VOLUME 3.
stU<t
MfHP* VfIU'RE DOWN.
What legion of "friend*" always blew us,
When golden succ«»«i light* our way ,
flow they smile as they softly address iw,
g«> cordial, good humored, and gay.
But, ah ! when the nun of prosperity
Until set—then how quickly they frown
Aftd cry ont in tone* of severity,
•' Kick the man, don't you see he la down 7™
What though, when you knew not a sorrow,
Your heart wns as open as day,
4nd "your friends" wh«»n they Wanted t borrow
Von obliged and ne'er asked them to pay.
What though not a soul you e'er flighted,
Aa yon wandered about through the town,
Tour "friends" become very near sighted,
And don't seem to see when you're down.
When you're "up" yon are loudly exaltud,
AhA traders sll ring out your praise.
Wheft d<»wn you've greatly definite*
And ihey «'really.don't fcnry your ways.'
Your style was tip-top when you'd money,
fci sings every encker or clown,
Hut now 'tl« exceedingly funny,
1 hlngs aro altered lecause you art down."
Oh. give me the heart that forever
!■ free from the world's selfish rust,
■AC'I the soul whose high noblu endeavor
Is to raise f»llen men from the dust;
And when in adversity's aeeaa
A victim is likely t'» drown.
All hall to the friend whose devotion
Will lift a man up when he s "down."
£rlcrt £tovij.
HOW HE DID IT,
—OR—
FANATICISM CURED.
" Hear, dear! no toast, eggs boiled as
hard as brickbats, and the coffee, stone
cold," and Mr. Peters rose from the table
in a temper by no meads amiable, and
rang the bell violently. There was no
auswer. lie r*ng again, a third, fourth
time, and still no answer. Out of all pa
tience, he went to the dflßffeitiid called—
"Maria ! Maria !"
A slight, pretty little woman, dressed
in a soiled, tumbled wrapper, with hair
in a state of direful confusion answered
this summons. She had one of those
round, bright faces which nature inten
ded should be decked with continual
smiles; but now, with all its ruses in
bloom, it was drawn out to its full length,
and the large blue eyes had a serious, or
rather doleful expression, totally at vari
ance with their usual jnyous look. 11e r
Voice, too, had lost its melodious, ringing
sound, and was subdued to a dismal
whine.
"What is it, Joseph ?"
" Where's the servant ?"
" rtoae out fur me. I want more white
ribbon for my ascension robe."
Mr. Peters said a very naughty word,
and continued, "cold coffee, hard ogsrs,
breakfast not fit to eat."
*' I wish," whined the wife, " you
would think less of temporal letters, and
turn your attention to the great end of
life."
" Hang it all, madam, I would like to
enjoy uiv life while I have it. Here
was I, the happiest man in the country,
with a pleasant homo a chatty, chceiful,
Joving wife, and good quiet children ; and
now, since you have joined the Miller
iles, what am I?"
»' Oh, Joseph, if you would only come
into that Messed circle !"
" Oh, Maria, if you would only coinc
out of it. Where are the children 112"
" I'm sure I don't know."
" Arc they going to school today ?"
" My dsa*, t}*» teacher hiis given up
the school, atfl is turning her mind to
more exalted objects. Oh, Joseph, turn
now "-hile there is time. You hav« Mill
a week for preparation and repentance."
" Repentance ! well, when I take up
the subject, it will take rather more than
a week to put it through." And Mr.
Peters put on his coat and took up his
hat.
" Joseph," said his wife, "you need not
£ggd house any dinner, I shall be out, and
I'll lake the boys over to their uncle'* to
dine."
Joe made no answer, unless the »io
lent, emphatic manner in which he closed <
the door was one. Muttering w-th anger <
he strode into a restaurant to make a '
breakfast. Hero he was bailed by oncol
bis bachelor friends, Fr#4 Somers, who
looked tip as he heard Joe's order.
" Hello," h" cried, "you hero? Why,
what are you dutag here at breakfast
.time? Wifesiokf"
" No."
" Had a quarrel ?"
« No."
" Gone out of town ?"
'• No."
" Then why don't jou breakfast at
home ? Chimney on fire 112
" No."
" Servants all dead 112"
» No."
" Well, what i« thunder is to pay ?"
" Maria's joined tits Millerites."
