VOLUME 2.
TIIE CONSPIRACY TRIAL
TESTIMONY OF THE pEFENSE
THE CASE OF O'LAUGHLIN.
Iliglily Important i»rocec«ltngn
WASdIKOTON, June 12.
The assassination trial drags its slow
length wearily along, and now bids fair
to occupy the attention of the Commis
sion for two weeks longer. »he defend
ants issued subpoenas this evening for 14
additional witnesses, aipl the Government
hai in reserve eight or ten yet to be put
upon the stand as testimony in chief, so
that it is probable tlio evidence will not
be closed before the latter part of this
week.
As direct! , affecting the prisoners there
was no testimony introduced to-day, save
that of a witness on be half of O'Laugh
lin, who testified that the prisoner was in
his company all the evening of the 18th
of April, and that they were not at the
house of Secretary Stanton on that night.
This witness has known O Laughlin, inti
mately for several year*. Ho is a repu
table witness, and it is evidence is of the
utmost importance to the prisoner, as it
throws a.doubt upon the testimony of the
Government witnesses who were not ac
quainted with O'Laughlin, and coijld not
be positive in their identity of the accu
sed when they testified that they saw him
hanging about the door of the dwelling
on the night of the' illumination, appar
ently watch'ngthe movement; of General
Grant, who was that evening the guest of
Mr. Stanton.
Giving the prisoner the benefit of his
testimony and ol the doubt which by the
rule of law should be resolved in his fa
. vor. ho yet stands clearly convittcd of
complicity with Rooth in Ins conspiracy
as it existed but a short time prior to the
assassination. »*"
Witnesses were called to establish the
character of Lawyer Norton, t> Govern
ment witness, for credibility.
Mrs. L. Grant, of Warrcnton, Virgin
ia, recognized Payne as the man whom
she saw last Christmas in front of her
house have three Union soldici in charge,
when an attempt was mado by Payne's
men to kill the prisoners; but witness
heard Paynp say he would defend his pris
oners with his life. Oue of the prison
ers was killed when the party left the
road and witness did not see them after
wards.
On cross examination witness said that
Payne was then called Lieut, powell and
dressed as a Confederate.
John Grant, husband tif the former
witness, testified to the same effect.
J. P. Patterson testified that O'Laugh
lin was with him on the night of April
18th, and not near Sccre'ary Stanton's
house.
On cross-examination witness Wstiued
that O'Laughlin told hiui he had been to
see Rooth about six o'clock that evening,
and was going to see him next morning.
When Witness said O'Laughlin sa.d he
had been to see Rooth but had not seeu
him as Rooth was out, O'Laughlin did not
state higobjectin seeing Rooth. O'Laugh
lin did not suggest staying in Washing
ton ; witness himself made that sugges
tion.
R. H. Sale testified that J. 7i. Jenkins
was considered a Union man in his opin
ion. Witness was perfectly indifferent as
to whether the rebellion failed or suc
ceeded.
Adjutant General Townsend testified to
the paper offered in the cvidcuce, that it
was the Presidents endorsement on it;
was in the hand-writing of Gabriel, J.
Rains, Rrigadier General in the Confed
erate service; the document was dated
Dec. 16th, 18G3, and addressed to Capt
.McDanicl, commanding Torpedo Compa
ny and signed John Maxwell; it sets
forth in substance, that in obedience to
the order of the person to whom it is ad
dressed, and with means and equipments
furnished by him, the writer left Rich
mond on the 26th of July, 1£64, foj tixe
James river, to operate with. Horolo
gieah's torpedo, agaLust the enemy's ves
sels. The writer was accompanied by R.
K. Dilliard. After Bundry adventures,
these two men readied City Point before
on the 9il. of August. The
writer gives the result of hi* operations as
follows : •
Requesting my companion to remain
behind about a half a mile, I cautiously
approached the wharf with my machine
and powder, covered by a small box.—
Finding the Captain had come ashore
from tie barge then at the wharf, I seiz
ed the occasion to hurry forward with my
box. Being halted by one of the wharf
seutinels, I succeeded iu passing.him by
representing .that the Captain had order
ed me to convey the box on board. llail
ing the wan from the barge I put the ma
chine ill motion and gave it in his charge.
