Term" of Mcconstruction. Quite an animated controversy has sprung up on the question whether the faith of the Republican party is pledged to restore the Southern States to their former privileges, in case they adopt the constitutional amendment. The qies tion was hardly thought worlh_ arguing bj thc To-called Conservative pres.-, until very recently ; but it now bids fair to be come the most important queilion of the .day. There is no longer any doubt that the terms of reconstruction will be dic tated by the Republican party, and that Mr. Johnson is henceforth a mere cipher, if, indeed, his value to his allies is not better represented by a negative quan tity—not merely adding nothing, but ac tually diminishing their strength. The rats who were tempted by the prospect of oflic3 to desert what they supposed to be a sinking ship arc rushing back in droves with ludicrous panic. No politi cian doubts the result outside of the State of New York, and scarcely any sensible Johnson man pretends to believe t\jat this [State will resist the general current. Under these circumstances it is a mat. ter of the highest importance to know what is the policy of the triumphant par ty, for if it is pledged to admit the South cm States upon their adoption of the new amendment, it is quite possible, not to say probable, that those Statos will yield. Indeed, if Mr. Johnson should advise them to do so, there can be little doubt that they would promptly comply ; and thus reconstruction would be close at hand. Mr. Johnson's notorious ob stinacy may prevent this result from ta king place; but he will have had a terri ble lesson before Congress meets again, and may be wiser than he is now. On the one band the New York State Convention and the National Committee have pledged the party to receive any State adopting the amendment. On the other hand, several distinguished Cong ressmen have declared their intention to insist upon more stringent terms. The Reconstruction Committee reported a bill guaranteeing admission to the rebel States upon the final adoption of the amendment; but this bill was lost in the House, eyery Democratic member voting against it, together with all the very con servative and vety radical Republicans., It thus appears that there is no author ative pledge for the admission of any State upon the adoption of the constitu tional amendment; yet it ii> not difficult to see that the Republican party is sub stantially committed to a certain policy in respect to this matter, and that the South has now, as it has often had be fore, an opportunity to chosse its own destiny. If enough Southorn State rat ify the amendment before next January to make its final passage secure, and do this in a spirit manifesting good faith,wc believe that they will certainly be restor ed to their places in Congress. We be lieve that the same result would proba bly attend such a ratification at any time before next February; but if the South should remain obstinate up to that time, we judge that its .subsequent submission would not avail it. Certainly we should hold Congress to be abundantly justified in refusing to wait after the month of January for the ae'ionof the South. Our reasons for this belief are easily stated. The Republican party is gener ally fighting its battles upon the basis of the amendment, and on the assumption that it rontains the terms of reconstruc tion. Certainly no State convention and no national committee have authority to bind the whole party to any particular course of action; but as a matter of fact a sufficient number of candidates for Csngress are committing themsclvct to this policy to make it certain that it will be cairtrd out, if the South is shrewd enough to present the question in a prac tical form. We do not sec how the ma jority of Congress e-an well refuse to ad mit uuy of Mr Johnson's States upon the adoption of the amendment by the requisite number of States, including, of course, the particular State asking for admission. Hut when it is broadlp asserted, as it is by some journals which affect a pecu liar knowledge of the poyular will (though they have shown in the past an ignorance of it almost ludicious, consid ering their prctensious), I luii the party is pledged unconditionally to the admis sion of ratifying the amend ment, we deny it. Congress is under no obligation whatover to admit any rebel State until the ratification of the amend ment is secure. It may waive this con dition, as it did in farox of Tennessee, but it is in no way baund to do so iu fa vor of South Carolina, This, however, is unlikely to be a practical question.