VOLUME 2.
Let us Clearly Understand Each
Other.
All over our country, those who seek
to preserve and perpetuate as much as
possible of tho essence ul Slavery,
after its outward semblance shall have
been legally buried, are invoking the
name and authority ot President John
son as an apostle of their school, without
so far as we can learn, one particle of ;iu
thority for so doing. 'bo Copperhead
remnant in Vermont indorse and eulo
.'\*a President Johnson; so does Tin
World; so do tho five-dollar-per-i))onth
fossils of the Silurian era in Virginia;
so does acting Gov. J. M. Wells of Lou
siana, who. in a speech at New Orleans
on'the 17th iijst., said :
"It must bo perceptible to every one
who is at all conversant with the political
history of the country, that tho radical
abolition party is brokeu up, disorganised
juid demoralized, despite their apparent
success during the present war.
"The official corruption, unequalcd by
anv party which has over preceded or
may ever succeed it, has rendered them
obnoxious to the American people.
"Tho heavy taxation which must neces
sarily follow to pay the enormous debt of
this war, and which mnst continue lor
tho next half-century, jixr.* odium u/>-
im the party which will oiitlivc the parti/
itself.
"Then to whom are wo to look for tho
healing of the national wounds ? Is it
not to those who have taken national con
servative grounds, and who have ever,
during this war, advocated conservative
principles —those principles advocated in
past years by tho old \\ big I'arty, and
more rcciSitly by the conservatives of tin;
Republican party and of the Nomocracy,
and under whoso benign teachings wc
have grown aud prospered as a nation ■' •
"Gur President, \ndrew .Johnson, has
ever been a conservative Democrat. In
his hands is placed the destiny of this
nation, and from him we have nothing to
fear, but everything to hope. I besperk
for bis A.luiinistration one of the bright
est pages in our history ; and under this
Administration, fellow citizens, ooking to
him for protection and taking his policy
as our guide, must we organize our State
tiovernmcnt. Kvcry eflort will be made
by the radical Abolition party to prevent
the return of power to tjie conservatives
of 'hi- South, and all the elements of op
pusition will combine to prevent their
success; and one ol their formidable
auxiliaries, as they suppose, is to extend
the right of suffrage to that class of per
sons recently put iu possession of their
freedom.
"This has been too clearly foreshad
owed by the political adventurers who
have come among us to hav<* escaped at-
tcitfum.
'This, then, will bo a question for jour
future action ; and if, alter having taken
this country from the Hed man, ami hol
ding it for more than a century, you have
become go charitable as to give it to the
Black man,l can only submit, and bow
to tho will of the people. The power
granted to the several States by the Con- 1
stitution of the United States to regulate
this *uostion of suffrage is plain to all.
'•lt deafly belongs to the People, and
I shall abide their decision."
—Tho hopeful < fecc of the .'.'National
Conservative" party of Lousiana vill
doubtless succeed in persuading his pa
trons that tho blauio and the cost of the
war should all be saddlei} upon their
"lladical Abolition" antagonists, who
wore never in power at Washington, nor
vet in the "restored' State of Lousiana.
Of courso, if tho Radical Abolitionist
are to blame for prfjvoking tho \\ ar, the
Rebels cannot be; and if the former
haye been in power for the last four or
five years, it seems odd—nay, it is odd—
that uo "restoredj'State has conceded the
Right ol Suffrage to one single negro or
mulatto, and that Governors of tho Wells
pattern rule over every one of those
Statps. They do say that the constitu
tional couveution which "restored" Lou
siana was an expensive body ; but it nev
er wasted a cent on granting Suffrage to
negroes, nur yet on putting Kadical Abo
litionists into power.
The Cincinnati Gazette has a letter of
the 21st inst. from Decatur, north Ala
bama, which says:
"The contraband is tlio most interest
ing feature of this country. lie is nu
merously represented here, and at the
contraband camp, two miles north, there
are over six huudred, of all ages a;id
shades of color. Here, about the milita
ry post, they are crowded into teu-by
twelve shanties, two or three families in
each, aud, although they have almost
nothing to eat or wear, tbey are univer
sally fat aud generally contented.