AMERICAN CITIZEN
He carrieil itaboard. The magazine con
tained about twelve pounds of powder,
my companion we returned to
a safe distance to witness the effect of
our effort. In about an hour the explo
sion occurred. Its effect was communi
cated to another barge beyond the one
operated upon, and also to the large wharf
building containing the enemy's stores,
which was totally destroyed. The en
dorsements on the letter were J. K. Me-
Daniel, Captain of C. A. secret service,
and J. J. Itains, Superintendent.
After introduction of documents show
ing Abraham Lincoln to have been Pres
ident of the United States at the timool
his death, and certifying to his election
on two occasions, and that official request
was made and complied with substituting
l)r. Hall for Dr. Nichols, to examine into
the question of l'ayne's insanity. The
President of the Commission gave notice
that the report of Dr. Hall would be com
pleted to-morrow.
Richard Mrntgomery identified the pa
per he received from (/lenient C. Clay,
which he gave to (J. A. Dana, Assistant
Secretary of War. Witness stated ho
saw Clay write most of it. He was in
structed to deliver tho document to Mr.
Benjamin, Confederate Secretary of State
There were certain blanks to be filled up
by names known to witness after he reach
ed Richmond. The letter was dated St,
Catherines, Canada West, November Ist,
1864. It gives a detailed account of cir
cumstances connected \yith the St. Al
bans raid ; writer staling that Lieutenant
Rennet 11. Young was well known to him
as one whose heart was with the South,
and that in his attempt to burn the town
of St. Albans, and rob banks, he acted
according to the writer's instructions, and
urging tho Confederate Government to
assume the responsibility. The letter also
speaks of Captain Charles 11. Cole, an
escaped prisoner of rebel Forrest's com
mand, who was captured on board the
steamer Michigan on Lake Erie. W hito
was engaged in an attempt to capture a
vessel, and liberate rebel prisoners on
Johnson's Island. V. riter protests against
Cole being treated as a spy, and gives va
rious reasons why ho should be regarded
as a prisoner of war, and conclude! with
a statement that a large portion of the
Northern people, especially in tho North
west, want in order to opposo oppressions
of despotism at Washington is a leader.
They are rife for resistance, and it may
come soon after tho Presidential election.
The letter was not signed, the reason giv-
cn being that no signature was nccessarjf,
as the messenger presenting it and the
person to whom it was addressed could
identify the authors.
Several witnesses were called to testify
to the go d character of Marcus P. Nor
ton.
Win. 11. Roll rex identified the hand
writing of Clement C. Clay iu a letter
produced by Gen. Montgomery.
The Court then adjourned.
WASHINGTON, .June 13.
Tho Court adjourned for two hours iu
order to allow a medical examination of
the alleged insanity of Payne, as vouched
for by his counsel.
Dr. Hall testified he had examined the
prisoner Payne on the order for medical
inquiry, relative to his alleged insaftity.
The prisoner appeared to be well, bat his
intellect is of a very low order and fee
ble. Witness thought there were reason
able grounds for believing the prisoner to
be insane. It sei mid to jritness that ny
man perfectly sane could exhibit the same
utter insensibility which the pruouex
manifested, whether he was laboring un
der either moral or mental insanity, but
could not give no opinion, moral insauity.
There was suspicion; it is generally known
that persons insane, have with few excep
tions, an unusual frequency of pulse.—
The prisoner's pulse was thirty odd
strokes above ordinary standard, was per
fectly calm, not in the least excited;
memory was slow, mind somewhat deform
ed, could not remember his mother's mai
den name.
A commission was appointed, consist
ing of Dr. Stevens, Surgeon General
Barnes, Surgeou Genis and Dr. llall, to
continue the examination of the prisoner.
John T. Hoftoa, for forty years a resi
dent of Surrattsville, swore to the loyalty
aud good character of Mrs. Surratt and
J. Z. Jenkins. W. W. Ilofton and oth
ers testified to same effect.
John M. Lloyd testified that JuLn H.
Surratt and himself took carbines into
witness' house. Surratt called and gave
directions relative to them on the 4th of
April. In accordance with these direc
tions witness kept the guns ready for use.
Witness prepared that night two bottles
whiskey.
After considerable unimportant testi
mony the Court adjourned
"Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to do our duty as we understand it"— A - LTNOOLN
BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, JUNE 21
TREASON.
