the first.
The French army not only did not ex
tinguish civil war in Mexico; it exasper
ated and inflamed every domestic faction
in that distracted country ; it brought
oivil war and left civil war behind. Is
it, we take leave to ask, the part of in
dependent English journals to absolve
the real authors of this immense calami
ty, because Matxmilian jrjferred his
honor to his safety, aud declined to take
shelter with his deceiver* aud betrayers?
Tue true history of ail these transactions
remains to be written, and we believe
the materials for writing it are in sure
hands, and will be submitted indue time
to the judgment of the civilized world.—
That 1 black spot" in the splendid pics
tore of imperial success, which even M.
Itouher confesses, will not be wiped out:
I do tho wrong, awl flrnt begin to brawl,
The secret mischief* Uiat 1 Hot apriuich
. 1 Uy unto Cti«* grievou* < harp»« of other*.
Hot then I sigh, au<l with * pieoo «»f Scripture,
Tell them thnt Uod bills us do good for evil.
With a stiange Confusion of ideas, the
Moniteur describes the sentence of the
court-martial which unfortunately follow
ed the instructions of the French Gener
als, as "au act of regicide." If the na
tive constitutional government of Mexico
had been a monarchy, and the Austrian
Archduko had been the hereditary or
even the elected sovereign of that coun
try, defeated aud slain by the leaders of
a domestic insurrection, then no doubt it
would be proper to characterize the'san
guinary of the victorious insurgents as
"regicide." Hut Mexico was not u mon
archy; Maximilian was neither the
reditary nor the elected ruler of Mexico,
as the simple fact of the total collapse of
his empire within two months after the
departure of the French army too clearly
proves. At any rate he was not a mon
arch in the eyes of the native republican
government, which never ceased to ex
ercise its functions, though, as it has
sometimes happened to European mon
archs, it was temporarily superceded by a
foreign prince invited by a rebel taction,
and imposed by a foreign army, liow
could the authorities of the Mexican re
public be guilty of regicide ? Such a
orime was unknown to their political cal
endar. Nor is the name of Yturbide
very judiciously cited by the Moniteur.
Yturbide, it is true, was made Emperor
by the Mexicans; he was a Mexican
born; he was created Emperor by his
own people, and by his own people de
posed and pensioned. It was not as Em
peror, but as a rebel who had attempted
a coup <r etut against the institutions of
his countiy, that ho was subsequently
shot , and that, no doubt, is enough to
justify tho sympathy of the Moniteur.
While we most heartily subscribe, in
common with the whole liberal press of
Europe, to tho abolition of the punish
ment of death for political offenses—a
doctriuo, by the-by, by none more elo
quently jitoocatcd than by Louis Blanc,
in the chapter of hia " History of the
Revolution" on tho death of Louis XVI
—we cannot but percoive that tho fate
of Maximilian of Austria bears no sort
of analogy to any of those "judicial mur
ders" of great personages which history
records and • milder age condemns.—
The apologists of that savage decred of
October, 1885, whioh the French per*
suaded Maximilian to sign, are doubtless
justified in asserting that the unhappy
and amiable Prince was overdone by the
pleasure of military men, who, as all
Europe well knows, are never slow to
shed blood, and who have not learnt to
respect hnman life in Algeria or in Paris.
Is it, then, unreasonable to suppose that
President Juarez, whom those who know
him intimately declare to be "a brave,
humane and honest citizen," was over-,
borne by the military officers who sat on
that court martial at Queretaro, some of
whose comrades, friends and relatives,
perhaps, had been shot in cold blood in
pursuance of that Imperial decree ? It
is hard to be compelled in the interests
of truth and justice to recall these facts
at the present moment. Rut if history
is philosophy teaching by example, let us
at least, whether Imperialists or Repub
licans, monarchs or subjects, endnavor to
draw some profitable, though bitter, les
sons from these sad events.
