VOLUME i.
Address of the State Central
Committee
To thr J'ro/ifr of 1 'er, nnylvan in :
FELLOW CITIZ', NS ;—The result of the
recent election the amendment to the
Constitution r, t - t ) ie Htate. allowing sol
diers i» the ti e lj (o vote, is gratifying, in
asmuch » 4 shows that the great heart of
the (Of jmonwealth is right, in the iearful
oloody struggle going onto preserve
a great republic, and that these brave
' men are worthy to help govern, the coun
try for which they make so many sacrifi
ces and suffer so many privations.
The friends of the Union have brought
about this result, while the opposition
have used their poweiful organization to
prevent it, with the evident objcctof weak
ening the Cnion armies by disfranchising
the soldier, and thereby strengthening
themselves at the approaching Presiden
tial election; and i.i connection with this
election let us reason together.
The campaign of ISijf is now fairly
opened. The issue upon which the cam
paign is to be made is clearly indicated.
The enemies of the government have
publicly and authoritatively declared their
purpose in tho contest. That declaration
places the duty of patriots in a light as
broad and clear as that of noon. There
is no mistake either the spirit or the ob
ject of our opponents; it is the same that
impelled tho chiefs or armed treason to
attempt tho overthrow of free government
on this continent in 181)0-61. Neither
time nor reflection, nor regard lor the
]»ence of society in tho loyal States, nor
tho desolations which have devouied the
prosperity of tho south iu the grip of
war. have wrought any modification of
their hatred for a government founded up
on the opinions of tho people expressed
through the ballot box.
It is the part of wisdom to anticipate
evil, and to prepare to destroy it before it
grows too formidable to overthrow. The
attitude of the parties to the Presidential
contest gives rise to a serious 'question—
the most serious of any which can en
gage the attention of the true patriot and
good citizen. That question is briefly
stated:—Shall we have lasting peace,
through a vigorous prosecution of this
war for national life, or interminable war.
through a pcaco based upon disunion''
The issue is sharply defined. ,Thc ut
terances of the Baltimore Convention de
cisively declare for peace through effec
tive war; the utterance* of the Chicago
Convention as decisively pronounce for
the alternative pieseiite I in the question
stated. They mean tli.it, or they are
without meaning. The opposition to Mr.
Linco n contemplates disunion as a cure
for tho ills under which we lie. 11 is de
feat would divide the continent into fac
tious States. Nor is this mere assertion.
The political history of tho country for
the last four years is <\ mass of overwhel
ming evidence iu support of its entire,
its disgraceful truth.
And first, in evidence of its truth, we
have the declaration, informal but not less
weighty, (becausereiterated and unvary
ing.) of the rebel chiefs, that the South
will not treat for peace save upon the ba
sis of a recognition of its independence.
The press of the South omits no opportu
nity to impress upon us and the world
that peace cau only coma through recog
uition. Recognition is but another name
for separation. And finally, every Eur >
pcan nation has come to regard the result
of this war as certain to be one of two
things—either subjugation or disunion.
It is the clear conviction which truth
brings to every rational, enlightened mind.
It is, therefore, entitled to great weight,
second only to the resultant fact.
It is due to the opponents of Mr. Lin
coln to state that they pretend to belivc iu
the probability of peace aud Uuiou
through some compromise, the terms ot
which are not clearly stated.
It will be easy to show the futility of
such hopes, if it has not already been
done. It will not bca difficult task to
show that such a belief does not take root
iu conviction. The leaders of the oppo
sition are men of great ability aud more
than ordiuary sagacity. They cannot,
therefore, be ignorant of the facts which
are of public record. Those facts effectu
ally preclude the possibility of peace and
Union through auy compromise, unless
the terms involve recoguition; and that
would be disuuion.
But let us thorougly consider this ques
tion of peace through compromise. It is
reasonable to suppose that the chiefs of
the rebellion would have accepted terms
at the outset if at all. It is alleged by
our opponents that Mr. Lincoln hurried
the nation into war, not only without con
stitutional warraut. but even against the
wishes of the rebel chiefs themselves.