The great drama of rebellion has clos
ed and the government is now starting on
a new era. If that era is to bo conclu
ded as the last was, by a rebellion, it will
be because we failed to profit by our ex
perience and refused to make proper use
of the victory we gained.
The recent triumph of tly3 national
arms ought not only to give to the Repub
liea new 'ei eof existence, but with it an
immunity from treason evermore. 'I his
much it will certainly do it we aro but
faithful to the laws and true to ourselves.
Hut. if on the, other hand, in taking coun
sel from our impatient desires for a re
turn of the era of general amity and
good feeling that existed before the war,
we overlook the great crime that has
drenched the land in fraternal blood, we
need not be surprised if the bloody sccues
of the past four years be re dnacted at
some future period. It will not do to
say that the failure of a rebellion so pow
erful as the last one was will dot«r men
in future from attempting to subvert the
Government, and that we can rest in per
fect security in the newly acquired
strength of that Government. This may
be true to-day, at-d yet the events of an
other year may falsify it all- Hereto
fore we have relied entirely upon the
good and friendly dispositions of men's
minds and hearts toward the Federal
Union for its stability, and it needed a
great rebellion to teach us that an addi
tional safeguard >yas necessary. Let us
learn still further from our bloody expe
rience, or our security is but fancied. The
law must be clothed with majesty and
tpjt v, upd its vengeance must not be
thwarted. We have a constitution which
makes.treason a ori'l'O and which affixes
the penalty for its comniHOiou JJulpss
we enforce what is here decreed wo rob
the law of its virtue and the crime of its
ignominy. ll' we wish to prevent a repe
tition of the offence we must unaltera
bly determine it now, that they who trade
in treason must expect to pay the penalty
of their traffic. The course the Gov-
ernment has determined to pursue in re
gard to Davis and other looting conspir
ators is the one wc think most likely to
servo tlif) interest? of the country in this
particular. It is known that at least
several of them are to be arraigned and
tried for treason. The indictments have
already been drawn against Davis and
Rreckciiridgc, and a true bill found by
tho grand jury Washington. Ihe
next thing iu older will bo the trial
Apart from any consideration of the
guilt or in noceficc of the prisoners, it wil
be of the greatest importance. Wo trust
that jt will bo conducted with delibera
tion, apd that a due rogard will be paid
to every legal formality, so that it3 adju
dications of the many important ques
tions involved may afterwards be recog
nized as the true and proper constructions
of the constitution and tho Jaw#. V e
ask only that the efficacy of the law be
fully find fairly tested. Let it be deter
mined now what treason is, and by whom
and under what circumstances it can be
poinluitted. IfJcffcrson Davis and his
associates have not been guilty of treason
let them be acquitted of the charge, and
let us so amend the laws that hereafter
tho offence will have its proper penalty.
If their guilt is relieved by any consti
tutional or legal lights they have acquir
ed during the war, let them have the full
benefit of all such rights and let us do
what we can to provide against s'ich es
cape in future. Rut if on the other
hand they shall bo adjudged guilty of
treason and the law demand its victims,
let it have them. If we interfere to
thwurt its vengeance we will be treasur
ing up danger for the future. In the
language of Thomas Jefferson "let u»hear
no more of confidence in man, but bind
him down from 112 uture misch'ef by the
strong chainsof the constitution and the
laws." The law must be made a terror
to evil doers.
PLEASANT. —At Chicago Gen. Grant
had Senator Yates jnaka a speech for him.
When it was over, Gen. Sherman was
called for. He declined to inake a speech
he said he was always ready to do any
thing Gen. Grant ordered him to do, but
he said he knew the Lieutenant- 1 ieneral
never wished him to n-.ake aspeech. This
response of Gen . Sherman evoked much
.laughter, and cries from the crowd to Gen.
Grant of "order him to make a speech
General." To which General Grant
said :"I never ask a soldier to do any
thing which I cannot do myself."
HALLECK. —We hope the report is
true, that Gen. Halleck has been super
ceded by Gen. Terry. We wish we
might hope that this will prove tobe the
last of him If the Government must
keep bim employed, send him among the
Indians, the farthest off possible.
NIGHT.