—- The amendment will probably ne ratified either by all the revolted States or by none, except possibly North Carolina. The more important question is. How long is bound to keep the offer of admis sion open upon these terms ? In order to determine this, it is necessary to eon aider all the circumstances. Clearly there is no sort of obligation resting upon Con gress to keep its offer open for an inde finite period. It has the same right to retract__its propositions before their ac ceptance upon the other side which any jtmate jperaoa ha# iu *■ ordinary bu»i ness transiction.. Wc suppoee that the offer of CongressJought to lie left open until the Southern legislatures (as those "illegal and unlawful assembles" are by courtesy termed) have had ah oppntpni ty to accept it. South Carolina and Tex as have had this opportunity, but have thrown it away. Most of"the- tither Southern legislatures will not meet un til January. It seems, therefore, fair that Congress should nlHjw them until the middle of that month to decide up on their course. It cannot well allow a longer time without consentin<; to a full year's delay, since the terra of Congress itself expires on the 4th o? March next, and it will have only six weeks from the middle of January in which to frame and carry out a new policy. The South will have had six months in which to make up its mind, and may justly be held to its decision. We have thus gone through with all delailsof the policy to which we blieve Congress to be committed. It remains tcf bo asked what Congress ought to do in certain contingencies as to which it is not committed. It has contracted no under taking, express or implied, with any State which refuses to accept the amend ment. And we think that it will be the imperative duty of Congress to reorgan ize every revolted State which thus holds out after the 15th or 20tli of January, by means of a Statu Conventic n to be elected by all the loyal people of each State, without the slightest regard to the un constitutional usurpations set up by Mr. Johnson. It is at best a highly danger ous precedent to recognize governments set up and maintained by military power and executive dictation. That Which Mr. Johnson has done to please the white people of the South, may at some future day be imitated by soother President to please black people, or without regard to the wishes of any part of the people.— Put if from considerations of temporary expediency it is thought necessary to sanction the usurpations of the Presi dent, it is certain that such a sanction should not be given in so vague a form as ,to imply that his action was inherently right and lawful. And such an inference might fairly be drawn from any action of Congress which should leave the South ern State free to come in at any time with the form of government adopted by them under Mr. Johnson's dictation, and by voter.* of his selection. Moreover, it is perfectly true, as Mr. Peecher urges, that the work of rcjon struction ought to be completed at an early da}', and that the nation as a whole suffers by delay. This does not prove, as he imagines, that the work had better be completed anyhow than that any de lay should be suffered. A certain meas ure of time is indispensable in every great achievement; and excessive haste would be ruinous in so great a task as this. Put an indefinite postponement of reconstruction is full of danger. Con gress has given the rebels of the South an option to assume the responsibility of government if they will; but it has no right to keep the whole nation waiting for them. If the rebels will not act with Congress, the latter is nol merely at lib erty, but is morally bound, to appsal to the loyalists of the South, and to give them the power to institute and carry on republican forms of government in har mony with the Federal authority.— The Nation. —The Congressional election present an issue between the People and Andrew Juhnson, not between Congress and the President.! And the issue which the People have with their traitorous, usurp ing servant in the White House is the simplest ever presented in a national can vass. It is: "Shall the country be gov erned by those who fought to destroy it, or by those who fought to save it ? Shall it be governed by its friends or its ene mies ?" That'sail there is of it. An drew Johnson's purpose is to put the law making aud executive poweis ofthe Gov ernment into the hands of unchastcned, unrepentant, malignant Rebels. 'The People, through their loyal Congress, op pose this crime; and on this issue, pre sented'singly, they can elect their can didates in every Congressional Dissrict from the Atlantic to the Pacific, beyond the shadow of a daubt; yes, and carry every office, from Governor to Vothmas ter, in every Northern and Western State. The IF oriel sayes that we affect to consid er Federal office-holders "the most con temptible creatures in existence." On the contrary, we had a great retpect for most of those whom Mr. Lincoln appoint ed aud rejoice to see them justified our good opiuion. A Federal office-holder who obtains or retains bis place by apos tacy, hypocrisy and baseness, it contempt - ibe—who doubts it?