"Their former masters seem to hate
and despise the poor creatures as soon as
they learn of their freedom. A lew days
since, an old colored woman made com
plaint at the Provost Marshal's office that
her master had turned her off without a
cent of money or any meaps of support,
!«imply because he had finished working
his ehrn, and dido teheed her any louger.
Au old man of sixty pars, who had ser
ved his master giccc he was old enough
to usv a hty*, told me a titwilar s^or^r. —
'Uncle, how you learn
ed you were free ?, 'Only a week agogir.
J thought I mought bo free a good while
AMERICAN CITIZEN.
ago, but I wasn't right sure till last week;
arid when 1 knowed I was freo, I told my
old master I would still stay and work
fur him if he would give me my meal and
meat, and fifty dollars a year. lie told
me no, he wouldn't do it; ho was only
going to keep his hands till he got his
wheat harvested, and then the niggers
might goto the d—l.',
"'fbe old man packed up and left that
night, taking with him all the hands but
one. The planter bad to harvest his grain
with his own white bands tjii§ year—
his black ones are getting S3 per day tor
eutting wood on the railroad.
"Two or three weeks ago, a colored
man living 15 miles from here, learning
ol his freedom, became a little 'too sau
cy,' as it is termed, and refused to per
form some unusual and unreasonable task,
lie was decoyed into tho woods on some
pretext and shot by a paroled liebcl sol
dier. His body was throvn into tho
river, and bis absence accounted for
in some plausible manner ; but his body
was found not long after by some men
who were fishing; three bullets had pas
sed tljrougli his head."
—We suppose that President Johnson
with all his devotion to "Statu flights,"
will find that these kindred cases demand
of him interference and regulation—that
very many of the late masters are too
much exasperated by their defeat, too
savage toward tho negroes for favoring
tho I'uion cause, and too indurated in
the etcies and the habits of the slavehol
der, to treat their ex-slaves with justice,
humanity or oven wisdom. Those who
are driving off their negroes to steel or
starve are tho very parties who fear that
"free niggorswill never work—they think
freedom moans idleness supported at the
cost of their masters or of the Govern
ment." We venture the assertion that
not one negro in all the South has pre
ferred idleness and theft or pauperism to
work for fair wages when assured of bis
freedom and his pay. I'ut of work for
nothing save the scantiest food and cov
ering, with occasional cuts from a I orsc
whip, they probably think they have had
enough—and no wonder.
What I'resinent Johnson believes and
urges is that it is greatly,desirable and
preferable that each State should wisely
and justly settle tho Suffrage and all
kindred quest'ons for self—should §0 set
tle them as to hush all intestine feuds,
remove all discontents, and leave Cotv
gress free to admit her delegation instant
ly 011 its apperrauce at the Capitol next
December. We ardently hope that this
may ho, and that will present
herself under such auspices that all laws
stand in tho way of the admission
of her members, even though some of
them have bceu active llebels, shall be
promptly repealed, and tho delegations
at once admitted without dissent. Yet
wo are bound to warn the South —because
it is the truth, anil she needs to know it .
—that if her delegations come to Wash
ington broathing the spirit of this Union
Governor of Lousiana, and bearing Con
stitutions instinct with the virub of these
Alabama slaveholders and of their fivc
dollar-pcr-month confederates in Virgin
ia, whic proffer no hope of even future
enfranchisement to their Mack people,
they will find Jordan a hard road to trav
el. And we do most earnestly entreat
them not to force upon those who feel
grateful to the lJlacks for their aid in
restoring the Union, and y;ho believe
something more is their due than "the
same rights that free negroes have always
had,'' an issue which, whatever its result
cannot fail to reopen the wounds and post
pone the pacification of our common coun
try. Wc speak what we deeply feel, be
cause we know that it must bo liea#d
and heeded, "lietween us be truth."