How beautiful in night
A dewy freibnetM fills the silent air;
No mint übKarn no*" cloud, nor speck, nor stain
Itteuks the serene of H««?en;
In full orbed tflory, yonder inoon divine
Hulls through tho dark blue depths,
Ih'ttenfli her steady ray
The desert circle spread*,
Like the r«.nnd ocean, girdled with the sky.
li<»w beautiful is night I — Shelley.
Wtt AND WISDOM.
Lookiug hard—Our roof.
—llow to mako all women equally
pretty. Put out tho- candle.
" I'll die for tho cried a treasury clerk;
Qui it h a soldier, • My patriot friend, look here .
This shedding your blood tor twelve dollars a month
Ain't liko abtfdtiing red ink for twelve hundred a year.
—The sovereigns that exert the great
est sway in the world, aro neither white
nor black—but yellow.
—Why are your teeth like verbs ? Re
cause they aie regular, irregular, and de
fective.
—Tho South Carolinians may not be
long to the association of"The Straight
outs," but their coat-tails do.
—A wag, on hearing that a man had
given up chimney sweeping, expressed
surprise, as he thought the business suitcil
him.
—" Keep your dog away from me?"
said a dandy to a butcher boy. " Dam
tho dog, he's always after puppies," said
the boy.
—" It is a shame, husband, that I have
to sit hero mending your old clothes."
" Don't say a word about it, wife; th e
leas' said the is easiest mended."
—Somebody told Sydney Smith that
the giraffe at the Zoological Gardens had
caught cold. " Fancy," said he, " a gi
raffe with two yards of sore throat."
—Ati editor-in lowa has become so hol
low from depending upon tho printing
business alone for his bread, that he pro
poses to sell himself for a stove pipe.
—A genius named Flaherty, of Wash
ington (Jitv, has the following posted on
his window, —•
" Eggs newly laid hero on tho shortest
notice."
—A minister who presented a ILSW
shell of his invention to the War Depart
ment, said that lie had long preached hull
in the abstract, but thought he bad got it
here iu a concentrated form.
—" Madame," said a gentleman to his
wife, " let me tell you, facts are very .stub
born things."
"Dearie mo, you don't say so," quoth
the lady ; " what a fact you must be."
—' Father, said a cobbler's lad, as he
was pegging away at an old shoe, " they
say that trout bite good now."
" Well, well," replied tho old gentle
man, "you stick to your work, and they
won't bite you
—On St. Patrick's Day, as the E
Guards were parading tho streets to the
sound of " Yankee Doodle," from fife and
drum, a lover of the patron saint and good
whiskey, a sort of " camp-follower," was
observed staggering along behind whist
ling " St. Patrick's Day in the Morning. '
Some one observed that Paddy's gait ap
peared rather eccentric: " 1 know it,"
said he, but, d'ye mind I'm striving to
march afther two tnhiines." That might
be called a specimen "of forced march
ing."
Soj-D.—" Hob, that's a fine horse you
have there, what's he worth ?"
" Three hundred and fifty dollars."
" No, not so nnn;h as that."
" every Cent of it, another fifty ou
the top of that."
Ate you sure ?"
" Yes, I'll swear to it." »
" All right."
" What are you so inquisitive for V
" Merely for awessiog purposes, I am
the assessor for this ward aud only wanted
to know what you ratod your nag at."
A WIFE IN TROUBLE.—" I'ray tell me
my dear, what is the cause of those tears?"
" Oh, such a disgrace !"
"What is it, my dear ? don't keep ®c
in suspense !"
" Oh, I have opened one of your let
ters supposing it to be addressed to my
self. .Certainly it locked wore like Mrs.
than Mr."
"Is that til ! What harm can there
be in a wife's opening her husband's let
ters V
" No harm in the thing itself, but the
contents. Such a disgrace !" •
" Who has dared to write mo a letter
unfit to bo read by my wife?"
"Oh DO, it is couched in the uoet
chaste and beautiful language. But the
contents I the contents!"
Here the wife buried her ftce in her
handkerchief and commenced gobbing
aloud, while her husband eagerly caught
up the letter and commenced reading the
epistle that had nearly broken bis wife's
heart. It a bill from the printer for
three years' subscription for the newspa
per! ' ' .