Fred gave # lone whistle, and then
said, "Going fceascend next week, is she?"
"Yes; audit I dont commit suicide
in the meaM time, yo« may congratulate
me. lam almost. dißtracted. Can t get
9 decent meal, children running riot, ser
vants bowse all in confusion, wife
tho blues, either quoting tb« speeches
of the eiders jt njc, or sewing on a white
AMERICAN CITIZEN.
robe togo to Ileaven with, and groaning
every third stitch. Hang it all, Fred,
I've a mind to take poison, or join the
army."
" Il'm, h'm ! you give an enchanting
picture; but I think I can suggest a
cure."
" A cure !"
" Yes, if you will promise to follow my
advice, I will make your home pleasant,
your wife cheerful and your children
happy."
"Do it," cried Joe; I'll follow you
like a soldier. What shall Ido ?"
At tea' \e Mr Peters entered his
house, wh. \ng. Maria was seated at
the table, sev \ig on her white robe, and
there was no sign of preparation for 112 *
evening mc»l.
"Maria, my dear," sa d Mr. Peters,
cheerfully, "is tea ready?"
"I don't know."was the answer, "I
have been out all the day attending meet
ing."
"Oh, very well, never mind. Attend
ing meeting ? You are resolved, then, to
leave next week t"
"Oil, Joe, I must go when I am called."
"Yes, my dear, of course. Well, T
must resign myself I suppose. By the
way, my dear, has it ever occurred to you
that I shall bo left a widower with three
children '! I think Iw a handsome man
yet, my love," and Joe walked over to the
glass, passed his fingers through his hair,
and pulled up his collar. Maria looked
rather surprised.
"You see. my dear, it is rather a relief
fir you to 080 quietly, you know. It is
so wearing on the nerves to have a long
illness; and besides, my dear, tUere wi'l
bo no funeral expenses, and that is quite
a saving.
Mrs. Peters' lips quivered, and her
large blue eyes were filled with tears
Joe longed to stop his heartless speech
and comfort her, but he was fearful tho
desired effect was not yet praised.
••So, my dear," lie continued, "if you
muM go,l have been thinking of getting
another wife."
"What?" cried Mrs. Peters.
"Another wife, my lo\\e. Tho house
must be kept in order, and thcboyscared
for."
The grief was gone from Maria's face,
bul her teeth were set with a look of fierce
wife, Joe! another wife !"
"Yes. I think I havo selected a good
successor. I deliberated a long time
when T was a bachelor, between her aud
yourself. You will like her, for fctie is
your bosom friend."
"My bosom friend !"
"Yes. my dear. I think on the day
that you ascend, I will marry Sarah Ba
ker."
"What! that good-for-nothing, silly,
etnp'y-headed old maid to he the mother
of my children ! What!"
"Well, my dear, it scfms to he the best
1 can do. I don't want to leave my bu-'
siness togo courting, and she will have
me, I know."
'•No doubt', oh, you great, brutal,
hateful—"
"Stop, my dear, don't fly into a flurry,
we will try to spend our lask week in
happiness. Oh, by the way, I have a
proposition to make
"Clo on, sir ! Don't spare me !"
"Ah. yfes, that is the very thing I wisb
to do. I know your mind is entirely en
grossed with yom ascension, and I wiiih
to spate you the care of the house. Sup
pose you invite Sarah here to morrow to
spend the week."
"What!"
"And you can leave the in her
charge all day. That will give you plenty
of time t« go out, and she can learn the
wjys about the house.
"What!"
"And, my dear, one little favor. It
may be the last I shall ever ask. Stay at
home one or two days, won t you, and
show her roijnd, where you keep things,
and so on, so that she won't have any
trouble in keeping order after you go ?
You will do this to oblige iue, won't you
dear V
Mrs. Peters, for answer, rolled np the
ascension robe iato a ' all, and fired it at
Joe. Tbe cotton, scissors, work-basket
and table cloth followed this wtowle in
such rapid succession, that he was unable
to fly. Then Maria'# rage found vent in
words.
"So! You and Sarah! That's the
reason you rchistled when you came in ■
You will be very gl»d to J»?« me go,and
marry her, won t you ? No doubt of it!
But you shan't marry her, sir ! You ,
shan't have that gratification! 1 will
stay, if U\g vnly to spite you ' 1 won t
go ! I tell you, Mr. Peters, I won t go!
