VOLUME 4. <9ri]>inal s)oetrtt. For tho Citizen LINES Suggested by seeing young men outside theCh«reh dur tog ierrice. At we to-day In the Church did meet, We marked, oh many a vacant seat— And sadly thought of the painful truth— That the companion* of our youth,— The pride of man v a parent's heart, Could thus with the scoflor bear a part, And letting the precious momeats glide Bo thoughtlessly, thus remain outeTde. We saw with pride that a few there were Whoee brews were not marked by age or care, Who waited to hear the word today, Nor did with the thonghtlen* members «tay. And we felt their lives would lengthened be, And happier far their eternity, Than theirs, though the doors be open wide, Who still will choose to remain outside. But oh, young men, when your youth hat fled, And its firlKhteHt hopes ar») withored and dead, Wh*n *ge has diawn ita lines on vol|r brow, And your limbs are no longer art ire as now 1 Will the thought of the hours now idled away Brighton the hours of declining day 112 And will you recall with pleasant pride, The hours when you chose to reniaiu outside? And when death has stilled your n-w beating heart And from all you luve on earth jou nius part. And yon, at .the Bar of the Joat, must appear, To render an account for tho yeari spent here 1 And when you gaze on tbe land ot blest. Ami *ee them enter into tho place of rent, An-I see the pearly gat es tut they open wider- Will you then be cont «nt to reui-ia outsido ? II. .'Jttißcellancous. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. What he thinks of the Rebellion. "Mack" prints in tbe Cincinnati Com-! mercial an entertaining account of a visit to the home of Alexander 11. Stephens, the principal part of which we give below : " Returning from the farm, Mr. Stephens talked freely ot the late war. The South, be believed, made two fearful mistakes: First, ingoing to war at all. and secondly, in the object for which they went to war. It was a groat absurdity to think that there ] could be such a thing as permanent separa tion of the two sections, lie was opposed to secession in the first place; but when he could not resist that—when Georgia went out, and be, as a State's rights man, felt bound togo with Georgia, then he wanted to fight only on terms "of reconstruction, such as would cement tbe country on a bet ter basis than it ever stood. Jeff. Davis and the fire eaters fought for Southern in dependence, and ruined tbe South in doing so. I called his attention to reports in •Southern newspapers during the war, that be, Stephens, had declared his opposition to reconstruction upon any terms. They were all false, he said, and he was sorry to see in Pollard's Lost Cause, which he consider ed a wretchodly bad history of the war, what pretended to be an extract from a speeoh made by him at Charlotte, North Carolina, after bis unsuccessful attempt to confer with Lincoln at Fortress Monroe (before tbe Hampton Roads conference,) in which be is represented as saying that under no circumstances would he co n sent to recon- Htruction. He never said nny such thing, lie was a reconstructionUt, he said, from tho first day of the war till the last. Re ferring to politics in the North during the war, ho expressed his regret that the peace party had not been successful in 1804. lie thought tbe Democrats made a mistake in nominating a war man. If a straight-out ■peace man had been nominated he might have been elected, and the reconstruc structionists of the South would then have made terms of peace and reunion with them. "But," said I, "'in the North the people could not be persuaded that the peace party was not a secession party." " There's where you made a great mistake," said Mr. Stephens. "Jeff. Davis wanted Lincoln elected ; he told me so. The reconetruc tionists of the South wan tody or of the North to elect a peaco man, and we would then have overthrown tho Davis war party of the | South, and made terms of reunion without nny difficulty." I replied that I thought if the people of tbe North bad bad any assur ance that the election of a Peaco Democrat would have restored the Union on honorable terms they would have elected one. But the Democratic party of tbe North had made itself obnoxious as a secession party ; its leaders bad been to a great degree instru mental in bringing the war about by assur ing the Southern fire eaters of a fire in the rear party, and while they might prefer Union to secession they certainly preferred secession to war—while the Republican par- 1 ty preferred Union to any thing else, and were willing to kee pup tbe war ten years to secure it. Besides, if there were so many re constructionists in the South, why did they not make their influence felt—why not make overtures to the Republican party of the North T" Mr. Stephens replied, ''there were a great many of us, but we could'nt get tbe helm. One man at the helm of a ship