SUFFRAGE IN PENNSYLVANIA
Why should the tax-paying colored
man in Pennsylvania be denied the right
of suffrage? Can any one give a single
good reason for denying him any of the
privileges of a. Freeman ? The relics of
the "relic of barbarism," an unmeaning
and unreasoning prejudice of color, and
an unmanly jealousy of the supposed in
ferior race, deprived the negroes of the
right to vote, and it becomes every good
white citizen in these days, when the na
tion is returning to the foundation prin"
piplesof the Declaration of Independence,
to discard prejudice, that ho may be in
clined to justice. Ry prejudice against
color we must not be understood as mean
that moral and proper sense of rospect
for the divino arrangements which repels
the idea of intermingling the blood of
the races, and which we desire to foster
and maintain. Wo mean that prejudice
which deprives a man of the right to lib
erty and the pursuit to happiness, because
he is dark skinned, or of flic right to
vote for tlfc same excuse. Analyze tfc*
feeling and we find we are no more justifia
ble in it than wo would be in not fancy
ing A red heaired man or a man with a
hare-lip, and therefore denying him the
elective franchise.
The original Rlack code of Louisiana,
published by the French Governor Rien
villo, ns the representative of his sover
eign, in 1724, and which continued in
force until the cession to Spain and from
Spain to the United States, in ISOB. It
was more stringent in its provisions to
prevent amalgamation of the raceo than
any of the laws enacted under the Anglo
Saxon American rule from that time to
the present. Yet the same code provi
ded for the citizenship of the freed slave.
The langnage is worth quoting. "We
grant," says tlio oUh article, "to manu-'
mitteH slaves the rljflfts, privileges, anil
immunities which are enjoyed by freeborn
persons. If. pur pleasure that their
merit in having acquired their freed pi 1
shall produce in their favor, not only with
regard to their persons, but also their
property, the same effects which our oth
er »ijhj sets derive from the happy cicutn
stance ofthcir having been born free."
No other nation but this ever deprived
men of rights merely because of t> difler
ence of complexion—and «mong us the i
idetj of doing ;o is of considerably late ori-,
gin and is an inspiration of the hateful
spirit of slavery. From the adoption of
the old Constitution of Pennsylvania in
1790 until 1828, the colored man could
vote. I 18S)7-'38 the word white was
fjrst introduced into the -'ld Article. The
wrong was done under democratic influ
ences—under guidance of the slave pow
er. Yet there is no principle so danger
ous to the popular rights as this. If we
admit that we may justly deprive one
class of freemen who pay taxes sustain
the Government of their God-given right
of u voice in the selection of rulers and
the creation of laws, —then there is no
reason v/hy, if deemed expedient, wd may
not deprive any other clafs of their yoto.
A considerable party in this State under
took to say that the soldiers ought not to
vote. Had there been a majority of Cop
perheads in the Legislature, undoubtedly
the heroes who were giving their life's
blood to maintain the pniviteges of free
men to us all, would themselves have
been denied the dearest privileges of
Freemen. It has been lately suggested
in some quartert that the principles of a
large religious body are dangerous to lib
erty. If the persons who hold this idea
should become a majority, they may pro
pose to overcome the danger by depriving
the class of citizens obnoxious to them of
the elective franchise.
They would be as just in this attempt
to deprive a class of fellow citizens of the
right to vote, because they have the pow
er and think it expedient so to do, as we
have been in depriving the colored men .
—another class—of the same right, be
cause we had the power and thought it
expedient. Ifour government 13 founded
on cquil rights of men, we must build ou
that foundation. If, having built, we
draw from beneath it one stone, another
is thereby loosened, and one after anoth
er will be withdrawn, until the structure
shall fall. It had begun to topple—we
have shored it up and are cementing it to
one endure until th end of time. Let U3
see to it that the two great foundation
stones, equal rights and universal suffrage
are in their places firmly and immovably
fixed. The decaying nations of Europe
have in their foundations class restrict
ions and restricted suffrage. Such res
triction breeds the desire for another, and
gradually the masses of the peoplo are
madf to succumb to the power of a
ruling aristocratic minority. We want
nothing of this sort in free America, and
henpe we give our yoice for universal
suffrage. Let enlightened Pennsylvania
prove her devotion to the true princi
ple of a Republican Government by giv
ing to every tax-paying freeman within
her limits the right to vote, and provi
ding cotastitutionally that uo one but the
criminal, in part punishment for crime,
can be deprived uf*tho elective fran
chise.