15ut why should there bo further col
lision ? Have we not had contetion
enough? Why,; above all, should the
Capital aud the Labor of tho South, be
again pitted against each other in an an
tagonism that cannot fail to prove calami
tous ? Why should not the planters*the
landholders, tho gentry of the South, at
once resolve that tho future relation be
tween aj;d their laborers shall be
one of mutual kimluess and trust ?
What substantial, beneficent interest iu
all tho South can be advanced by their
antagonism ? What aerfe of her soil \yi 1 1
not bo reduced iu value by it ? W hat
merchant, manufacturer or artizan must
not suffer from ft? Men of the South !
wc entreat you to settle the Suffrage and
all kindred questions for yourselves, and
settle them 011 a basis of eternal justice.
Inspire the negro to work, and plan, and
save, by proffering the Riglu of Suffrage
to all wfco shall prove worthy of it and
capable af exercising it intelligently, safe
ly and usefully. l'ut away spite, and
false and malice, and vengcnco,
and recognizing the great that Sla
very is forever dead, modify your Consti
tutions in accordance wi'h that truth.—
Silence Northern agitators and igternied
dlers by removing all pretext for their
interference ajid convincing your bum-
Ble neighbors that you arc better friends
"Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to do our duty as we understand*it" — A - Lincolh
BUTtiTCR, I>UTLEI! COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 2C> lsc,:,.
than they can find a thousand miles off
among those whom they never saw. C ail
the ablest, most intelligent Blacks around
you, discuss with them the whole matter,
and agree with them on such action in
the prouiises-as shall be mutually deemed
best. You will not find them exacting
nor unreasonable; and your accord with
them will go very far toward securing a
prompt repeal of all acts of Congress im
posing penalties or disabilities which stand
in the way of your recognition as citi
zens of a fully restored Union. Once
mure wo entreat you tu hoed this appeal .
—A'. 1. Tribune.
THE TWO PRESIDENTS.
Hon. John W. Forney delivered the
Oration before the Literary Societies of
Dickinson College on tho 28th ult. Ilis
subject was"The Two Presidents," Lin
coln and Johnson. Like all Mr. Forney's
productions it is eloiiuenf in d'etion and
hia tribute t'» ihe Presidents in as eloquent
as it is just, while his vindication of Pres
ident Johnson's policy is replete with wis
dom and patriotism. We give tho con
cluding portion of the address :
It would scein as if it was intended
that those two men should bo brought
closely together, in the last few weeks
which made the one a glorious martyr
and the other the chief of a groat ppople.
When tho day of tho second inaugura
tion of Mr. Lincoln Hpproaehod, Governor
.Johnson was at Nashville, engaged in his
efforts to reorganize Tennessee and bring
her back into the Union. He telegraph
ed me, asking if his presence was abso
lutely necessary, adding that his heart
was in his work, and that he would rath
er aid in sending his adopted Common
wea.th hack to the hearth stone of the
old Union than to bo \ ieo President of
tho United States. -On consulting with
mutual friends, ami especially with Mr.
liinccTn, it was decided to insist upon bis
presence. How warmly the departed
sago regarded "Andy Johnsim" a hund
red instances might be cited to illustrate.
His knowledge of the citizen, the Sena
tor, and the military governor was suffi
cient to inspire confidence; and the terri
ble sufferings of the hunted and outlawed
refugee made Andrew Johnson the object
of his keenest sympathy. They were at
Richmond almost on the same occasion,
and reached Washington a fow hours
apart from each other—in time to hear
(he great intelligence that closed there
hellion. lam not of those who think
diat when two men, whom God seemed
ni have made almost copies or counter
parts—whose live* wera so alike, and
whose patriotism so equal and so genial
—are suddenly severed by the Volt of
death, it is a dispensation to be received
if not with something like satisfaction,at
least with a very ready (resignation. I
accept tlfe decree. It would be most im
pious to quarrel with tho ii<»ciutable fate
that permitttod it, and I thank Heaven
that we have, in Andrew Johnson, a pa
triot so tried and so true, and so ready for
the fierce emergecies of the future. Hut
the loss of Abraham Lincoln cannot be
replaced. It was as if some great orb
had fallen-frotn eternal space into ever
lasting chaos, jarring the whole earth,
and making tho very pillars of the skies
to tremble. Our country is not destroy
ed, but he who saved it died in the effort
of saving it, and can no more be replaced
than the mother who gfves her own life
for that of her offspring. And how be
y«nd all price is the of Abraham
Lincoln. It has almost revolutionized
parties. Not one strong tford that Mr.