—but a majority of those left in office by Mr. Lincoln have honored manhood by theu fidelity £o their principles and tbeir conviction. The tiread-aud-Butter reuegades arc a very decided as well as detested minority. —A recent lecturer on moroion law says that, iiecording ,to that code, ''a wo man when she married lost her identity, her distinctive'character, and was like a dew-drop swallowed by a sunbeam." ukc replied that he only feared inter ference from freedmen, and said that the local police did not like to interfere with freedmen when the service of the milita ry would secure the result. Captain Smith then gave Duke two men asguafd but scut them unarmed, knowing that if they had only to guard against freedmen, there was no necessity of sending armed men, as the freedmen uniformly respect a blue coat and brass buttons, anu are the only persons in this State who do. The soldiers went to the ball, aud had only been there a lew moments when they were set upon by a party of F. F. I 's, led by a man named Wyatt, (a profess ional gambler, but vouched for by the Houston and Galveston papers a.'a high toned gentleman and good citizen.) aud knocked down with slung shots and beat en. The soldiers retreating to the street were fired upon and shot down, oce kill ed and the other mortally wounccd.— About an hour afterward a party of the young men ot the town went to and broke up a negro ball, beatiug aud dispersing the dark es. Two hours afteward the town ol Brenham was set on lire, and the business portion burued. It is supposed by the military that sonic of the negroes set lire to the town in icvenge for the breukiug up of their ball. Ihe citizens, in order to cover up aud take away at tention from the murder of the soldiers, charged this act upon the soldiers. The day after the fire a lew of them came for ward aud made affidavits that they saw soldiers setting fire to one of the . stores —the one in which it originated. A day or two afterward it struck the worthy denizeus that it would be a good plah to secure the removal of the troops by im plicating them all in theburning; so now they have seeured witnesses who say that they saw Captain Smith setting tire lo the store with his own hands, and they have indicted him and four of his men for arsou. They have called in, armed, aud organized the young in"n of the sur rouuding counties, and have besieged Captain Smith in his camp. S.xty men staud picket between camp and towt', with orders to shoot down any officer or soldier attempting to pass from camp to town. They have notified Captain Sinl»h that he will not be allowed to receiv un\ more supplies of any kind, and have actually captured a parcel of ammunition which was being sent to him from Houston. The sheriff has no tified Captain Smith that if he docs not surender himself and men by Mon day next he will tike him by forcj.— Captain Smith has built himself a fort and rifle-pit, and d„es not propose to sur reurender. Governor Throf kmortou and others, "my policy" men, do not like this open rebellion, not on acount of love for the Government, but for fear of the re sult North. The Legislature are not easily coatrollsd, and they demand that the President shall dismiss Captain Smith, and turn hinwover to the civil authorities, to be tried and convicted by prejured witnesses. Scarcely a citizen in Texas thinks it any h&nu to ,sw.ear against a "Yank ' when* he ig on trial, and for a comrade it being tried by the Government. At the request of Governor Trockmorton, Lieut. Col. Mason, commanding this district, went to ftrenham and made a thorough investigation. About 10 or 15 citizens swear that the spldierj fired the town ; 2 Or 3 that they saw Captain Smith and four of his men do it; some claim to have recognized him by a home he rode,, others by his voice, although the most positive witness says tlie moon was not shining. and that the nearest he tva? to Captain Smith wan eighty yards. On the other baud, Captain Smith is by positive testimony, and t > the entire satisfaction of Colonel Mason, cleared from any com plicity in the burning. It is shown tbat when he heard of the murder of his sol diers, he got a guard and patrolled the town, picked up all his men in town, and returned to camp about 11 o'clock, and gave strict orders to his sentries not to allow a man out ot camp under any cir cumstances It is shown that he was no tified by the agent of the Freedmen's Bureau of the attack on the colored poo pie. and that he feared further trouble, and that in accordance with the asrent's request his troops were kept under arms. It is shown that when the fire broke out in the town, which was 3 o'clock in the morning, ha called the roll and found ev cry man prompt. That he stayed up all night with his men, and was not absent from camp after 11 o'clock that night.— This was proven by the whole company, (-15 men,) his servants an 1 hostler, his sister and her husband, and ('apt. Craig, Veteran Reserve corps, agent of the bit rcau. This is proven conclusively. In the face of all this, men doliberately per jure themselves to secure political ends, and if possible secure the removal of the United Stales troops from their midst I a.-k you and every candid reader if this conduct is not the very reverse of peace and good will, and the desire to do right on the part of the South ? It is not. on the other hand, h yh banded, open rebel, lion? Here are two I'nited Sta'es sol diers murdered in cold blood, and for no other reason than the intense hatred borne them by the Southern people.