There is another point in the mournful
narrative, which, in justice both to Max
imilian and to the Emperor of the French
should be correctly stated. In March
last the Emperor Maximilian had decided
on abandoning Mexioo. Two Austrian
ships-of-war were ready to receive him
at Vera Cruz. An aid : de'Camp was ac
tually sent from Vienna to Gibraltar to
meet him on his return to Europe. Who
detained him? That clerical party which
three years ago was intriguing at the
Tuilleries, and agitating at Miramar to
induce tho Archduke to embark upon a
crusade for-the overthrow of the consti
tutional government of their country.—
That clerical party, from whose counsels
the honesty and intilligence of Maximil
ian, and even the courageous piety of
that gentle and admirable lady whose
bright young life was destined to set so
soon in dark perplexity, recoiled in dis
gust when they discovered all its foulness
and rapacity; that clerical party which
denounced the Emperor Maximilian at
Rome, and withdrew from him the bent
diction of the .Holy Father, in March
last, when tho French army had precip
itately disappeared from tho scone of its
sterile triumph and its uncompleted con
quests, and Maximilian was abandoned
an easy prey to the national forces he had
defied; that clerical party which had in'
vited, deserted and denounced him, in
tercepted him 011 his way to Vera Cruz,
and, with offers of a new treasury and a
new army, entreated and persuaded him
to retrace his step* to the capital and
pursue the war in that quarter. Aud
who wore the Generals of this clerical
party? The notorious Miramon and
Marqucz: Miramon, who had broken
into and pillaged tho British embassy;
Marquez, a man of a thousand murders.
But the clerical piastres wore not forth
coming ; and the clerical army was a
handful of desperate outlaws, led by men
of infamous reputation. Thus, as evon a
semi-official compiler of news for the
French public is fain to acknowledge;
" those who first invited Maximilian to
Mexico kept him there; and as they
deceived him when they said that the
whole country awaited him as its savior,
they likewiso deceived him, wh?n, at the
last moment, they persuaded him that he
might hold the country by force of arms,
although the Fronch themselves admitted
that this was impossible." This semi
official historian of course forgets that M.
Ronner himself, over und over again, in
the Corps Legislatif, has said and written
precisely what the clorioal party in Mex<.
ico told tho ill-fated Maximilian "last
March, and what the French themselves
admitted was impossible. Our duty as
simple servants of the truth is to take
care that neither tho clerical party nor
tho second empire shall be dofraudod of
its just share of responsibility. The
task is not a happy or a grateful one,and
were it not for the ill-judged attempt of
certain of our cotemporaries to assist the
Moniteur in darkening knowledge, we
would gladly leave it to the passionless
and tearless tribunal of history
MARSHAL BAZAINE'S RULE.
[From tho London Star, July 10.]
Some persons are employed in Paris
in collecting the proclamations of Mar
shal Bazaine, in which he exercised the
most cruel severeties towards the Mexi
can republican party, while it is intend
ed to give a list of the persons' shot by
the imperialists.
THE PRISONERS PnOTOORAPHED.
[Prom (July 0) correspondence of London Star.] '
By a steamer arrived at Southampton
on the 2d, a photograph has reached
Paris, which was executed at New Or
leans, of a drawing taken in the prison of
Queretaro, representing the Emperor,
Miramon, Mejia and the Prince of Selm-
Salm, in the convent of Lafl Capuchinas.
The Emperor, in plain clothes, is wri
ting at a table, whilst tho Prince, in a
braided palisee and Russian boots, stands
next to him.
Miramon lies on the only mat in the
room.
Mejia in uniform, is wearing a naval
cap, is nmoking.
Through an open door two Mexican
officers are to be seen, who watch the
prisoners day and night.
LETTER FROM THE EMPEROR.
It is stated on good authority, says
The I'all Mall Gazette , that tho letter of
condolence on the death of the Emperor
Maximilian addressed by the Emporor
Napoleou to the Emperor of Austria, was
to tho following effect: " 112 send you the
expression of my condolence on the dread
ful news of the death of tho Emperor
Maximilian. My grief is the more lively
because 1 feel the responsibility of the
painful parti have had in this misfor
tune. But God, who penetrates our
heart*, know) that I never had any
other object than to extend to those dis-*
tant places the influence of our civiliza>
tion. In doing this I have found no no
bler or more worthy intercourse tliau
your Majesty's unfortunate brother."
IMPERIAL DECREE TO TIIE AUSTRIAN
NAVY.
[From the QustU do Vienna, Joly 4 ]
We have received for publication the
following decree :
As a mark of gratitude and respect for
the eminent services rendered by our au
gust brother, His late Majesty the Em
peror of Mexico, in aiding the develop
ment of the Austrian navy, whoso supe
riority has been established by the
achievements of many brilliant results, I
hereby decree that the Austrian navy
celebrate aboard its vessels a solemn mass
for the dead, accompanied by the usual
mouruing salutes, and that for seven
weeks the flag at the topmost be shrouded
with crape.
(Signed) FRANCIS JOSEPH.
Saultsbourg, Jdly 3, 1867.
FOREIGN CHASTISEMENT UNCALLED FOR
IN MEXICO.
(Ffotn tho Journal das Dobat*, Jalj o.]