They reproach the Congress then in ses
sion with haviug refused to adopt the
Critteudeu Compromise measure,aud thus
forced the south into rebellion in exercise
AMERICAN CITIZEN.
of the right of self-defence and self-pre
servation. It is unnecessary to pause to
show that all this transpired while the
reins of power were held by southern men,
most of whom are now in arms against
the government. Let that pass. The
question hinges upon the responsibility of
the rojeetion of the Crittenden Compro
mise. It was rejected. By whom ?
Reference to page 409, part first of the
Conijre**ion<tl (Hohe of the second session
of the Thirty-sixth Congress, will place
the responsibility for the rejection of that
Compromise where it properly belongs.—
It will be seen that the Crittenden Com
promise was defeated by the substitution
(in effect) of what is known ns the "Clark
Amendment." The record shows
the vote on the motion to the substitute
was—yeas 25 r nays 80. The vote on the
adoption of the Chirk proposition, taken
direetly afterward, was—yeas 25, nays 23.
I'lie presumption would be naturally, that
if the south had votes enough to reject
the substitute, it would also have enough
to roject the proposition when offered in
dependently. There was a falling off in
the negative vote on the proposition, as
compared with that on the first motion to
substitute, of nrriii votes. This is ac
counted for by the fact that Senators Ben
jamin and Slidoll, of Louisiana; Wigfall
and 11cm phi 11, of Texas; Iverson, of (la.,
aud Johnson, of Arkansas— six Southern
Senators—xn! in flit ir unit nam/ re/itsi'l to
mlHad these six southern men voted
no." the Clark proposition would have
been defeated by a major tyof four votes,
and the Crittenden < 'otnproniisecould have
been taken up and carried by the same
majority. It appears of record, then, that
the Crittenden Compromise was rejected
b.'cau-esix of the leading Senators from
the south virtually refused to vote for it.
A motion to reconsider was carried some
weeks later, and a direct vote upon the
Compromise was taken. The proposi
tion was lost by a single vote. But oue
of the six Senators referred to voted on
that occasion nearly all of them having
withdrawn on the st ressioil of their re
spective States. Had tlioy remained to
vote for the Compromise, it would have
been adopted.
The chief object in alluding to this mat
ter is to show that when, before the overt
act of war was committed, tho south had
the election of compromise or war, she.
through her highest dignitaries, deliber
ately chose war.
The south would not have compromise
then. Is it reasonable to suppose that it
would accept such an accommodation
now? Her rulers have the southern mas
ses by the throat, and can mould them to
their imperious will. They arc playing
for a great stake. They could not with
draw from the contest now unless forced
into withdrawal. Pride, love of power—
both iuibrcd and fostered by the institu
tions of slavery—would force them to
elect, as they declare they do elect, exter
mination rather than submission and un
ion.
Early in the struggle—before the gov
ernment had taken the aggressive—Pres
ident Lincoln offered peace in most liber
al terms. The terms were, briefly, the
laying down of arms and the abandon
nieutof their hostile attitude. The world
knows how those terms were met. It need
not be repeated here. The desolation of
southern fields; and the vacant scale in
thousands upon thousands of homes, both
north and south^.bear the record. Still
later, amnesty and pardon have beeu of
fered by the President; still the chiefs of
rebelliou abate not a title of their energy
to maintain themselves in their wrong.—
They demand recognition and independ
ence of a government they hate. Inti
mate knowledge of the directing minds of
the rebellion teaches that they will never
abandon their wicked scheme until oblig
ed to do so by the sheer force of such iron
circumstances as control the results of
There is no ground, then, for the hope
ol peace through compromise; no hope
of permanent peace. There is no such
discharge in this war. These who go be
fore the country upon such vicious pre
texts, are not deceived themselves, how
ever much they may deceive the ignorant
and uususpecting. To chargeself decep
tion upon them in a matter so unmistaka
bly clear, would be equivalent to charg
ing them with imbecility. They do not
deceive themselves. The pretext of seek
ing the Mr. Lincoln that peace
may return to our bordvrs covers a sinister
purpose. If they wish pcaeo they can
have it but in two ways—iu a cowardly
abiiudonuieut of the strugle, followed by
disuuion, or by a more vigorous (if possi
ble) prosecution of th« war.
Thus the true issue upon which the
campaign is to be made becomes sharply
defined. Nune can deprecate the horrors
ot war or desire the return of peace more
than do the warmest supporters of the Na
"Let us have Faith that Right makes Might; and in that Faith let us, to the end,dare to do our duty as we understand it"—A. LINCOLN.