Let it not be inferred that wo are in
favor of enfranchising everybody, pvery-
at once, and without distinction
or qualification. So far from that, we
have no idea of disturbing the restrictions
in our Naturalisation Laws, or in the laws
defiuing the qualifications ot an elector.
These restrictions are based on the idea
that the new «pmer should bo qualified
before becoming an elector, and that a
too sudden admission to the polls is fraught
with evils. Those laws are for the white
man. Its principle we would apply to the
colored man, here and elsewhere. In
Pennsylvania, we contend, his period of
probation has been protracted long enough
We know him to be as well qualified as
the average, atid far better than many
who are voters under tho laws. Our idea
of freo and equal suffrage ignores not the
idea oLfitness, but is based on it, both
as to tho white and black man. We
claim the exclusive right in Pennsylva
nia to regulate this matter for ourselves,
and concede to the other .Stales the same
right. We deny the right of another
State to dictate to us as to white men,
and can claim 110 right to dictate to oth
er States as to clored men. Wo have
a duty to perform in Pennsylvania, and
it becomes UJ to do it before prescribing
the line by which other States shall regu
late theirconJuct. Wectrtainly cannot ob
ject to negroes voting in the South, or in
any State that chooses to adopt the piin
cipje, but before we can consistenly de
mand its adoption elsewhere, we must
ourselves adopt it. If for any reason we
neglect it, as we have thus far done, wo
canuot without stultification denounce
others for not adopting the principle.—
I'ills. Cum.
How the South Regards it.
The Macon Telegraph, of May 30th,
contains an article, which deals squarely
with the question : "what shall the South
do with the emancipated slaves ?" It ar
gjies that the question cannot be shunned,
but niu.-t le dealt with. Mere is a sin
gle quotation:
Ilenco. we say, the States have got to
take up this business, and in Georgis, this
great and knotty question stares us in the
i'aco— how are we goji)£ to prevent half
11 million emancipated negr/jes I'rom be
ing vagrants and public burdens, loung
ing about in towns and neighborhoods
and spreading moral and physical disease
among the people ? How are wo going
to make them, instead, useful members
of society—good laborers—comfortable,
well-fed and happy, as they were beflirft
the emancipation '! To look at tho ques
tion in its private as well as public as
pect, how are you, Mr. Planter, to prose
cute your labors with freeduiea instead
ofslaves—maintain discipline and effi
ciency, neighborhood order and security,
suppress vagrancy around you —protect
property, secure tho contort and well be
ing of your laborers, and enforce justice
and order among themselves ? Now
these are the gruat questions we should
bethinking and talkiug over; and de
pend upon it we havo got to seize them
ourselves, and upon their solution hangs
the question of beggar* or comfort, pros
perity or ruin Mr the State of Georgia,
and for yourselves anil ourselves. Talk
about "Yankees." It is time we were all
Yankees, if by the term is meantashrewd,
energetic and indomitablo encounter with
difficulties. Tell us about "Abolitionists !"
We are all abolitionists by force of events
—by the stern logic of war.
The Telegraph thereupon exhorts the
Southern people to dismiss their "sully
bickering," bury the dead past, and ad
dress themselves to facts as they find
theni. It thus ;
Accept the inevitable fiat of tha pow
ers that be, and co-operate with the Gov
ernment to remedy the mischief as much
as possible. Come one, come all, to this
work. Now our politics will have gome
marrow in them. Now our future As
semblymen will settle fjuestions a:id dif
ficulties affecting the weal of every house
hold. Now wo must cease to elect rep
resentatives per force of whiskey and to
bacco. New we have got to think and
to work, and to do both wisely.
The South, it must be confessed, man
ifests as much reidines to act dispassion
ately as could be expected, considering
everything. Probably no community ev
er went through a revolution so complete
or sudden as the South brought upon it
self. In the game it played it loet all—
even its own identity. It would be un
reasonable to expeet the South to come
more cheerfully -into the new state ol
things. It is worthy of being noted,that
everything like forcejand desperate re
slstuMfchjigfliAppeared ; and it is to be
admitted that"as much progress has been
made in conciliatiocs a&d reconstruction
as could have boeij expected in reason.