A telegram fron Vienna announces that
Admiral Tegethoff has been instructed to
proceed to Mexico to recover the remains
of the Emperor Maximilian, nnd rumor
adds that an Austrian squadron will ac
compony the Admiral. The latter intel
l'genceappca-s to us wholly inadmissible
No squadron is wanted to bring back a
coffin. Tho mission of the conqueror of
Ijissa with a strong force into Mexican wc
ters would seem to announce the inten
tion of chastizing Juarez and his parti
zans. We most heartily wish that means
could be found to capture the bands
whioh seized and put to death the broth•
er of Francis Joseph ; but is the thing
possible ?
A COLO IN TU* HEAD.- A l)r. Palion,
of St. Foy, France, has dis<: ivere 112 a new
method of curing tho malady of Now Engs
land, cold in the head. Herewith is the
pre script ion :
"It consist? in inhaling through the noso
tho emanations of ammonia contained in a
smelling bottle. If the senso of smell is
completely obliterated, tho bottle should bo
kept under tho nose until tho pungency of
the volatile alkali is felt. The bottle is
then removed, but only to be re-applied in
a minute; the second application, howover,
should not be so long, that the patient may
bear it. 'I bis easy operation being repeated
seven or ei/Jht times in tho course of fivo
minutos, but always very rapidly, oxcopt
tho first time, tho nostrils become free, the
sense of smell is restored, and tho secretion
of the irritating mucous is stopped. This
remedy is said to be peculiarly advantageous
to singers."
BEAUTIFUL ANSWERS.— A pupil of tho
Abbe Sicord gave tho following extraordi
nary answers:
"What is gratitude ?"
"Gratitude is the memory of tho heart."
"What is hope ?"
"Hope is the blossom of happiness."
"What is the differences between hope
and desire?"
"Djsire is a tree in leaf, hope is a tree in
flower, an 1 enjoyment ;s a treo in fruit."
"What is eternity ?"
"A day without a yesterday or to-mor
row—a line that has no end."
'■What is God ?"
"The necessary being, the sun of eternity,
the machinist of nature, the eye of justice,
the watchmaker of the universe, tho soul
of the world."
SIGNIFICANT REPLY OF MAXIMILIAN.
—Tho following question was put to Max
imilian during the trial:
" Are you willing to admit that you
are responsible for all the strife that oo»
currod in Mexico since the evacuation of
the country by the French ?"
" No," he answered. " Juarez is re
sponsible for it all. After the departure
of the French I sent a message to Juarez
and proposed to him to proclaim a gens
oral amnesty, and to grant a full pardon
to all who had been identified with me
and the Imperial cause. Juarez refused
this, and I had no course left but to re
main and to do all in my power to pro
tect a large proportion of the Mexican
people."
—"Did you lake tho note, and did you
see Mr. Thompson, Jack ?"
"Yes, sir."
"And how was he ?"
"Why, he looked pretty well, but he's
very blind."
"Blind ! What do you mean ?"
"Why, while I wur in the room, he
axed n.e where ray hat wur, and I'm
blessed if it wur not on my head all the
while."
A REMEDY FOR INSECTS. —An experienced
gardr.er says a decoction of the leaves of
common chamomile ia very disagreeable to
all, and destroy several species of inseets.
Nothing contributes so much to tile health
of a garden as a numlnsr of ehamomile
plantsdispersed through it. It is a singular
fact that if a plant is drooping and appar
ently dying, in nine eases out often it will
recover if you plant chamomile near it,
Reports received from Home r present
the Papal Government much alarmed by
the menacing attitude of the party of action
under the leadership of Garibaldi. Many
batteries around Rome aro being restored
and put into effective condition, and it is
S'ated the Pope has made an appeal to the
Emperor of the French for the protection
of the Holy Seo.
—Jtdmond About says "there arc two
things in this world which a man docs
not often find away from home; the first
is good soup; tho second is disinterested
love."
—A lady about to marry was warned
that her intended, although a good man,
was very eccentric. "Well," the said,
"if he is very unlike other men, he is
more likely to make a good husband."
NUMBER 32
A HOPELESS STRUGGLE,
When Mr. James Brooks says that if
he were President of the United States
ho would not allow Congress to impoSff
upon him a law utterly subversive of the
Constitution of the United States, what
does he mean ? Does he mean morely
that if Congress passed a law over his
veto he would refuse to eseeute it, or
that, he were required to execute af
law which he considered unconstitution
al, he would resign ? If he means the
latter, thou President James Brooks
would do precisely what the country
would gladly see done by President An
drew Johnson. Everybody wonld bo sat
isfied. But if he means the former, then
he declares that he would, if possible,
try to subvert the Government. In that
case one of two things would happen.—
Civil war or impeachment. The Presi
dent would certainly be removed, or he
must bo able to remove Congress.