has more power than five hundred amidsbip. But, if the first desire fur peace bad come from the North we would have been strengthened so that we could have broken down tho permanent separation par ty. All we wanted was for you of tbeJNorth to show that you wantA peace and reunion; and then we could have responded. Take the State of Geurgia, for instanoe. While there was an immense majority in favor of keeping up the war as long as the Federal army was in the field against us, there was a great majority in favor of reconstruction, but they wanted tbe first indications to come from the North," Speaking of the]conduot of the war on the part of the South, Mr. Stephens criticised it as extremely unwise. It ought never to have been an offensive war, and if the re sources of the South had been properly economised, instead of being wasted in ftg- AMERICAN CITIZEN. gressive battles, the North would certainly have been worried into giving up tbe con test. Then in a few years the South would have gone back to the Union without a doubt, for the dream of a separate nation ality would soon hare been dispelled. Tbe great error of the North, he thought, was in adopting tbe policy of coercion. If South Carolina had been permitted togo, and a few other States with her, secession would soon have been at an end. The Bouth was getting very sick of it when the call for 75,000 troops came out. A tariff of twenty per cent, on every thing produced in the country had been levied by the Montgomery Congress, and it had caused a rise in prices and great discontent. One thing after an other had occurred to persuade the people that secession was a foolish undertaking, hut when troops were called for to invade the South the tide immediately tinned the other way, and the separntionists triumphed every where. lie regarded Jeff. Davis as a man of kind heart, who meant well in what I he did, but was not fitted fot the bead of a I nation in a time like that of the late war. I He would listen to no advice, and heed no warning. Because he wanted to succeed, he thought therefore he must, and be had no idea of giving up the contest until Lee tel egraphed him that his lines were broken, and that he must evacuato Richmond. The capture of Jeff. Davis, Mr. Stephens thought agreat faux pas for the North ; better a good deal have let him go wherever he wanted to go I asked where Davis was going when he was captured. Mr. Stephens said he did'nt know—tie doubted if Davis knew himself. He seemed to hiin to be running about like a gad-fly in a stuble, after tbe boys had tn*en bis eyes out—bobbing up and down, running against everything and bitting everything, utterly unconscious of what he was doing or where he was going He believed the government would release Davis without any trial. The Supreme Court decision in the injunction cases would have an, important bearing on tbe trial. If the injunction was not granted, he could not see how Davis could be tried for treason— for the refusal would convey with it the as sertion that the Southorn States were not States of the Union, and therefore their cit izens could not have been guilty of treason in rebel).ng. This seemed to him to be the light in which Charles O'Connor, who was counsel in both cases, viewed it. I remained at Mr. Stephens' residence that evoning and during tho following day until train time, lie expressed great won der when I told him of my intended depart ute, and logged me " stay a week and see the country, 'or, in any event, to "come back this way,'' and call to see him again. I spent Friday evening in conversation with him, and found him the mostdelightful and inexhaustible talker I had ever listened to. Many ol the events connected with the war, with which I was already familiar, he rela ted to me with such an interesting and at tractive manner that I forgot I had ever known anything of them, and listened to them as to something entirely new and startling. lie spoke of the Hampton Roads confer ence as having been consented to by Jeff. Davis only to thwart another proposition looking to peace and re-union. Tho Con federate Congress was about to pass a joint resolution in favor of a cessation of hostili ties, for the purpose of calling a national convention to scttb all existing differences, Davis wanted to defeat this, by making the Sou tlietn people believe that the North would accept no terms but an unconditional sur render, and this he thought the Hampton Roads conference would accomplish. Mr Stephenson his return from Hampton Roads felt convinced that the Southern cause was lost, and told Jeff Davis so, but Davis would not believe it. He soon after returned to his home in Crawfordsville, where he re mained until arrested by Wilson's cavalry, and taken to Fort Warren. He is now en; gaged in colleoting and arranging the ma terials for a book to be styled " Tbe War, Its Causes, Conduct and Results." It will be in two volumes, the first to appear about the close of the present year. He told me he would s»y very little about battles, or battle-fields, for he has an utter loathing for them. 110 holds that war degrades any people that engage in it, and retards in stead of advances civilization. Hie book will be on the war in its relation to citil i liberty and republican government in this j country and throughout the world. Respecting the present civil contest in the South he desires no public expression of his views. As one who is disfranchised and a paroled prisoner he feels it prudent for him to keep quiet aud take no part iu public af fairs. 