Lincoln said wheu he enterud office, and
maintained when ho was most violently
assailed, has ever been mollified and ex
plained. but rathei litcrated and strength
ened ; yet is it true that loug before the
assassin stole away his life, he had almost
conquered antagonism and dumbfounded
envious faction itself. 1 may be answer
ed, ''Success wins sometimes more than
virtue and this is true of vulgar — : 'iil i
Hut Lincoln's was in this: he
never let go the helm. Dark, thick, and
tempestuos were many of the heavy hours
of the past four years; Jjut the star of
hope shone steadily 011 the altar of his
heart. The darkest month of the year
1801 was the month of A-pril . tho dark
est part of the year 1805 was the middle
of Apiil. The rebellion broke upon us
in the first aud ended in the last. The
earliest martyrs to tho eaijwe of liberty
gave up their lives in April, four years
ago; aud the most illustrious martyr gave
up his life iu April of 1805. We were
unprepared fiir war in April of 1861; wc
were prepared for peace iu April of 1805 ;
and the faithful recorder shall come
to compile tjie materials, for the illustra
tion of tho close of this mighty struggle,
ho will b« overawed to note that a month
which commenced with such fair pros
pects should Jbave s<) gloomily ended,—
Early 4u the month, tho first fruits of
Grant's niKstorly strategy were gathered.
On the 2d of April he announced the tri
umphant success of our armies, after three
days' hard fighting. On the 3d of April
lie sent word to the President that lie had
taken Petersburg and Richmond, and was
in full pursuit sf Lee's retreating army.
On the oth of April Sheridan, and Hum
phreys and Meade and Wright reported
the continuous triumph of their conquer
ing ujHiuins. On tho 9th of April Oen.
Grant telegraphed the Secretary of War
that Lpo had surrendered tho army of
Northern Virginia Upon the terms pro
p sod by himself.
On the 11th of April, full of gratitude
to Gods, forgiveness to his foes, and love
for all, Mr. Lincoln spoke from the win
dows of the Presidential mansion these
words which, precious as his last on earth,
sound like the syllables of inspiration as
we read them now. The rejoicing thou
sands had called upon him t'no evt,[)i|ig
before, but that ho might weigh add con.
dense bis opinions he asked for time to
deliberate. On the 12th we had another
day of jubilee, and on the 13th the night
was set apart for special illumination. —
Never did the political capital of tho na
tion shine more resplondently in tin; robes
of light. It was as if Peace aud Recon
ciliation had joined hands over the graves
of tho illustrious dead—as if war and
woe had fled to the cxtroniest shades. —
The next was Friday, the 1 Jth of April
—another morning of happiness. Hut
what a night 1 As I go back to that
dreadful recollection, 1 go back to the
frightful agony that made millions mourn.
I was in Richmond when it was announ
ced that Mr. Lincoln had been murdered-
It seemed to me as if Nature had taken a
pause —as if, between the I'afling
war and the dawning blushes of peace
stood our farewell sncrificej-as if having
just learned to love, to revere, to depend
upon him, to place our cares and hopes in
his keeping, as in u sacred repository—
he should be called away. As Elijah was
swept from earth to Heaven, so was our
deliverer taken from us. If there is a
solaco for such a calamity, it is that he
died without shame, iu the midst of his
glory, and at the very threshold of the
temple of a rescued and purified Repub
lic.