"But, my dear, yo« say must go if
you arc com® for !"
"I won't go I"
"Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to -do our duty as we understand it"--A. Lincoln
BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 11, 1866.
"But consider, my doar !"
"I won't go !"
"Hut what will Sarah think ?"
"Sarah ! Don't dare to mention Sa
rah to me again ! I—l—Oh ! —I aui
fairly choking!" and the little woman
threw herself into n chair, in a fit of hys
terics.
N»xt morning Mr. Peters met Fred in
the street,
"Well, old boy, how goos it ?"
"Fred," was the reply, "I am the hap
piest man in the world ! I have regained
my wife and domestic peace, and got rid
of a busy,'attling old maid, who under
pretence of loving tny wife was everlast-
Tigly interfering in all our household
arrangements."
"Then Mrs. l'eterg will not ascend ?"
"No. If Sarah is to bo my second
wile, and stop-mother to my chjldren,
Mrs. P. has concluded that she won't go."
THE DDTYOF UNION
During the last lew months there have
bean enthusiastic meetings and passion
ate speeches in support or condemnation
of Congress or the President. It has
been confidently asserted that the differ
ence would be referred to the people at
the autumn elections, and they would
autlioritively decide bctweeu the contest
ants. All this has seemed to us prema
ture, for the reason that the points of dis
sent were not finally established. All
that is clear is, tnat the President holds
certain theories of the situation and Con
gress apparently others. But what Con
gress intended to propose under its theo
ries was undecided, while nothing was
more evident than that tho President's
logic was amazingly defective—and, to
use a plain phrase, that his bark was worse
than his bite. A
A political canvas before an election
must be conducted upon certain proposod
measures, and not upon theories _ A bank
or no bank ; a tariff or no tariff: tho tol
eration or prohibition of slavery in a Ter
ritory ; it is upon sucli intelligible meas
ures that every body can comprehend that
the great popular debates upon the stump
are held and the popular decisions are
made at the polls. Now the important,
question is, what are tho differences in
proposed measures between the President
and Congress upon which the country is
to bo asked to decide ?
That both honestly wish the restoration
of the Union can not be doubted. That
both have a as to the principle
which should regulate that restoration Is
obvious. But until wo know precisely
what Congress proposes how can an issue
be made for an election ? The decision
of the Senate caucus and the debate in
the Senate forshadow, indeed, the ground
which Congress probably moans tooceupy.
But is it so clear that the President will
refuse to stand with them ? Suppose
that Congress proposes to disqualify cer
tain rebel leaders for certain offices until
two-thirds of each House remove the dis
qualification, and substantially to equalize
representation by basing it upon voters,
is it probable that the President, who has
so constantly insisted upon making trea
son odious, and has suggested the very
ssuae amendment, will take the unneces
sary responsibility of opposing so mild
and generous a settlement? In making
these propositions Congress will have
yielded much to the desire of harmony
with tb« Executive. Is the Executive to
yield nothing ?
It is true that the President may refuse
all accommodation. lie may insist that
he has required all that is needful, all
that is constitutional. lie may declare
that he will stand or fall without moving
an ineli from his present position. lie
ha* indeed virtually said as much. But
he said it under other circumttai,ces. Ho
said it when it seemed as if Congress in
tended to occupy a position of uncompro
mising hostility. Hejaiid it before the ma
ture decision of Congress had been de
clared. If after that declaration—after
the wise, just, and moderate proposition
which it would teem that Congress is
prepared to make—the President should
insist that the representatives of the loyal
people are to have no voice in the settle
ment of the victory which those people
have won, thou the issue will indeed be
made, and the final appeal taken to the
country. But surely all those who believe
as we do, that the division of the Union
party, and the consequent surrender of
the Government of this country to a party
controlled by the counsels of such leaders 1
as Alexander H. Stephens, George H.
Pendleton, Vnllandigham, and Horatio
Seyirour, would be incalculably disastrous
to the cause of true liberty and civiliza
tion, will not passionately insist that such
division, with all its cousequence, is in
evitable. Mr. Wendell Phillips, wo ob»
serve, fervently Aires that result. He
prays that the Union party may be de
ieated But its defeat is the resumption
of power by Alexander 11. Stephens nnd
his frionds. Why does not Mr. l'hillip ß
put it inthe other way, and nay that ho
fervently hopes for the success of those
gentlemen ? Mr. Phillips did what he
could to defeat Mr. Lincoln in 1864 by
chilling the public confidence in him.—
He declared Lincoln recreant to liberty.