BUTLER, BUTLER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1864.
tional Union nominees. But they ask for
and will acquiesce in no* peace that is not
found upon the integrity of the Union
and established upon the principles of the
Declaration of Independence. They rec
ognize greater evils than war, such as this
is in which the nation is plunged. Di
vide the nation geographically and to what
end do we inevitably gravitate 112 With
the precedent and justice of secession es
tablished, who can presume to say that
we shall not repeat the humiliating histo
ry of Mcxicoand South American States ?
I * nited, tliocommon danger was, and would
continue to be. our common security.—
Divided, the land would groan with the
i wreaking out of individual vengeance.—
Divided, the torch and brand would never
be idle along the line of division. The
country would at last awake to the bitter
; knowledge that open, vigorous war. prose
! euted with a high purpose, is a thousand
times less to be .dreaded than an armed
peace.
As an example, si little a year
•ince. when Leo, with his rcbcTminy, in
vaded Pennsylvania, and when the fate ol
the Republic was decided by the battle of
Gettysburg, how prompt wicked and de
signing men were to inaugurate the insur
rection in New N ork city, trusting in the
hope that the Government was not aide to
maintain the supremacy of the Constitu
tion and the laws. It will be long before
the blackness of the crimes committed by
that conspiracy will be obliterated.
As another example, take the recent
conspiracy discovered in the northwest—
the banding together in secret of a large
number of men, the concentration of
thirty thousand stand of arms and a large
supply of ammunition. The papers of
this conspiracy, which were seized, evi
dencing too clearly that their design was.
and is, the overthrow of the Republic,
trusting that divisitn and anarchy would
shield them from harm, but in utter dis
regard of the concomitant wrongs to the
people—murder, robbery, arson—iu a
word, desolation for the time.
Now, fellow citizens, in both these ex
amples the moving spirits are prominent
men in the Opposition, and controlled the
nomination and platform at Chicago.
Yet it is to such a peace as this that our
opponents invite you. They ask your
suffrages for a man who either is pledged
to such a peace, if elected, or who is de
termined on a war grander in scale and
bloodier in results than the world has yet
witnessed. '1 here can be but two issues
cut of the pre cnt difficulty. The intelli
gent freemen of Pennsylvania need not
to be led like children. They will not
fail to comprehend the nature of these
issues, and to choose between them. In
so choosing they choose for their children
and their children's children. Tlicy can
do nothing of a public nature iu those
pregnant times that shall not cause com
ing generations either to revere or despise
tlieni. The re-electian of Mr. Lincoln,
and the election of Andrew Johnson as
his associate, will indibate to the chiefs
of the rebellion that the war for Union
a ltd permanent peace must goon until
those ends shall be attained. It will also
signify to the nations of Europe that the
people of the whole United States will,
soon or late, become an united people and
the government remain, as it lias hereto
fore been, a star of hope to all the op
pressed peoples of the civi iized world,
and an everlasting monvmcnt to the wis
dom of the grand ojd heroes who con
ceived it. If we could basely afford to
abandon the struggle now, the world, man
kind, could not afford the sacrifice. If
we could afford to bear the shauic. and
wear the fhackles of defeat so cravcnly
invited, our children cbuld not stand erect
tinder the deathless reproach of our be
haviour. As men, as freemen, as patri
ots, we have no choice but to stand by the
government as administered. The alter
native presented by our opponents iu dis
union and dishonor, which is national
death. If a man recognizes the existence
of the principle of Eternal Justice he
could not despair of the republic. There
may be some in whom the principle of
hope maintains but a feeble existence, un
less stimulated by uninterrupted
Such must be encouraged and sustained
by the; example of the more hopeful and
enduring. They must beassured of what
the philosophy of history and of events
teaches, that danger lies in turning back,
as security lies in pressing forward. The
desolations, and bereavements, and bur
dens of war may be, nay, are terrible, but
the tempest which ravages forest aud field,
destroying the increase of labor, and even
human lite, is also terrible. Yet it isben
eficient. With unvarying calm the at
mosphere would degenerate into putridity,
and the earth would resolve in endless
night. So war involves nations in itsfcar
ful vortex that social and political reno
vation may follow. As a fire sweeping
over the fields licks up the chaff aud stub-
ble, yet affects not the solid earth, so the
fiery trial which we arc called upon to en
dure is cunsuining the notorious crimes of
society. The nation will issue out of this
struggle stronger and purer than before.