Nothing is more wonderful than to seo
how tho President pouo, and the Presi
dent here agree on tho questions of the
day—the very issues, in fact, which Mr.
Lincoln may be said to have died in the
very act <sf solving. Long years ago And.
row Johnson denied tlip fight o4 any
State tp secede from the Uuion. He in
sisted that rebellion could not destroy a
State government. This doctrine, uni
versally accepted by loyal men from the
first day of the war, is now cheapened by
some who would hold it in abeyance to se
cure an imaginary party advantage. As
it is the very kornel of tho nut—the very
gold of the mine—in fact, tho vital spirit
of tho Government—for wnieh our sol
diers fought and our statesmen delibera
ted—it is worth something to know ex
actly where these two representative char
acters stood in regard to it.s Jr. Lin
coln, on Tuesday eveniug, the 11th of
April, ISGS, in tho last speech he ever
made, thus met the question, in terms
substantially identical with the words of
Johnson,in the Senate in 18G0 aud IHGI,
and in the Presidential crnvas of 1801 :
" Wo all agree that the seceded States, 1
so called, are out of their practical rela
tion with the Union; atid the sole object
of the Government, civil and military, in
regard to those States, is to again get
them into that proper practical relation.
1 believe it is Lot only possible, but in
fact easier to do this, without deciding or
even considering whether these States
have ever beca out of the ' Union, than
with it.
" Finding themselves safely at home, it
would be utterly immaterial whether they
hail ever beet abroad. Let us all join in
doing the acts necessary to restoring the
proptf pracjical relations between these
States and the Uniou ; and each forever
after innocently indulge his own opinion
.whether, in doing the acts, he brought
the States from without into the Union,
or only gave them proper assistance, they
never having been out of it. Th« amount
of constituency, so to speak, on which the
new Louisiana Government rests, would
be more satisfactory to all, if it contained
fifty, thirty or even twenty thousand, in
stead of only about twelve thousand as it
really doc-.
'•'lt is also unsatisfactory to somo that
the electicc franchise is not given ty the
colored mail. / would myself prefer (Jtitt
it were now conferral oil the very inte/li
f/ent and on those who serve our caifbe as
soldiers. Still the question is not wheth
er the Louisiana government, as it stands,
1s qilitp all tflat is desirable. The ques
tion is "Will it be wiser to iajke it as it is,
aud help to improve it; or to reject and
disperse it?" Can Louisiana be brought
into proper practical relatio/i with the
Uniou sonncr by sustaining or by discard
ing her new State government ?
Referring to his former views the uew
President who •succeeded Mr. Lincoln,
said, in his speech to the Indiana delega
tion, ou the 22d of April' 1865:
" Upon this idea of destroying States
my position has been heretofore well
known, and I see no cause to it
now, and I am glad to hor its reiteration
nil the present occasion. Some are satis
fied with the idea that States are to be
lust in territorial and other divisions ; uro
to lose their character as States. Hut
their life breath has been only suspended,
and it is a high constitutional obligation
we hare to secure each of these Statef in
the potsession and enjoyment of a repub
lican form of Government. A state may
bo in the Government with a peculiar in
stitution, and by the operation of the re
bellion lose that feature; but it u-as a
State when it went into rebellion, and |chen
it comes out without the institution it is still
<{ State."