1 shall therefore say nothing in this letter touchinghis position on reconstruction under the Military Law. 110 converses freely on the subject, and has no lesitation in giv ing lys opinion when asked in hisown house. He does so, however, with the injunction that no public nse shall be made of what Se says on the subject—and he has a right to demund this much. No man in thecouritry loves the American Union more than be does or more sinuerely desires its preservation ; no one is more ardently devoted to consti tutional liberty than be; no one is less of a monarchist or an aristocrat, or more of a re publican, He takes little iuterest in parlies, except as they tend to promote the cause to which be is so warmly attached, aud views all questions as a philosopher rather than as a politician. IIENBY JENKINS, whose arrest in New York for embetzlement, last year, caused eo much excitement, died at a city hospital to whioh be was removed from the jail a short time since. "Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to do our duty as we understand it"-- A LINCOLN. BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PENN'A, WEDNESDAY, MAY 22, 18G7. ERROR IN RECONSTRUCTION. The lata argument* in the Supreme court show some of the mistakes which the coun try has made upon the question of recon struction. Yet they are natural errors, an J ore such as reveal the prudent and wise habit of the popular mind whioh deolines to act until it perceives the reason of action. The problems with which the fall of the re bellion confronted the country were wholly new and of the most vital importance. There was a technical, summary ,superfical solution of them, very easy to understand, and also very cure to make the war ridiculous. This solution was merely the policy of treating the rebellion as a riot. Certain citizens have resisted the authority of the Govern ment, it was urged ; they would not disperse upon reading the riot act, and it was neces sary to call out the military force. That has succeeded in quelling the di-turbanco, and now everything will resume its ordinary course. This was a view which was very plausible in 1861. It had become sheer folly in the year 1805. The rebellion wus a death struggle be tween the two principles which disputed the mastery of the Government. The dispute was maintained under the form of interpret tation of the constitution. The principle known as the South claimed that the con stitution was a treaty between sovereign States, which might be annulled in its own case by the will of any one of the States.— This was the claim The object was the perpetuity of human slavery as the corner stone of a Southern Empire, The principle known as the North held that the constitu tion was a national bond under which the Union had become a nation, and that seces sion was national dissolution, which was consequently opposed by every patriotio in stinct. This was the theory. The convic tion was that by the laws of society and hu man nature slavery would be peacefully end ed and a groat, free, and happy republic es tablished. The controversy became at la<t too radi cal and intense for a peaceful solutirn.— There was no tribunal which could settle it, and war was invoked to decide what the constitution meant. Thus it was not upon the side of the North a war merely for the constitution, but the constitution as the North understood it; while the South, in seceding, was attempting to interpret the constitution as the South understood it. Of course the side which was victorious won its interpretation of the constitution. The North, not morely as a seotion, but ns an explanation of the constitution, triumphed. Its 11 i-st duty, therefore, was to make the constitution say what the last irreversible appeal had declared it to mean. That was what the South expocted. It looked to seo the North remove the disputed point from future controversy by dispelling the obscu rity of the constitution upon tl|o question. Anil this, clearly, is what should have been done. We should havo distinctly forbidden secession by the fundamental law, and wo should havo provided in the constitution that any State which attempted secession should assume its relations in the Union only upon such conditions