Wrong, such as confronts us, cannot drive
right into exile. Craft and villainly arc
not to be the subjugators of wisdom and
virtue. And whatever crimes may have
been, or may yet be, perpetuated in the
name of civilization, it is not now to be
proved either a farce or a failure. Hut
these calamities are not to come upon the
American people, for the reason that the
masses are to remain true and steadfast in
this great effort to establish their liberties
upon a surer foundation than the anomal
ies upon which the have hitherto rested.
'1 bo victory is to be won by unremit
ting labor, and watchfulness that shall be
proof against surprises planned by trait
ors at home or abroad. We me to look
for no fortuitous happenings, no miracu
lous interpositions. The friends of the
Government, working together, cunnothe
overthrown by any combination possible
among their opponents. They may seek
to divide aud distract, as they have douc,
and they may partially succeed. But not
if the people remain firm, calm aud sell
contained. United, we are invincib o
against us. Divided, we should invite
defeat, and attach to ourselves the name
of having rejected the counsels of expe
rience and enlightened reason.
Our victorious armies are bravely doing
their duty in the field. What is required
of the loyal men of Pennsylvania is a
great victory at the polls in October and
November. It is not only essential that
the Federal government and the policy
required to crush rebellion should be in
dorsed by the re-election of Abraham Lin
coln ; but at the coming contost iti Octo
ber it is important that in the
Congressmen and members of the Legis
lature, as many districts as possible should
be carried by the loyal candidates now in
and to put iu the field. We want the
moral effect of overwhelming majorities
as well as the prestige derived from mili
tary power and force. We expect to close
the war as much by the influence of the
ballot as the bullet. We hope to stop the
effusion of blood by the unmistakable de
monstration at the polls that the war is to
be waged till the rebellion is ended. And
that hostilities will not cease while there
is an armed traitor in the field Such a
cessation of hostilities cannot be obtained
by compromise or negotiation. It must
be achieved by the stern influence of force
—by the unmistakable, clear and well de
fined proofs of the ability of the govern
ment to cope with aud conquer oil or any
of its foes.
Men of Pennsylvania, the issues are
now before you for consideration and de
cision. You must abide the result as you
establish it for good or evil. We ask yitu
to support Abraham Lincoln, because we
believe his re-election will fully vindicate
the authority of the national government,
and fully establish the fact that the free
men of the loyal States are able to sustain
the existence of the Union and the gov
ernment against the hazard of opposition
from abroad or at home. We ask you to
assist not only in there-election of Abra
ham Lincoln' but in the election of all
loyal candidates for State and Federal
offices, because their triumph will recog
nize our nationality—a result which must
contribute to the maintenance of the na
tional government. It needs no argument
of our own to establish this position, be
cause our political opponents now antag
onize us to achieve entirely the opposite
result*.
Can we hesitate—can there be any trust
or confidence in men placed in nomination
by such men ?. Men of family, hesitate
—men of property,hesitate—young men,
who hope to enjoy both these blessings,
hesitate before you cast your votes for
nominees made by such agencies.
By order of the Union State Central
Committee. SIMON CAMERON,
President.
A. W. BENEDICT, ) C . . .
WEEN FORNEY, ) Secretaries.
A GOOD OCCUPATION. —"Pete," a comi
cal son of the Emerald Isle, who carried
wood and water, built fires, etc., for the
■'boys" at Hamilton College, is as good a
specimen of the-genus llibcrian as ever
toddled in a brogan. One of thestudeuts
having occasion to reprove hinf one mor
ning for delinquency, asked him where
he expected togo to when he died.
"Expect togo to the hot place," said
l'ete, without wincing.
'• And what do you expebt will be your
portion there?" asked the soph solemnly.
"Oh," growled the old fellow, as he
brushed his car lazily with his coat-tail,
"bring wood and water for the boys."
BQf" The Copperheads have startod a
story that Grant is going to abandon
Richmond. When he does he will aban
don Mrs. Grant, too; not before.
Disunion Avowed.
One of the leading supporters of Gen.