The question of colored suffrage, which
Mr. Lincoln would give to " the very in
telligent," and"to those who serve our
cause as soldiers," is thus mot by Presi
dent Johnson, in his address to the South
Carolina delegation, on Saturday last:
" I will again say to you that slavery is
gone. Its status is c(janged. 'i*here is
no hope you can eutertaiu of beiug ad
mitted to representation, either in the
Senate or House of Representatives, till
you give evidence that you, too, have ac
cepted and recognized that that insfitu
tion is gor.p. That done, the policy adop
ted is not to restore the supremacy of the
Government at the point of the bayonet,
but by tho action of the people. While
this rebellion has emancipated a great
many- negroes, it has emancipated still
more wbito men. The negro in South
Carolina that belonged to a man whoowil
ed from one to live hundred slaves, thought
himself better than the white mau who
owned none, He felt the white man's
superior. I know the position of the
poor wbito man of the South, compelled
to till the barren, sandy, and poor soil for
a subsistence. You cannot deny hffW he
was, in your eyes, of less value than the
ncgrq. Some here in the North think
they can control and exercise a greater
influence over the negro than you can,
though his future must materially depend
on you. Let us speak plainly on this
subject, 112 too am a Southern man ; have
owned slaves, bought slaved, but never
sold one.' You and I understand this
better ; wo know our friends are mista
ken,'and I tell yon that I don't Want you
to have control of these negro votes against
tho vote of this poor white man. L re
peat, our friends here arc mistaken, as
you and J kuojf, as t> where the control
id' that negro vote would fall. When
they come to talk about the elective fran
chise, I say let each State judge for it
eelf. I am for free Government; for
smancipation ; and 1 am for emancipa
ting tho white man as well as the black
man."
It will bo seen, therefore, that Presi
dent Lincoln, while recommending that
" tho very intelligent" negroes, and those
wjio have fought for (he should vote
does not once propose that Congress shall
take charge of tho subject. All is left
to the States. President Johnssn takes
the same ground in stronger language,
lie believes if Congress could confer the
right of suffrage upon tlje South Carolina
negroes, their former masters would con
trol them; and he emphatically declares
that he does not desire this tq be so, used
as these votes would be against tho poor
whites of the State, and for the benefit of
the aristocrrcy of the soil. I might add
many other sustaining thoughts. The dan
ger of giving to Congress the right to
regulate suffrage now is that it may be
used hereafter to enable a mere patty ma
jority to oppress a State or section. In
all tho so-called seoeding States, save
two. the white population exceeds colored;
and in moat of them largely so. The white
people of those States, with almost entire
unanimity, are intensely ' hostile to
tho principle of negro suffrage. How
ever unreasonable or unjust th.s hostility
maybe, it is a fact which stares us in
the face, and with which the Govern
ment is compelled to deal. If in re-or
ganizing these States preparatory to their
full reinstatement in the Union, the right
of the negroes to vote should be guaran
teed to ti.oai by the interposition of tho
General Government, would it not have
the effect of so uniting the white voters
in all elections, upon candidates of their
own exclnsiv© selection that the coloted
voters, being in tho minority, would be
rendered utterly powerless? Even in
the States of South' Caroliua and Missis
sippi, \rhere the blacks are in the niajor
. ity, it is by no meaps probable that at a
first election they would be able to rally
to the polls iu sufficient numbers to out
vote the more intelligent though less nu
merous race. It would take time for them
so learn that they had the right to vote ;
and even if aware of the right, they would
scarcely have the intelligence uecei-ary
to it« exercise iu any effective manner.
If the effect would be .■« to unite all
white voters on the same candidates as
utterly to nullify the political power of
the negroes, would tho njen elected uudtr
such circumstances, probably be of Ihe
cJags most favorable to the amelioration
of tho condition of the colored popula
tion ? Xhese are practical Considera
tions which is will not do to wholly ig
nore in our eagerness to establish abstract
■principlen <»f right and justice
Hut let us leave the question (o time
—to the careof a loyal Congress—to the
vigilant fidelity of a devoted Union Pres
ent, who proclaimed himself the friend
of the masses of the colored race of Ten
nessee, and will never allow them to bo
oppressed byl heir recent masters, it will
not bo many days before those fitter real
ise, by the best evidence?,-that the only
way to secuie the admission of their Sen
ators and members to Congaess is to adopt
the amendment of tlip Constitution abol
ishing slavery, to provide for the educa
tion of the colored population, and for
the payment of colored labor by a wiso
and geneious piao, and to repeal the odi
ous penal codes made necessary by the
accursed system of slavery. Till these
things are secured, they will be kept out
tho halls of the nation's legislature.