He hopes now to chill confidence in the
party that elected Mr. Lincoln by a sim
ilar declaration. It must be remembered,
however, that Mr. Phillips,s position is
not partisan. He is a critic of all parties,
and asks nothing of any. Hut nil uieu
who, like John Bright in Kngland, bo
liove that groat political and social results
arc to be attained through party organi
zations, will, like him, while they declare
equal rights to be the ultimate aim of
their efforts, yet cordially work with any
great party which shows the practioal
power to advanoo nearer to that bourne.
It is to seeure the gains already made;
to intrust the completion of the work of
restoration to the hands which defeated
rebellion, that it is the imperative duty
of the President, of Congress, and of all
loyal men, to maintain the ascendency of
the Union party until its work is accom
plished. Congre-s has evidently yielded
much to this great result it remains
for the President to decide whether the
restoration of the Union which shoild be
accomplished by an alliance of the late
rebel leaders, of tho Copperhead loaders,
and of such individual rceruits as Sena
tor Cowan, would not bo a reactionary
reconstruction, sure to plunge us into
further troublo. It would not be Presi
dent Johnson anil Senator Cowan who
would control that alliance, but Mr. Ste
phens, Mr. Vallandigham, and Mr. Pen
dleton. Whoever takes the responsibility
<of putting this Government into suoh
hands will haven serious account to set
tle with the loyal Ameriean people.— Ex.
The Martyr of Fort Monroe-
The strenuous effort of those who had
no word of horror for the torture and
massacre of Union soldiers at A nderson
ville and Belle-Isle to represent Jefferson
Davis as the victim of cruelty at Fort
Monroe have occasioned the publication '
of his bill of fare for a week, which has
been widely published. There are thou
sands of honest people all over the land,
who work hard for their living, who would
bo very glsjd of half as good faro as the
Martyr of Fort Woptoe daily enjoys. For
those of our readers who may not have
seen the list wo quote a specimen :
"WEDNESDAY. — Brnakftut- • Ham and
eggs, wheat and corn-bread, butter, sugar,
coffee, milk. Dinner —Mutton-chops,
stewed oysters, potatoes, onions, apples,
bread, butter, eoftec.
'•THURSDAY.— Mrcakfiwt —Bee f-stea K,
two boiled eggs, wheat or corn bread,
butter, sugar, milk, coffcc. Dinner—
Veal-cutlets, panned oystors, potatoes,
onions, bread, coffee, butter.
"FRlDAY.— Breahfu.it —Stewed oys
ters, mackerel, or fresh fish, wheat and
corn bread, coffee, sugar, milk, and but*
ter.— Dinner —Pork-steak, poached eggs,
potatoes, onions, bread, butter, coffee.
" SATURDAY. Break/ait Mutton
chops, two boiled eggs, bread, buttor,
milk, sugar, coffee. Dinner —Stewed
oysters, potatoes, onions, bread, butter,
coffee."
This probably compares favorably with
the daily bill of faro at And«rsoiwille;
but since there will undoubtedly be a
pcisistcut attempt to excite sympathy
and even admiration for Jefferson Davis
itu a political prisoner suffering for an
honest difference of opiniou, it is as well
to understand clearly and pre-jady what
his position is.
The odium that hangs around his name,
and which will forever deepen, docs not
arise from the fact that he held abstractly
the theory of State sovereignty and the
constitutionally reserved right of seces
sion j but that he and his fellow-conspi
ratars chose to assert that doctrine at tho
cost of countless innocent lires end of the
welfare of the country, not to remedy
injustice or oppression for which there
was no legal redress, but to perpetuate
the foulest system of tyiaasy under the
sun. Had Davis and bis confederates
appealed to God and mankind for the
rectitude of their iptention as revealed in
the purpose ot the war which they invo
ked—had they armed against tho National
Government in the namo of vital State
rights which that Govormu»ut bad denied
—had they risen against an arbitrary
power which was grinding them and
their families, and trampling upon sacred,
natural, and constitutional rights for
which it refused a remedy—then, indeed
the last terrible appeal to blood, which
only hopeless oppression authorizes, would
have been justified, and their cause, how
ever unfortunate, would have commaadad
the admiration and sympathy of the
. world.