as Congress might require. This wo should have done while the sur rendered States still remained under the military authority of the Government. And when it was done we should have proceeded to settle the conditions upon which they might return. Then there would have been no Georgia or Mississippi petitions; and the Supreme court would have had no voice in the question unless it had undertaken to de clare that tfcu constitution had been one.in stitutionally amended— a declaration which we doubt if even the eloquence of a Robert J. Walker could have won from it. The present difficulty is, that the war has dis» tinctly decided the constitution to mean what we have not made it distinctly express. The old verbal obscurity therefore remains, and the lawyers in the Supreme court arc re neating the speeches of Webster and llayno in the Senate The framers of the consti tution intentionally loft the question of State rights and sovereignty obscure. They feared that Union would be impossible if they did not. From that clond came the war. The war has dispelled the obscurity in fact, but we havo not yet stricken it out of the instrument; and as courts and law yers deal with verbal interpretations, we are actually witnessing the absurd spectacle of a nice technical dispute in a cour'-rooni o( an jssue which has been decided by the most tremendous war. Every written constitution is a perilous folly and snare if it is not most liberally in terpreted and amended just as fast and fully as tho public sentiment demands. The rev crenee fur the constitution asa oomplete and inspired instrument, needing no change, which has been so sedulously incnlcated in this country, is an incredible stupidity. It has discouraged independence of politicsl thought, so that since the days of the revo lution tnd of the Federalist we have added nothing whatever of importanee to political pbilusophy but the speculations of Mr. Cal houn and a few essays like Sidney Fisher's. Calhoun wag the most fearless political thick er in our history except the inen of '7O and 'B9, and a few of the living radicals. Ilis political theories were purely medieval, in deed, but his mind was sincere and indes pendent. at least saw what his follow ers do not, that to make the supreme court a political tribunal of tbe last appeal is to subvert tbe Government. • In the Military bill, Congress has acted in the spirit of the great decision of arms. It baa acted according to the constitution as tba final resort has decided Ibe constitution to mean. But it has made the necessary verbal amendment of the constitution more difficult. For when, under the conditions of the Military bill, the States which tried to secede are once more restored to their func tions in the Union, one of which is voting upon amendments to the constitution—they will necessarily have a vote upon an.v clause forbidding secession, and prescribing the penalty of the attempt. Harper's Weekly. Hancock and tjie Kiowa Indiana. The St. Louis Democrat's correspondent with Hancock's expedition, writing from Fort Hayes, May 3d, gives a long account of the council held between General Han cock and Satanta, principal chief of the Ki owas, at Fort Lamed, on the first. Satan - ta's speech was full of pence, and promises tc keep his yonng men quiet, and to u-e his influence with other tribes. 110 said the Cheyennes and Sioux abandoned their vil lages because tliey were afraid of the troop', and thought Hancock did wrong to burn them. He was opposed to the railroad ruti ing through the Arkanses River region, and charged Col- Leavenworth with selling Ki owa annuity goods for his own benefit. Col. Leavenworth replied he had kept back annuities by orders from Washington. General Ilannock replied at length, g'ing over much the same ground as in the former speech, but laying particular stress on the point that unless the Indians faithfully per formed their treuty obligations, and preserv ed peace, they would bo severely punished- He explained that he burned flie Oheyeiine and Sioux villages because those tribe* lied to him and acted very treacherously. They began the war by burning stations and kill ing whites on Smoky Hill route, and would be punished; and similar conduct on the part of other Indians would ireet with like results. A gentleman who left Sioux city on the 9th inst., says that notbingwas known there of the reported capture, murder of the crew and burning of the steamboat Miner. Hare the Mormons Bribed Congress? Our last Salt Lake Union Videlle don't give any signs of having sold out to the Mor mons. It charges tfie Saints with having bought up loading Congressmen—Ashley, chairman of tho committee on Territories, is meant, among others—so ns to stave oft' any more anti-Mormon legislation, and quotes the following significant bragging from the Mormon paper, the Telegraph, as some evidence of it: "It is a eomtffon saying