McClellanin the city of New YdHk, flic
Somfni/ flfrtrury, makes a curious revela
tion in regard to certain consultations
which took place at Niagaia before the
meeting of the Chicago Convention, be
tween rebel politicians in Canada and cer
tain of the Opposition leaders. If we
luay believe the Mireury, which is pretty
good authority, the success id' tlio oppo
sition would bring about a very singular
state of things upon this continent; they
are said to have agreed with the represen
tatives of Jeff. Davis upon a now "com
promise," which would secure to the reb
els, in a sort of left handed way, but just
as certainly as by direct action, all that
they have demanded—the destruction of
the Union. The bargain thus made is
one of those old fashioned compromises,
by which tho J'rec and.loyal states get tlio
two shells, and tho rebel planters secure
to themselves the oyster that lies between
them. Jeff. Davis cannot destroy the
Union by war; but with tho help of tho
corrupt tricky politicians of Chicago he
hopes yet to achieve his purpose Jiy dip
lomatic intrigues.
The Mercury introduces its story with
a paragraph of reflections upon thc "im
posibility" of restoring the Union. "On
ly a zany," it says, "would ever dream Of
its being restored." These Chicago poli
ticians seeui to forget that under Grant
and Sherman and Parragut there arc sev
eral hundred thousand such " zanies," who
are offering up their lives for just this
" drcuiu," and that these have left at home
a goud many millions of relatives) and
friend* who are dreaming thesame dream.
Here is the Mrrrury'n article; we com
mend it to Union men who think there
is no danger in supporting the Chicago
platform:—
"TIIF. OLD UNION IMPOSKtBLK.
"Talk as we may of the old Union, un
der which the nation attainned such a de
gree of prosperity, and advanced at once
to the front rank among the nationalities
of the world, its restoration is an impossi
bility. 011/J/ A ZIIIII/ il'oultl rvtriireum of
itsbiimj restored. There#, will, undoubt
edly, be a reconstruction, but never a re
storation of the Union. The question
that are to be settled, the new condition
of things consequent upon tlie disruption
of the old,thechangcdrelationsof capital
and labor, the increase of the quantity of
power surrendered to the genqral govern
ment by the people, the relation of the
states to the federal Union, the influence
in the conduct of national affairs, which
is sure to be accorded to the military ele
ment—all these considerations forbid the
idea of our living under a Union such us
that under which we lived and thrived
from 177<'» to 1861. This statement may
appal the thousands of good people who
live in the past and dream of days that are
no more. These days not only are, but
can be no more. lie is wilfully or stu
pidly blind who does not see the changed
condition of public affairs in this country.
W L may hurrah for the Union, but it is
not the old Union j'or which we hurrah.
The nation has entered upon an entirely
new phase of its existence, whether we
are willing or not to acknowledge it.
" This grand fact was duly recognized
by those who formed this conclave at Ni
agara Fulls. The problem they set to
work to solve was to reconstruct the Un
ion on a plan satisfactory to all sections,
and to convince the Democratic party of
the necessity of adopting this plan or one
of similar import. After long and earnest
deliberation, in which Messrs. Clay, llol
combc and Sanders participated, the fol
lowing general conclusion was reached,
and was tacitly agreed to by the National
Democratic Convention at Chicago.
"THE PLAN FOH RECONSTRUCTION.
"It was, that what was once the United
States bo divided into five separate confed
eracies, r#6h independent of the other in
the management of its local affairs, yet
bound to each other in certain respects, of
which I shall speak hereafter. These
confederacies, as divided, were to consist
of the following states : _ .
" 1. The Cotton and South Atlantic
states.
" 2. The Trans-Mississippi states.
"3. The states of the great Northwest.
"4. The Middle states.
" 5. The New England states.
" In relation to the states comprised in
this last division, there was no little de
bate as to the propriety or expediency of
admitting to the geueral Union at all.—
Whether justly or not, it cannot be dis
guised that they are no favorites with the
majority of the people which comprised
the old Union. The reasons for the hos
tility of feeling which the rebelious states
bear to them in too apparent to need spe
cification. What are kuowu as'the loyal
states have many reasons for disliking
their New England associates."