— Here is a captain of the regular army besieged in Ins camp, his ammunition captured, and his supplies cut off. ami not only he but also a superior officer, sent to investigate the matter, was told that the citizen guard was instructed to xlvxit •i/uwii its ii (Iuriou: (j, i, U |, invita:ion from the U I*. Sabbath School (through its estimable Superintendeot, Williamson Christy,) to 'lie Mew llupe Sabbath School, the latter joined the former at the U. I'. Church, on Thursday morning the 20th nit., for the purpose ol participa ting iu the exercises atteudant Upon a celebration. A |-Mees-i,iii was iiunie I lately formed, preei'c led by i baud of mu-iu, an.l march ed to au adjuiuiug grove where a mag nificent dinner (prepared by the good people of Sunbury and vicinity,) was s which b 'th J '-i liari au I spec tators did ample justice. Dinner over all retired to the church, and on motion, liev. Father Coulter was Called to the chair; and Washington Bo vard and Juhu A. Bailey chosen Secre taries. Af'ler n prayer by Father Coulter, and voeul music by the choir, a beautiful piece suilabb t > the occasion was read by Dr. D. Christy. Jtejorts of each school being made, by Messrs. Uovard aud I'ryor, an able and inttfl'esting aij dress to parents and teachers was deliv ered by Rev. Thus. M. Seaton. Appro priate remarks were then made by Rev. Win. Black and Win. M. Graham, Ks«|. Coucluding rem irks an J benediction by Father Coultor, after which all wended their way homeward, well pleased with the day's proceedings. Rev. .) .NO. COULTER, Frest. W. RUVAIUI, ) J. A R.ULKY, ) R-! ' O HALLEHGE - Match limit. Hu t'l.Kit, Out. 8, IMJ (' 11 A-. HUFFY, C«pi. Dan. Pnrmr*: - CAI'TAIN : —ln behalf of the Davy t'rouketts I hereby challenge you to a trial of >kill in a .Match Hunt, to bo had with.ii! the limits il Rut'er comity, on s'ueli a day as you may select. Threc.ycais ago, you will- remember, ou the 25th uf November, the DAN hoo.NF.s and DAVY CHOCKKITS met in friendly strife. It was a war of blood, but it brought no sorrow to any bumiiu household, —it aiade neither widows nor orphans : it even canicd comfort niel en courageuieut to those of our dear one', who, in that real, gigantiu struggle lor national life weic shedding preciou b'ood l hey triumphed, thank Li• > welcoiuo the new era of JflKtil ioitl i.iid prrpcri'y i need iiui that tins Davy Crock i t - confidently expect to retrieve (lie I 1.-I laurels of the ii.xh ol Nov. 1 have the honor to he V'eiy Respectfully, Your ob't servant, EDWIN LYON, Captain Davy Crockett*. IAL'T I.MT, Bth Oct. 1800. EDWIN LYON, L'apt. Dttrj G'rocfat*; —CAPTAIN .—I liave the honor to pick up the gauntlet which, in behalf of the "Oiocketts," you have bravely thrown down. In doing so, I liave the assur ance that the "Booties" will che'rfully ratify my promptness and eagerly en'er upon the trial which is to reassert the'.r supremacy aud tc maintain the title ul victors which is rightfully theirs. I do remember, Captain, tho friendly strife of three yours ago, and more espec ially, do T remember the sequel—l mean the festivities. My comrades remember theoj, too. A"d let mo warn you. that the memory of these things, with all their important surroundings, will re quire the ••Davys" to measure themselves severely with the ••DaqV'toj avoid a rep etition ot them. In a word, the Ban Boones accept the challenge of the ''Davy Crocketts," and I would uaiiie the 30th dayof this month, it being (Jhooieday. I also designate that the hunt is to ba confined to Butler county, and that there are to K observed the same rule! game list, civilities, and fentivlties as governed that Big-hunt ot which this is a supplement. With assurance of uiv consideration I am, Captain, Yours, truly, CHARLES DUFFY, Cuptain of the Ban Boones. VICTORY! ELECTION GLORIOUS NEWS! t t BUTLER COUNTY ALL RIGHT!! AMD THE UNION! PENNSYLVANIA, OHIO, lItfDIAIVTA AND IOWA, Have all none Republican. All lienor to.the loyal men of Butler Oonntv ! They liave-so ' | lily discharged their whole duty. : Vindicated their power to main j tain their well-earned supre.m --! acy. We would now advise our Democratic friends to call in their negro pictures, and save them for some future emergency, when free schools and free chur ches too, shall have ceased to he j controling institutions in our country. FIVE HUNDRED MAJORITY is a nice little com i pliment for the '• Negroes' canch. ! date. We have no further time for details, and would therefore say ;to our readers that the cause of the UNION has suffered noth ing at the hands of its friends at the election yesterday. The influence of the 'Bread and but ter brigade" was scarcely no ticeable, —indeed was quite overbalanced by the accessions which came from other quarters. Rebels have been once more de feated, Copperheads repulsed, and "My Policy" played out, and a new Radical Congress elec ted. Glory enm|gh in one day I