that tho Roths childs, by their purse-strings power, exer cise no mean influence ever the shape and color of Kuropean politics. The Mormon chiefs nie moving in a similar direction. It is common enough to read in the newspapers of 'long heads,' 'great eiecutive and tinao* eial ability,' and well secured 'piles of the needful,' as characteristic of the chiefs of the Mormon church, while for industry and application to the urls of peace the Mormons have evinced an aptitude that, in a few years, must place them in tho van in those respects. We see occasionally, broad hints of this cor porate body and that corporate body, this Legislature and that Legislature, and even Congress, being particularly sensitive to money arguments, that cash will carry ony measure through. Now if the Mormons, like tho Jews, have a habit of making to themselves friends of tho unrighteous Mam mon. the god of this world, it will not be very difficult for them to control quite a he ip of politics in the new world,and would it not be a very curious thing'Sf in a few years the polygamic J»ws should control politics in tho Eastern hemisphere and the polygamic Mormana in the Western ?" AN I.VCIDINC or FORT FISMBR.—A person who was in Fort Fisher duriug tho bom bardment, tells the following story in an English magazine: "Oh I the agony of despair to sec ball and shell falling harms less from those turrets of iron, or rolling like pellets along tho low decks, while the gallant defenders of Fort Fisher were falling in sheaves within a fortification which would, four years before, have defied the efforts of auy navy— 'a work,' as Porter says, 'stronger than anything Sebastopol could boast of. - ' One day a happy shot fiom ihc Fort succeeded in finding its wny into a weak spot of a two-terreted monitor, a picco of irou evidently was turned up, and jammed the turret. Hurrah ! one at ln-t disabled,, thought the poor Confederates. Ry Jovel see Wro sailors qnictly walk out. and set themselves down, the on? holding a chisel, the other striking with a hamtner. They were cutting away the obstruction ; and so -ccure was the monitor against any vital injury being inflicted on her, that, although sileuced, she would not retire from her po sition. A swaim of Southern riflemen were thrown out to slay the two bold Federals ; but no one hit them, f<nd they worked on calmly until Genoral Whiting generously interfered, and said, " Such gallant fellows deserve to live ; cease firing, my lads, at them." So the iron was cut away. TUE Georgia injunction case, only, was dismissed by the U. S. Supreme court for want of jurisdiction. The case of Missis' •ippi,as amended making Arkansas a party to the complaint, and covering Gen. Ord'a action with regard to the treasury of the lat ter State, was to have been argued on Fri day 17th instant. It is hoped by the com* piainants that the Arkansas treasury case will furnish a property clause upon which tlie court can bftse jurisdiction. Last Wager of Battle in England. An English paper sayß: "There has died in Birmingham a poor old man, one event of wbDße history forms an important mark in tbe progress of civilization in England, especially as relating to the old batbarous mode of settling disputes, and trying causes by the " wager of battle." TW deceased, William Ashford, was the last per-ou who wns challenged in an English court to meet in single combat a man whom ho bad ac cused us the murderer of his sister. On the 20tb of May, 1817, a beautiful young wo man named Mary Ashford, in her 2'lth year, went to a dance at Erdingten, without pro per protection. She left the festive scene at a late hour, accompanied by a young man named Abraham Thornton, a farmer's son in the neighborhood. They were last seen talking together nt»a stile near the place, but next morning she was found dead in a pit of water; and there were evidences that she had been muldered. Genera! suspicion pointed to Thornton. He was arrested and tried for murder at Warwick assizes in Au gust; but, though circumstantial evidence wns against him, che defence, which was an alibi, obtained a verdict of " not guilty."' "Tho feeling of surprise and indignation at bis acquittal was so intense that a new trial was called for, and nn appeal was en tered against the verdict by William Ash ford, tho brother, and next of kin to the murdered girl. Thornton was again appre hended, and sent to London in November, to be tried before Lord Ellenborough and the full court of Queen's Bench. . Instead of regular defence by arguments, evidences and witnesses, Thornton boldly defied all present modes of jurisdiction, and claimed his right, according to ancient custom, to fight him, and decide bis innocence or guilt by the 'wager of battle.' His answer to the court was ' Not guilty, and I am ready to defend the same by my body.' He accom panied these words by the old act of taking oil' his