When they are secured, thf) American
Citizen of African decent will have a
chance to fit himself for that sacred citi
zenship which ought never to have been
bestowed upon ignorant or lazy men,
whitfft>r black. Both Lincoln And John
son agree, therefore, that there can be no
destruction of State sovereignty by seces
sion—that tho question of suffrage be
longs to the States, and not to Congress
—a«d that slavery is deftd by military
success, by Executive proclamation, by
Congressional statue, and by the acts
soon to bo completed by the three-fourths
of of the States, ratifying tho amendment
of„tho National Constitution forevor abol
ishing if!.
When tho impulsive Romeo, eager to
propitiate bis love, yould have hurried
the philosophical and tranquil Friar Lau
rence, who promised to aid him in his
suit, the patient priest exclaims :
"Wisely and flow; tliey stumble that run fiwt.''
Let as take the axiom and the moral to
our own hearts, flip swift and dazzling
panorama of war, which flashed its me
teor changes before our astounded eyes,
and achieved reforms that could not have
been wrought by centuries of peace,
should not tempt tjs into a spirit of fatal
imitation. The fabric of free Olovcrn
pient saved io tho shock of battle will
soon resettle into the regular grooves of
law and order. Institutions necessarily
set aside, that treason might be punished,
and Government be able to put forth all
its energies in the struggle for its exist
ence, will soon resume their wholesome
influence. Time, reflection, system, are
the essential auxiliaries. Nor, indeed,
need we be in Jfifßffi. Least of (ill
wo apprehend failure, because of present
doubts and contingent difficulties. Be
hold tho catalogue of wonders on the
page of the four last years' history—»
wrought in the progress of this triumph
ant war for human freedom. In an age
that, compared with the last generations,
seeuis like an age of miracles, tho over
throw of the rebellion was the grandest
and most sublime of miracles. The ma
lignant prophecies of our enemies every
where, which they are now so anxious to
forget, glare upon them from the page of
history, liike so many reproaches of tjieir
ignorance and their hatred. In war, on
land and sea, in finance, in statesmanship,
in dipplomacy, in the inexhaustibility of
our resources, in our inventions, in tho
wondrodrt prosperity and somfort of the
loyal people. i» the deliverance of. four
millions of human beings from slavery, in
the disbanding of a multitudinous army,
apd the dismantling of a larger than
that of any of the nations of the earth,
we may find not only the material for fe
licitation but for a superior and a solid
consolation. There is no lion in the path
of our future so fierce as those which have
been subdued and fciiun iff the paths of
the past. Let ns, therefore, confide our
destiny to the constituted and constitu
tional agencies of tho Oovornmonji, and to
that benign I'rjjvidcnco -which has watch
ed over us from the perilous beginning to
the victorious close.
—A pew in a (jongrcgtional meet
ing-house is thus advertised for sale
in the Amherst, Massachusetts, Ex
pres* : "A pew in the meeting-house
of the first parish ip Amherst is for
sale. The mar, owns the pew
owns the right or space just as long
and wid" as tRe pew is from tht bot
tom of the meeting-house to the roof,
and he can go as much higher as he
can get. If a man will buy my pew
and sit ip it on Sundays, and repent
and be a good man, ho will goto
heaven, and my pew as good a
place to start from as any pew in the
moeting-house."
—"Qnemore question, Mr. Parjcs,"
said a counsel to a witness, who hap
pened to be a tailor. "You haye
known tj»e defendant a long time;
what are -Lis hajbiw—-foose or other
wise?" ''Thlc one Jio's got now I
think, is ra,ihcr tight under the arms,
and to short for thl fasion,"
replied parks. ' ,"Stan(J down," said
the counsil.
• *"■ * -m
NUMBER 32.