Mr. Brooks seems not to know that the
will of the President is not the Govern
ment of this country. When laws am
passed by Congress which ho oonsidera
unconstitutional, he may object by his
veto. When those laws are passed again
over his veto, lie must execute them or
resign. And why not ? Why are not
two-thirds of Congress as likely to be
right upon a question of constitutionality
as the Prosidont? Mr. Brooks declaim
ed against the Reconstruction Bill as out
rageous and infamous. But however bad
it may be, could it possibly contain any
proposition so monstrous as that the
['resident's pleasure is tho law 112
The speech of Mr. Brooks and of Mr.
Wood in opposition to the House bill ro
vealed once more tho melancholy inabil
ity of tho opposition in Congross and the
utter folly of the party whioh conduct it.
They declare that the late rebel States
as ever, and that the whole system of re
construction is an unpavrlleled military
despotism which strikes at the very found
ation of the Magna Charta whioh tho
barons wrung from King John. Now
this position is exactly the one upon
which tho President planted himself in
his famous policy, which is as much a
thing of the past as the gun-boat pro*
jeots of Mr. Jefferson. Tho Demoorats
do not seem to see that they are engaged
in a hopeless struggle upon this point,
for they are fighting with the oommon
sense of the nation.
We arc occasionally informed by sanv
guino Democrats that tho Republican
party is at an end, and that i.othing is
now between the Democracy and triumph.
Nothing but tho people. The Democrat
ic leaders are constantly saying to tho
people of this country, "You have fought
terribly ; you have won a great victory ;
you are exhausted and want peace ; give
up all you have been fighting for and you
shall hrvo it." They wish us to regarl
the war as a mere trial of strength, in
which wo havo succeeded,and every thing
remains just as it was. Now, if any
thing is clear, it is that the common
sense of tho people does not agree that
every thing is as it was. They havo ro*
solvod that tho late rebel States shall bo
reorganized npon the terms whioh thoy
may prescribe, and not npon such as
(hose States themselves may choose—*
And this is precisely the point of diver»
gence between the Democratic party and
the people.
Until this question is settled thoro is
and can be no other issue. But tho pol
icy of Congress being heartily approved
by the country, every patriotio man will
do what he can to promote it, with a view
to tho speediest restoration and the poaco
and prosperity of the Union.— llarper't
Weekly.
ECONOMY OF MOWING MACHINES—A gontlaf
man of oxperionce gives as his opinion that
a good mowing macine will save a farmer
upon an average one-eighth of his orop of
grass, aside from the fast that 'haying' is
done, much sooner, and therfby a great sav
ing must be made. lie says the average
height of grass is about lf> inches, and that
a machine mows, upon an average, tWar »
inches closer than the scythe, thus saving
two inches of grass over the wholo surface.
If a man cuts forty tons of hay with a mow-'
ing machine, lie saves five tonsof hay, as ha
would havo got but3s tons with the scythe.
Calling hay worth, upon the average, $8
per ton, there is a saving of $lO a year Jo
hay, to say nothing of labor.
SALT ron TUB POTATO CROP.— I planted a
few potatoes last spring, for an experiment.
1 soaked saw-dust in strong brine and put a*
much iu each hill as I could hold in one hand.
In a few hills with tho soaked sawdust I pul
from one-half to a tenenpful of salt. I Wish«
el to find out if it would kill the potatoes#
Where the sawdust was, without the addition
of the salt, the potatoes grew very rank, th#
vines spread out on the ground, as there was
not strength to hold them up j'but when
straightened up, some wore nearly as high as
my head. The potatoes were very largo.
It took but afew hills fora bushel. Where
the salt was added they were not as large
in tops or bottoms. It was evident that
thero was too much salt.— N. E. Farmer.
—lt is reported from Topcka,
Kansas, that the Osage Indians have
takon tho war path. Govern<r
Crawford, of Kansas, has written a
letter to Senator Ross on Indian af
fairs, in which ho says 5,000 men
havo been killed the past year. ll<*
also says that no promises of peaco'
are to be relied on, and strongly ap*
peals to Congress for aid.
—A servant girl employed in the'
family of Henry Swaye,in Brooklyn,
was burned to death by the ignition
of a can of kerosene oil which sbe
was injudiciously pouring upon a fire
on Sunday. A gentleman and a lady
who attempted to rescue the' girl
when they saw her in flames were
severely burned about the face and
hands-