glove and throwing it down upon the floor of the court. " At this stage of the proceedings Will iam Ashford, who wns in court, actually came forward, and was übout to accept the challenge by picking up the glove, when ho was kept bnck by those about him. With what wonder did the assembly, and indeed the nation, ask 'Can a prisoner insist on so obsolete a mode of trial, in such a time of light as the nineteenth century 7 But with greater wonder and regret was the judgment of the court received ; for, after several ad journments, it was decided in April 1818, that the law of England was in favor nf the 'wager of battle;' that tbe old lnwssanction ing it had never been repealed ; and that, although this mode of trial bad become ob solete, it must be allowed. Thornton wns therefore discharged, and, being set at lib erty, left England for America, whore he died in obscurity." Itcforiu, Here aud There. England is all astir with excitement in favor of reform. Able men aro discussing it, immense meetings are hold, politicians aro risking their positions and influence on the enterprise; tho throne itself is trembling —or is supposed to be so, ns scoree of times before, although it has never quite toppled over. All this for the purpose of securiug to some persons the privilege of voting. The United Stotes has its reform project ol a sim ilar kind going cn with discussions, big meet ings, party arrangements, speeches, news papers and all political enginery This is to secure to the black people, lately slaves, the privilege of voting. Voting soeins to be tbe tummum bonum and chief end of life, in both cases. Of course we are satisfied—every good citizen must be so—to see a disposition pre vailing to extend to all people the civil rights and privilege that belong to them. But as voting has an aspect towards the public in terest, as well ns towards private and indi vidual rights, some solicitude should be felt about tho qualifications of voters. On this depends great consequences connected with tbe public interests. Blind partisanship needs no qualifications, and thurefore, those who have only partisan ascendency as their end, nre indifferent about the intelligence or moral fitness of voters. If they hold a ballot between thumb and finger, ntid hand it in at tbe polls, it is enough. The suffrage, in the eye ol tho citizen who regards the public good, demands more than this—some understanding of the natu c of the Govern ment; some power of discriminating between righf and wrong in politics. In England and in this country classes are aspiring to the right of mffrage which have net heretofore enjoyed it The c laim meets wi.h opposition in both cases, and in both has a powerful support- And it would not be strange if in both—we think we see it clearly—there should be a predominance of the partisan over the patriotic motive, in much that is said on both sides of tbe ques tion. The right of suffrage being grauted, the contest for the c introl of the new po litical element naturally ensues. This is the phase now presenting itself in the Southern States, where thoae who op posed the grant are quite ns keen for taking advantage of it as those who favored it.— Pitt. Com I. SENATOR WILSON, on his trip from Atlanta to Montgomery, Alabama, addressed several white audiences, and was severely catechised about certain customs in the North, but was able to make suitable replies to all ques tions. Ou Saturday he addressed an audi ence of the usual mixed character, and in ! the course of bis speech made no reference whatevor to confiscation. He was replied to by a prominent lawyer named Clanton, who urged in argument that the negro did not owe his freedom to the Republican party; that President Lincoln had promised the re bellious South two years after the commence ment of tbe war that their slaves would be undisturbed. After tbe speeches, General Strayne called for the sense of the colored people as to who were for the Republican party, and the response was a unanimous affirmative; DECORATE THE^ HOMESTEAD. The mild breath of fpring and the music of the enrly birds reminds us. that the sea son approaches for planting, not only vege tables and grains necessary for man's sub sistence, but shrubs, trees nnd flowers to feed the eye ind nourish tho taste. There is no homestead cn which a little judicious labor will not result in more or less pleasure licrenfter. None on which there is not some nook or corner thatcan be beautified by a vine, a shrub »r a plant of flowers. Nature will do her part if we per form ours, and many a barren and unsight ly yard or oominon may thus become a thing of beauty, adding to the pure joys of home. Next to wholesome fjod, home pleasures are neecssnry to enliven our spirits, promote our good health and give zest to rural life. What can give greater satisfaction to a family of refined taste than to have the grouuds around the