These "reasons" why the robe Is and
the Chicago Convention dislike Now Eng
land are recited. Wo omit them here,
as they can be seen in most of the speech
es of Vallandigham, Cox, Fernando Wood
and other supporters of the Chicago nomi
nee. The Mercury goes on :
" Such, in brief, are some of the con
siderations that influenced the delibera
tions of tiiis conclave of politicians at
Niagara I'aHs in leaving the question open
whethef New England should be admit
ted to the New Confederacy which they
were planning. The merits or demerits
of such a policy is not to the point. I
am only narrating what wassaid and done,
not what others may think ought to have
been said and done.
" Another important feature of this
proposed confederation is a provision for
admitting to it, in case circumstances war
rant it, the Providences inßritish Ameri
ca and what is now the empire of Mftxi
co. But this is an event so far in the fu
ture that it cannot claim more than a
mere mention of its possibility. I there
fore pass onto the conditions for (lie con
struction of this Union of the future.
CONDITIONS OF TIIK NEW UNION
'■ Leaving to the separate confedera
cies—l use tlic term in its generic sense
—the right to maaago tlieir domestic af
fairs as they may choose, they are to be
hound to each other hy alliances offensito
and defensive. Such questions as effect
the interests of all are to ho considered hy
a sort of general council, composed of rep
resentatives from each confederacy, more
nntialagous to our present cabinet or Sen
ate than the House of Representatives.
There are to be no restrictions of any kind
upon inter confederate trade or travel.—
In a word, it would be oue grand confed
eration of' confederacies, bound to each
other by bonds of commercial union, each
independent of the other, yot having a
share and an interest in tho control of af
fairs affecting tho common welfare of all.
" It will rcudily occur to tho minds of
your readers thot this plan is nearly iden
tical in its essential features with the well
kuown Zollvcreiu of Customs Union of
th 3 German States.
"THE NEW CONFEDERACY ANII THE DE
MOCRACY-.*
" Thin project , I hardly need add, re
ceieeil the cnilortement of the leai/er* of
tlir Demm ratic party, anil hi/ than wan
inhririirrn with tin action if the. Chica
go Con Prut ion. ft in uniUmlood that
//on. A Hi/tint Belmont teat the jxrtt to ile
velop thi' jihin ; probably because of his
intimate acquaintance with the govern
ment of the German States. At first it
was received with surprise ; hut the more
it was discussed, the more favor it obtain
ed, until at last it was decided to incorpo
rate the idea with the proceedings of the
Democratic Convention. More than that,
undoubted evidence was received that Mr
jihin is tijC'tnlil* hi thi. lii wsnj Jeff. Iht
lig, though, for ob\iousreasons, he would
refrain for the present from divulging it
to the southern people. Anxious for peace,
but opposed to the restoration of the old
Union, the southern leaders to whom this
project was broached at once assented to
it, and are now desirous for the election of
the Chicago candidate, in the hope that it
may result in a reconstruction of the Un
ion on a basis satisfactory and honorable
alike to the North and the South.
" Of courso, it wn.s uotdcemod prudent
to make all this apparent in the debates of
the Convention, still less in the platform it
adopted ; hut you may rely upon it that
the leaders were well informed of it, and
arc pledged to carry it into execution in
the ccent of the success of the Democratic
party at the polla in November. Tiiue
and circumstances will doubtless cause
certain changes iu the minor details of
the scheme, but they will not alter its im
portant features."
Now, probably thisstory will be denied
by.the Opposition journals; it maybe
pronounced a preposterous and wicked in
vefitiou. We leave them to deal with the
Sunday Mercury, which has always sup
ported the nominee of the Chicago Con
vention, and docs yet, we believe. But
we remind our readers that this plan for
breaking up the Union, amf forming sev
eral separate confederacies, is not new.—
It was proposed and urged by Mr. Val
landighaui in Congress in 1871. On the
7th of February in that year he introdu
ced in the House of Representatives a
joint resolution proposing an amendment
to the constitution, which was to destroy
the Union, and divide into four sections
or confederacies, one to include all the sea
board free states and to be called " the
North •" another to include all the states
between the Alleghanies and frcky Mts.
north of the Ohio, to be called "the West;"
a third, to include the territory west of
the Kocky Mountains, and to be called
" the Pacific;" and a fourth, to include
all the slave states and the adjoining ter
ritories, to be called " the South." This
was Mr. VaUaudiyham's plan more than
NUMBER 41.
three years ago. Ilia joint resolution
evolved a project similar to the ouo now
said to havo been agreed upon at Niagara;
and the acceptance of this by the opposi
tion leaders at Chicago is perhaps tho se
cret of Mr. Vallandigham's ready gup*
port of the Chicago nominee.