It is idle to say that, holding secession
to bo a constitutional right, they might
assert it at any iluio, and for any purpose
which pleased them. When war
cost of the practical assertion of any right
it oau be justified only by the fact of vi
tal grievance for which there isjno other
redress, or by the purpose for which it is
intended to exercise that right. That
was tho justification of our great revolu
tion of 1776. But what is Jefferson Da
vis as tho official representative of tho
rebelliun of 1861 ? lie is a man who
deliberately plunged his country into the
most fearful war, and flooded it with
blood that ho might whip women and
sell children at his pleasure. His pre
tense was State sovereignty, his purpose
was human slavery. Thnt was the object
for which ho nnd the other leaders i; fired
tho Southern heart." For this they di
rected the war. For this they starved
brave men at Andersonvillc and Belle-
Isle, tortured them into idiocy, and shot
them like dogs. For this were Southern
Union men seized at night, and lefore
the eyes of their dejpairipg wives and
agonised children hung nnd shot and
drowned. For this they drove thousands
and thousands of oonsoripts to die upon
tho field of battle. For this Jefferson
Davis's garments- reek with innocent
blood, and his name is a stench.
Hero is a pretty martyr, with his ham
and eggs and panned oysters! Here is
a christian hero; and General Milosmust
bo removed if he docs not bow low enough!
Here is a model American, who must be
magnified into a Spielberg victim and
sufferer of tho Hnstile if his muffins are
not toasted, and his beefsteak is over
done! Our readers will bear us witness
that we have not advocated vengeance,
that we think tho trial of Davis for trea
son a mistake, and that wo arc ready to
take, with fair precautions, all tho neces
sary nnd inevitable risks of tho situation.
Hut the maudlin sentimentality that would
drape with tho dignity of a maityr for po
litical opinion a man who for fcuch a pur
pose waged a war wo believe will disas
trously recoil upon those who foster it.—
We have no wish to revive dead feuds or
to use harsh words, but w>; can conceivo
no greater misfortune to tho manhood of
American youth than thatjthey should be
taught to regard Benedict Arnold ns an
honorable man, or Jefferson Davis as a
guiltless and unfortunate patriot.—Har
per't I Veeklg.
Canadian Confederation,
The Nclicme a JlrmuT to (he
I'nHeii StiilcN—U'lmt Fruit
Will it Bring Forth?
Tho late Fenian movement upon the
Canadian border was a lesson that the
Canadians should profit by, but it is not
thought they will, so long as they porsis t
in setting up a new nationality through
the proposed confederation. The Toronto
correspondent of tho Now York Herald
asks: Now that confederation has been,
owing to various causes, rendered a cer
tainty, it becomes an important question,
what will bo its fruits ? The aflvocates
of tluj scheme claim that it will consoli
date British power on this continent and
servo as a check'upon the expanding pol
icy of the United States ; that it will re
duce the public expenditures, lighten tho
burdens of the people and become the
nucleus of a great nation in the future,
with one arm clasping the Atlantic and
the other the Pacific ocean. I must con
fess I cannot see it in this light. The
interests of the various colonies are in
many instances so diametrically antago.
nistic, politically and religiously, that
confederation is. destined to breed local
jealousies, array ono colony against an
other, and in the end one after another
will seek safety in withdrawing from the
compact and entering tho American Union.
The assertion that expenses <if govern
ment will be lessened is erroneous. Witfc
ton or a dozen local legislatures where
now thero a*e but six, of course there
must bo increased expenses in all depart
ments of the civil service. With many
new offices created for needy friends and
ministers, the colonies will soon find their
debt millionf where it is pow thousand*.
That confederation will render the colo
nies more defensible is all moonshine.—
The moment they aspire to a nation, IJ/3
they will under confederation, England
will consider her duty to the colonies ful
filled, and say to them, as she has already
hinted through the London Timet and
other organs, that if they wish to have a
nationality they must defend themselves.
The colonists thrown upon their own re
sources, must tax themselves thirty or
forty millions per year to organize and
maintain a standing arn;y_ or failing in
that, complacently await a war between
England and tho United States, to fall a
prey to a conquering army of Amerioans,
or witness the snuffing out of their nn#on
ality and upon its ruins the erection of a
new Irish nationality by half a iq ill ton
sons of Erin, who only await tlio signal
gun of war to step across the border with
out fear of neutrality laws.