homosiead decorated with the beauties of nature so bountifully furnished us? The species and varieties of trees, shrubs, rosos, vines, St, c., are now so numerous that a clinic* selection can be made to suit every clime, soil and exposure, and to bloom and fruit all the season. Seo them tastefully arranged and gorgeously dressed with foliage of various colors, nnd decked with blooms far transoending the most costly jewelry in brilliancy, and por fuming tho air with their fragrance. In windy days they gracefully bow, prance, and whirl around like sprightly youth in the dance, and the melody of the breeze serves them for music. How beautiful the picture and great the enjoyment to those who can appreciate them. It makes a cot a palace, a home a paradise ; the owner a king, and his wife a queen ; it imparts a dignity to the manly graces of sons, and lustre to the beauties and virtues of daugh ters. The passing way-farer is delighted with the scene, and sets itdown in his mind as the abode of the great and good in heart, and the virtuous and wise ia action. After planting climbing vines to clothe the veranda, and a few deciduous trees around the bouse for shade in summer, all the other trees, shrubs and roses should be so arrayed ovor tho lawn that all will be seen at one view. Set the more dwarf near er the house, and the taller farther off, and they will appenr to rise in graceful folds a R they recede from the eye, and the contrast of size, form and color of the various indi viduals will show to greater advantage, and that will give additional graces to their charn's. The Southern States and tho "Iron Heel." In liis late speech at Augusta, Georgia, Ex-Governor Blown put very pointedly the dilemma in which the petition of Governor Jenkins and tho argument of Mr. O'Conor leave the State of Georgia. If, he says, as Governor Jenkins and tho rest have con stantly claimed, Ueorgia is a foreign State conquered by the Union, what claim has she to any privilege in the Union except what may be conceded ? If, on the other hand, Georgia is and always has been a State in the Union, all of ns who rebelled are guilty of treason and liable to be hanged, and our property to be confiscated. "We either did go out, and the Government has the right to deal with us as a conqnered people; or else we did not seoede, and wo were rebels and liable to be dealt with as rebels." If the loyal people of the country insisted upon beinglitotally logical, and upon treat ing a great national crisis in the spirit of a Tombs pettifogger, which is the policy of the Democratic party, this weuld be the in evitable dilemma in which the Southern States wcutd be plunged. But because the Government will neither treat the lato rebels exclusively as foreigners nor traitors, but regards them as citizens who may resume their relations upon certain mode rate nnd just conditions, it is amusingly de scribed as " the blood-hound party," nnd its.polie.v of restoration, which neither hangs nor confiscates nor exiles nor imprisons, but merely gives a vote to those who never re belled, is nothing less than "the iron heel." The New York World whose political allies were in tho habit, before their rebellion, of chaseing with actual blood hounds the loyal men whom the Government has enfranchised and who had a pleasing an i summary way of stamping tho iron heel of the stake, the halter, or the mob upon American citizens who asserted the plainest principle of the Government, is peculiarly glib in the use of this kind of rhetoric. It is the same excel lent conservative " sheet that felicitously called tho murderous mob which ia the sum mer of 1863 hunted an J massacred the de fenceless colored population of New York, anil tried to inaugurate the rebellion in this city, "the laboring population." Of course a party which enfranchises instead of en slaving colored Americans is in its view a " blood-hound party,'' and the policy which would protect them f.om mayor Monroe's lambs, who, we suppose, are "the Üboring population" of New Orleans, is " the iron heel." — Harper's Weekly. ERRORS IN THE PRINTED HIBLE — A London paper notices a curious misprint in one of the editions of the New Testa ment pTinttd at Oxforde where the word is converted int oelad. The persou who detected the error rccievd the re ward ot one guinea which the Oxford I'rcßS offers for such a discovery, it is an extraordinary facl that; with this stand ing offer of a reward, and all the vigi lance of readers, Sanday School teaehers and scholars,this error uf a single letter is , tho only one that has been detected in upwards of sixty different editions. NUMBER 23. Speech of Fensan Burke after his Conviction for Treason. By the last arrival of mails from Eng land we have the following extract from the speech of Fenian Burke, after his convic tion fur high treason: •'lt is not my Jesire now, my Lord), to give utterance