\\ bile the people are pondering theso
projects, lot them remember tho follow
iug :
" At a recent tneetingof the Democratio
association in Washington, Dr. Allen de
clared that he would make every proposi
tion to the South to come back again, but
if they failed he would not prosecute tho
war against a people who had a right to
declare what form of government they
would live under. Amos Kendall, who
was present, said 'that was just what our
opponent would have us say —that wo
were willing to divide the Union, if a com
promise could not be bad. L< I us first
i/rcl our men ; untie to J>H t ifoim this in
iquitous (iilniinistriitum, 0111/ then tee can
iln this or 'ln'/ other thing that mm/ bo
practicable ' The Uoston ('nurier, in re
in remarking upon the proceedings, said :
' Mr. Kendall gives the truo key-note to
the democratic music.'"
1 hoy are ready to promise anything for
the Union now ; and to doany tiling against
it, if they gain the election.— New York
I'list.
Mr. Fesseuclon'a Policy.*
It in now nettled that Mr. FeHsrndnn
will run the Treasury on a three year 7 3-
10 Treasury Note, with interest semi-an
nually, in currency.
These notes the holders can fund into n
six percent, gold bearing bond at thccud
of three years.
With gold at, say 200 as an average for
the three years, what are the now out
standing gold-bearing bonds worth, as
compared with the uew 7 3-10 currency
interest notes at par?
The notes for the three years will yield
821.i>0 iu Currency for every 8100.
The six per cent, gold bonds will yield
for the same time 818 in gold, which at
•-'OO is 830.
Now, as the holdcy of a hundred dollar
gold bond is to realize 814. 10, during the
three years, more than the holder, of a 7
3-10 currency note, it follows that the Six
es of 1881 arc worth 114, and more, as
they have earned intcreston; and tho 10-
40s, urawing 815 gold interest during the
three years (worth 830 in currency with
gold at 200), are worth 108.
If gold stands above 200, theso bonds
are worth more than we have estimated
thom at, but if gold falls below 200, then
the bonds are worth as an investment, as
compared with the new 7 3-10 notes, loss
just in proportion to the decline in gold.
With gold at 150, the 10-40s at par
are a better investment, and the Sixes of
1881 are Ixsttcr at 105, than the new
notes. Gold is now 150.
Gold must fall, or the gold-bearing
bonds must rise, under the effect of Mr.
Fcsscndon's policy.— Thompson's Report
er.
Vfiy , The Climax.—A clergyman in
Wisconsin, one Sunday.informed his bear
ers that ho should divico his discourse in
to three Parts—the first should be terri
ble, the second horrible, and tho third
should be terrible horrible. Assuming a
dramatic tragic attitude, he exclaimed in
a startling, agonizing tone:
"What is that I see there ?"
Still louder, "what is that I see there?''
Here a little old woman in black cried
out, with a shrill treble tone :
"It's nothing but my little black dog;
he won't bite anybody."
A correspondent in Sherman's ar
my says:
''An Atlanta papor, of whe li)ti» of Ju
ly, found in the pocket of a dead rebel
officer, states that the men were dispirited
and demoralized at their repeated defeats,
and proposed to break up into guerrilla
bands. Hood however, told them that
their opponents were only a few' '-hun
dred day men," and that they would have
an easy victory. The result soon showed
what a mistake they had made ; and one
of them discovering it threw up his gun
and was heard to say—"My God! it's
those blue star men !"
There is not money enough in
Spanish treasury to pay the employ*
the government whatwasdue them
first of August last. Senor Ba'
well known to Americans, writ a
prolongation, of the present sta' Span
ish financial affairs willendan both the
institutions and dynastry of .
~ ' m , , Spurn.
*ar The folks in St. I •
„ . . jousa arc having
a lively dance oi terror ; c
anacondas, lately "im e ,
East, escaped from th- P orted ["T
had been kept, and * tank in wluch they
search, had. at last ' afk ' r a * 5 *
' captured. accounts, not been