Everybody familiar with the resources
of Canada and the Fcelans know that
had the United States government acted
upon the policy pursued by Col Turchin
of the Ninoteonth Illinois, when his reg
iment was at Athens, hungry, and he
called his Adjutant and said, in his Teu
tonic style, "Adjutant, I shutz mine eyes
one hour, today tho entire Canadian
frontier would be in possession of the Fe
nians. Were Secretary Seward to say,
"Sweeny, I willshutmy oyes fora month,"
God help Canada ! It would.be an Irish
Republic when Soward awoke. Why
Canada do«s not see this, I am at a loss
to discover. They are loyal and patriotic
people I will admit; but in all sincerity
I tell theui that sooner or later they are
destined, confederation or no confedera
tion, to be absorbed by the United States
and, instead of separation from Great
Britain and forming an iudependent na
tion under the powerful protectorate of
the United States, with whom they could
live on terms of close friendship, by their
confederatirn scheme they monaoe the
United States and throw down the gaunt
let, which the United States in the event
of war must take up, and, acoording to
tho well accepted policy of tho Monroe
doctrine' kno.'k over the confederate cas
tle or give tho colonies of North America
to the Fenians for a breakfast job.
The Pause in Europe.
It is natural that the great powers of
Europe should pause upon the very edge
of war and reflect if there be no alterna
tive. It is so long since there was a gen
eral war upon the Continent, and every
war has such inevitable horrors aud BO
doubtful a conclusion, that it is not strange
there is reluotancojlostrike the first blow.
Once struck, there would be no rcooil.—
Once begun, war could end only in a re
construction of the map, and an enormous
debt, weighing upon every belhgerant
with crushing force.
Vet we do not see that war can be ea
sily avoided. If the considerations were
merely dynastical, thoy could be settled
in a Congress. But they are national,
and involve the most absorbing passions.
Italy will go into no Congress which does
not accept the cession of Venice to the
Italians as a preliminary. Yet Austria
can not consent to relinquish Venice
without fatally impairing her prostige as
a great power. Prussia can not consent
without somo equivalent that France shall
stretch her lino to the Ilbine; yet where
is the equivalent that can be offered ?
The call of a Congress is wise, if only to
show that no accoiunodation is practica
ble. Italy is inflamed already; Garibaldi
has been summoned to the head of the
volunteers. A has bsen taken.
The people believe their cause to be sa
cred. It has the sympathy of the world.
The eager Italians believe the long looked
for hour is already striking llow can
they pause? If the ministry order Gar
ibaldi back to Caprcrri/tbcy must be ready
to face an insurrection. Austria must
therefore, as it seems to us, surrender the
Italian portion of her empire or there
must be war.
And if it comes and desolates Huropc,
let us learn its lesson. It is simply this,
that any settlement of great political con
vulsions which is reactionary will very
soon revenge itself upon those who make
it by plunging theiu into deeper trouble.
Thu English revolution of 1645 ended in
the death of Cromwell by the return of
Charles 11. and the old Stuart regime.
It was a reactionary settlement, and it
ended eighteen years later by the menace
of a vast war, which was avoided by the
peaceful and "glcriocs" revolution of 1088
; nd a settlement which was not reaction
ary. The revolution of 1787 in France
was finally composed by the settlement of
1815 which was reactionary. It was
made in the interest of certain families,
and not of the nations nor of the people
of Europe. Consequently there have been
discontents aod dangers and overthrows
until now, after fifty years, the settlement
ia to be changed either by a Congress,,
which is improbable, Qx by the sword.
ID this country we ore doing for the
Union what the settlement of 1815 did
for Europe. Let us take care that it be
not reactionary like that, but in the di
rection of the war itself, like the glorious
settlement of England in 1688.—Ejc.
A BEAUTIFUL IDEA. —That was abeau
tiful id«a in tho mind of a little girl, who,
on beholding a rosebush, whera on the
topmost stem, the oldest rorfc was fading,
whilst below and around it three beauti
ful crimson buds wore just unfolding
their charms, at once artlessly 01 pressed
to her brother. "See Willie, theso little
buds have just awakoued is time to kiss
their mother bu»fi>re she dies ' '
NUMBER PQ
"IVIUHEB EQUALITY."