NATIONAL WlT.—ltalian wit is high
ly dramatic, spontaneous, genial. Among
its proverbs are—"Tho dog earns* his liv
ing by wagging his tail." "Mako your
selves all honey, and tho flies will dovoui
it.""The smiles of a pretty woman aro
the tears of the purse." " IJo who takes
an eel by the tail, or a woinau by tho
tongue, is surq to cjoine off empty haud
ed.«
The character of Spanish wit is exces
sive stateliness, Of their proverbs—"He
who has nothing to do, let him buy a
a ship or marry a wife." " Prom many
children and little bread, good Lord de
liver, us." "J\ fool is never a fool un
less he knows Latin."
French wit is characterized by fijiette,
brilliancy, doxterity, point, brevity. In
repartee llig French are unrivaled. Their
conversation is not only an art, but a fine
art. In punning they aro unequalled.
In no liturature are there so many pro
vorbs which speaks disparagingly af tho
fair sex. "Man is fire, woman into
the devil conies and blows." "A wumaq
conceals only what sbo doesn't know."
"To get chickens one must coax the
ben." " Scratch people where they
itch."
—An odd genius entered tho
adjoining Ford's thcatro, wlicro Booth
took his last drink of brandy just before
he murdered Mr. Lincoln, and inquired
of tho barkeeper: "Have yon tho same
bottlo on hand out of which Booth drank
on tho night of the assassination ?"
"Yos, Sir."
"And the pnnebrandy in it ?" "Yes Sir.'?
"Can 1 have a drink of that samo brandy
out of that same bottle ?" "Yes Sir."
"Let's have it." The visitor tastos the
brandy, makes awry face,and contjpijps;
"And that's tho satno brandy that Booth
drank?" "Yes sir." "Well I dont't
wonder that ho killed the President. A
drink of that brandy would make a man
kill his grandmother i"
DO YOU GIVE IT UP?
Why aro washer-women the most un
reasonable people 1
Bemute they expect toft water icfcn if
rain* hard.
My first is always bitter to my second:
My third is both bitter and sweet?
Wo man (uoman).
Which sea would a man most like to bo
in on a wet day ?
Adriatic (a dry attic).
What disorder cxeitis the greatest
compassion i
The tmall-pox, for the patient is gen
erally pitied. (pitted).
—An Irshman got out of the curs
at a railway station for refreshments,
but unfortunate}/ tl,e bell rang, and
the train left before ho had finished
his repast, "ilould on !" cried I'at,
as he ran like a madman after the car:
"hould on, ye inu: thern ould stamis
ingin—ye've cot a passenger aboard
that's lift behind!
—A Portuguese" shostaakor used to
give liis wife a severe flogging every
month, just bcfcro he went to confession.
On being asked the reason of this pro
ceeding, he replied that, having a
memory, he took this method of refresh
ing it, as his wiife, while under tho casti
gation, was sure to remind him of all his
sins.
Man doubles all the evils of his
fate by pondering over thcrc. A.
scratch becomes a wound, a slight
becomes an injury,-ft jest an insult,
a small peril a great danger, and a
slight sickness oftend ends in dcatli
by (he brooding apprehensions of the
§icjc. We should always look on tho
bright side of life's picture.
—A thick beaded squire, being
. worste 1 pv Sidney Smith in an argu«
ment, tool his revenge by exclaim
ing. "If I had a son who ■was-an id
iot, by Jove, I'd make him a parson. rt
"Very properly," replied Sydney,
'but I see tha your father was of a,
different mind "
—There is but a step from ths
sublime to the ridiculous. A local
journal thus describes the eflec&s of a
hurricane: "It shattered mountains,
tore up oaks by the roots, dismantled
churches, 1 id villages waste, aaij,
overturned a hay stack." •
A PRIVATE INQUIRY. — Why is a
soldier who attends tq the command,
'•prepare to receive cavalry," lik%
his own weapon ?—Because he's
abeyin'-'t.
—'• Say, Sam, what you sell
shoes for ?"
"Can't sell de:n, Pomp."
"Wbj mff "
dey's haj£ a.'ready. "
yab ; yah !" • _ ' '
THE first thing a man takes to iijv
bis life is hip milk—the last i« hjj»
hkr.