to one word ngainst the vtr*» diet which has been pronounced upon me. But fully eoti9eiou» or my honor, as a man, never inipagned ; fully conscious that I can go into my grave with a character unsullied, I can only say this, that these parties, actu ated by a desire either for their own aggrand isement, or to save their paltry, miserable lives, have pandered to the appetite—if I may so speak —of justice, and my life ihall pay the forfeit. Fully convinced and satis fied of the righteousness of my every act in connection with the late revolutionary move ment in Ireland, I have done nothing that would bring the blush of shame to mantle my brow. My conduct and career here and in America, if you like, as a soldier, are be* before youf and even in this, my hour of ray trial, I foel a consciousness ef having lived as an honest man, and I will dio believing that I have given my life to give freedom and liberty to the land of my birth. I have done only that which every Irishman, and every man, whose soul throbs with the feeling of liberty should do. I seek not the death of a martyr, but if it be the will of Almighty and Omnipotent Ood that my devotion for the land of my birth should be tested at the seaffold, I am willing there to die in defence of the right of men to b# free, to give the right of an oppressod pso ple to throw off the yoke of thraldom. I am an irishman by birth, an American by adoption, by nature a lover of freedom, and tin enemy to the power that holds my native land in bonds of tyrranny. It has so often been admitted that the oppressed have tho I rightjto throw off the yoke of oppression— oven by English statesmen—that I deem it unnecessary to advert to it here- Ireland's children are not, never were, nnd never will be, willing or submissive elaves; and eo long u England's Bag covers one inch ef Irish soil, just so loffg will they believe it to be a divine right to conspire and device means to hurl down its power and erect in its stead the Ood like struoture of self-govevnmeat. WoNDKBS.— VVhea a youg mau is a clerk in a store and dresses like a prince, smokes foreign cigars,' drinks 'nioe bran dy/ attends theatres, dances and the like, 1 wonder if b« do tt all on the avails ef bis clerkship ? When a young lady sits in the parlor da ring the day, with her lily white finger* covered with riugs, I wonder if'ber moth er doesn't wash the dishes aud do the work in the kitchen 7 When the deaeoa of the ehurok sells strong butter, recommending it as a good uiticle, 1 wonder what he relies mpon for salvation. When a lady lasos her waist a third less than nature made it, I wonder if her pretty figure will .tot shortea life a dozen years or more, besides inukiug her miser able while she does live? When a young man is dependent upon his daily toils for his inoome and marries a lady who does not know how to make a loaf of bread or tnend a garment, I won der if he is not lacking somewhere, say toward the top for instance ? When a man receives a periodical or newspaper weekly, and takes great delight reading it. and don't pay for it, I wonder if he has a soul or gizzard. WHAT NEXT.—A gentleman riding near the city overtook a well dressed man and invited hira to a seat in his carriage. "What," said the gentkraan to the young stranger, "are your blans for the future?" " lam a clerk," said the gentleman. " and my hope is to succeed, and to get into buisncss for myself." " And what next?" said the gentleman. " Why, to continue in buisness, and ac cumulate wealth." ( ■'And what next 1" '•lt is the lot of all to die, *HJ 1 of course cannot escape." "And wliat next?" imce more inquired the irentleru m; but thp young man had no answer totnakejhe had no purposothat reached beyond the present life. How many joung men are in precisely tho same condition ! —What pertains to the wurld to come has no plaee in all their plans.— Amrricnn Meuenger. . W. B. UAKD, Frosidcnt of the Bank o Lexington, X. C., and D Ilampton, one of the Directors, were taken to Salisbury, on Tuesday 14th instant, by order of General Sickles, under charge of embezzling the specie of the bank about the time of the sor> rend* of the rebel General Johns-n. The complaint was made by .1. \V. Thomas and others. Tie parties have had a bearing, the etidence forwarded to General Biekh>-, and the accused will remain in custody of tho military until the General is heard from. JI DCE KIM.) thepeopleof New Orleans on Saturday c\caing, 11th instant, on the politi.tal status of the South. Ilia audience was the largest mas- uecting of citizens known in that .city ior some time. Resolutions of a strong Hi-publican charac ter were adopted after the meeting. The remarks of the Judge were frequently ap plauded. *ar lorace Greeley is attempting to jaa* ii fy himself in the eye* of the public for be coming Jeff. Davis' hondaiaan
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