One of the reasons assigned by tho
Deniocrocy why the Republican party
should not succeed, is the favoring by
that party of "nigger equality," that it
is a "nigger party," and in favor of pe
eing the negro upon an equality with
white men. This may be a very good
argument for that class of Democrats who
instinctively feel that the negroe9 are in
finitely their superiors, »nd it may do for
those who fearjthat the negro will rise
above them. Every effort of patriotism .
liberty, justice and humanity, to lift tho'
burdens imposed upon a poor race by tha
eutso of elusory— every effort to alleviate
their sufferings and instruct thom in tho
pathway of knowledge is stigmatised by
theso demagogues as "nigger equality,"
and that very soon the negro will be upon
an equality with white men. The int<j)
ligent Uian has no fears of this kind. He
walks the earth in the conscious digrjily
of the equality of humanity, and as a uiatj
whom God made. lie feels that it cutto
| blcs him who extends the helping hand
| to the sons and daughters af misfortune
but never degrades. He feels that the
sons of toil, whose hands are hardened by
honest labor, are tho equals, beforo tho
law, of kings und princes, and our young
republic so proclaimed it in ilie ear of al'
humanity, wheu she decided that a I
'•men were born free and equal.'' The
poorest man in the land is titled to the
equality, before tho law, with the wealth
iest citizon. llis cabin may be tottering
and his wife may be in tatters, yet the
one in the castle and the other is as eqjial
ly protected by the laws of tho land as
tho wife of tho wealthiest nabob. Tha
unscrupulous politician, for the aoeotn
plishment of his own selfjih purposes,
will smother down tho best feelings of hi"
nature, will shut out tho voice of «»n
--science, and follow madly after the phan
tom power. lle distorts and garbles tha
sentiment of principles honestly promul
gated for the benefit of mankind, an<J
would prefer ruin to his country to tho
defeat of his party. It is such as
that aro prating about "nigger equality."
Thoy call loudly upon the people tostand
up for their rights, that this is a "white
man's government," and the oppressed of
ether climes have nothing to do with it.
Cortainly it is a white man's government
as long as it is governed upon the prin
ciples of truth, justice and hu-iianity
Whonever tljo Aujericaa people aro wil
ling to concede that they aro no longer
competent to hold the helm of the old
ship of Sjate, then we will subruit to ba
governed by to J shade or color that can
safely guide us.— jlrvwtroup Republican.
■"AjJWjt# of Government, acting
under instructions from the Quartermas«
ter General's Department, sicce tlic ter
urnation of the rebollion have been ac
tively eugagod upon every battle-field in
th; Southern States, in gathering together
the bodies of the national dead, ami
properly interring them in the nation'*
cemeteries. The work of establishing
these mute tributes to those who have
fallen in defence of our country ia of nu
mean importance, involving as it doe*
months of patient toil. IB every South
ern State, from Virginia to Texas, ceme
teries have been, established, in sot»e of
which repose the remains of more than
10,000 of or immortal dead, whose last
resting plaocs, although they have not
been adorned by costly monuments, have
been markcl by giuiple, plain and expres
sive head and f.,ot-b>ards, tearing upon
their facos volumes for contemp!a:ion.—
In order to prevent desecration of thess
sacred spots, and keep the fences, grounds,
fee., in repair. ,-bp«ri&teniießti> have been
appointed to watch over them.
—Governor Patton, of Alabama, writes
that General Swayne, commissioner for
the Freedmen's Bureau for that State, u
now furnishing five thousand rations a
week for the starving population of that
section, and that the majority of them
arc whites. The Governor sayg there art/
one hundred charitable objects in Ala
bama. The great masa of these people
depend upon the Freedmcn's Bereau for
their subsistence.
—Mrs. Jefferson Davis, who is livug
at irortress Monroe, is in the daily receipt
of considerable saws of money for her
husband, sent through by eipress.—
Theso contributions amount sometimes to
SSOO to SI,OOO a day. He can safely
count on the stream continuing for som«
time yet.
—Nebraska city papers claim that the
State organization has been carried for
the Union State ticket, sad that a Union
Etajority in both branches of the Legisla
ture has been elected.
—The Hon. Justin 8. Morril, of Vt.,
declines to h# » candidate for re eleetiou.