Tha» difficulties with which some men, in
NUMBER 9&
tho North,afflict themselves,aro principal
ly imaginary, and not real. They may be
come to. Till they do, let us not be
troubled about thorn.
THE EMPEROR NAPOLEOJj.
IKT JTI .It TO 111§ ( OlNn.
REPLY OF PRINCE NAPOLEON.
NEW YOUR, June 12.
The following is the letter ot tho Em
peror Napo|epn to his cousin . •
Mnmitr and Iteur Voutin :
I cannot refrain from informing you o£
the painful impression I have experien
ced on reading your speech at Ajaccio.—
In leaving during my absence with
tho Emperess and uiy son,aa President o£
the Privy Council, I meant to give you a
proof of my confidence; and I hoped
that your presence, your conduct, and
your language would testify to the union
which reigns in our family; but the po
litical programme which you place under
the arms of the Emperor can easily lead
tho enemies of my Government to judg
ments which I cannot admit. You add
sentiments of hatred which-belcng no
longer to our day.
To apply the ideas of the Emperor to
tho present time it is uecessary to have
passed through tho stern trial* of respon
sibility and power; and, besides,'aro wo
really capable, pigmies as we are, of ap
preeiating all its just value—-the graij(f
historical figure of Napoleon as in stand
ing before a colossal statue ? We are un
able to view tho whola at once; wo only
see the side which strikes our sight, hence
tho incompleteness of tho reproduction
and the divergenco of opinions. ! But
what is clear to the eyes of every ope is,
that provent anarchy in men's minds
that formidable enemy of true liberty, the
Finperor bad established in his family,
and afterwards in his Government that
severe discipline, which admitted but one
will and 0110 action. I cannot fi'ence
forth devitac from the same rulo of con
duct Whereon, monsieur and cou
sin, I pray God to have you in His holy
keeping. J
(Signed,) NAPOLEON.
Prince Napoleon lost no lime in inak.
ing a rcf.ly to tho imperial censor.-
Tho Prette was exclusively favored witn
tho document. Tho Prince's reply was :
Sire, in consequence of your Majesty's
letter of May &5d and its publication in
tho Munitrur of this morning, I resign
the Vice Presidency of the Privy Coun
cil, and also the Presidency ot the Uni
versal Exhibition of 1807. J Accept, Siro,
the homage of the profound and respect
ful attachment with which I am of your
Majesty's most devoted cousin.
(Signed,) PRINCE NAPOLEON,
Palais Royal, Jlay 28, 1865.
Important, Circular,
June 12,
The following
IMPORTANT, CIRCULAR
Has been issued by tho Attorney Oen'l .
ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE, )
WASHINOTOW, June 7,1865. J
By direction of the President all per
sons belonging to the exception classes
enumerated in tho President's Amnesty
Proclamation, of May 29,18Q5, who may
mako special applications to the Presi
dent for pardon, arc hereby notified that
before their Respective applications will
be considcflitf. it must be shown that they
bavp respectively taken and subscribed to
the oath or affirmation in the said procla
mation prescribed. Every such person
desiring a special pardon should make
personal application in writing thereof,
and shou <1 transmit with such applica
tion the original oath or affirmation as ta
ken and subscribed beffpe an officer au
ahorized, under the rules and regulations
promulgated by the Secretary of State, isf
administer tho amnesty oath prescribed in
the said proclamation of the President.
JAMES SPEED,
Attorney Ganer?.!.
—A clegiman, cutechiseing the
.of his church, put the first question from
a catechism to a girl: "what ia your con
solation in life and death?" The girl
smiled, bufcdid not answer. The clergy
man insisted. "Well then," said the,
. T ~ . . •' ,-h. '■
{'since l must tell, it is a young
named P , in Sprsce street.
—The boundary line of the Coafedar
aey—Crinoline. Jeff. Davis set up his
government in the middle, and his wifj
called him the "president." Ho wofyiej
she feared that he might hurt somebody;
for she knew the power of his dominion.-
-s-Tbe whirligig of .time has madd
gome queer changes during a tiw
years. Fire years ago *
Johnson voted for John (X Ifreciun
ridge for President; now he ia' Presi
dent himself, aud toill bangßreukin'
ridge \fhe catch)* yiin>