Jfcw York Peace Convention.
SYRACUSE, N. Y., August 18.
The Peace Convention that meets here
to-day promises to be largely attended.
Vallandigham, ex-Governor Weller, of
California, Fernando Wood and Judge
Onderdonk are present, and are going to
speak thiscvening. Several \\ ostei n pol
iticians arc here. At a meeting held last
evening a serious of resolutions were ag
greed upon more moderate than suited the
views of some, and it was determined to
appoint afull delegation to Chicago, advis
ory in its chajacter, and not to seek seats
in the Convention, but this morning the
question is in some doubt, and considera
ble opposition is being manifested.
SECONIJ DISPATCH.
SYRACUSE, August 18. —There were
two mass meetings to-day; one on Frank
lin street and the other near the Syracuse
Ilouse. The largest was on Franklin
Square, Vallandigham and Fernando
Wood being announced to speak there.
In response to loud and enthusiastic calls,
Vallandigham stepped forward and ad
dressed the multitude forait hour or more,
holding their closest attention, except
when interrupted by applause. lie said
he was not here to parade his private
griefs, nor to speak of what he had borne
and suffered in the cause. All such
things were indeed insignificant in com
parison to the great national interests that
are at stake. lie would not say that tiuio
had already indicated almost to the utmost
extent his views in regard to national af
fairs. They are no longer peculiar. They
are becoming most general. It was not
the purpose of the convention to Pow
seeds of discord in the Democratic rank s ;
such was not part of his mission—a dele
gate chosen unanimously to represent his
constituents at Chicago, he would be false
to them and to the interests of his party
and his country were he to lend hiiuself
to such an object. lie would go there
with the single purpose of aiding in brin
ing about the nomination of a sound can
didate upon if sound and patriotic plat
form, and to promote harmony among the
Democrats and conservatives of the coun
try.
There is now but one question before
the country, war or peace. He assumes
that it is the desire of all who love their
country, that first their liberties shall tie
made secure and then her national pros
perity bo restored. There were some who
believed that these objects could be best
secured by war, while a great mass of the
Democracy held that they could be obtain
ed only through peace. A majority de
termined to try war. Wo wereobligcd to
submit, llad we possessed the power,
not one drop of blood would have been
no marshallingof hosts, no hostile cannon,
no mighty debt. The President has had
all the men and all the money ho deman
ded. Never were there such an example
of submission by a people. Nothing has
been wanting that Constitutional power
conceded, or that audacious usurpation
could take from the people, and what is
the result? With more battles fought
than was fought by the three greatest
conquerors of the world in any five years
of their power, is the Cnion restored?
No. A single State brought back ? No.
Is the Constitution maintained or observ
ed? No. Are our liberties respected ?
No. Have we had a free press, free as
semblies, the right of habeas corpus, or
arrests by duo process of law? No. How
is it, in a material point of view. A debt
of nearly five millions, and a currency
worth about thirty-eight cents on the dol
lar, which two months ago was worth one
hundred per cent, and which two months
lienoo will be worth one hundred percent,
less. Iluin is impending, and now in the
fourth year of the war what better is the
prospect of sueees? The war failed in
1861 and 1862—not for want of courage,
for no braver men evefr went to battle.
The campaign of 1803 opened under more
auspicious circumstances, and we were
told that the rebellion would be immedi
ately crushed by the force of arms, but
the end of that year found us but little
ndvanced. The campaign of 1864 open
ed with the largest armies the war has yet
seen. These wore composod largely of
three year veterans, and were concentra
ted for attack upon two or throe vital
points and with what result? Let the
record of carnage and blood answer.
Having tried war so long, shall we now
try some other means ?
He was for trying conciliation and com
promise. We submitted to a necessity.
You have had your trial. You have tried
war for four years. Now let us try our
plan. Our forefathers made our Consti
tution in convention with pen, ink, and
papor, afier debate, by free speech, com
ing from the hearts of freemen, and for
seventy-three years we prospered under it
as no other people ever prospered. Yet
wc had our differences during that period.
More than once the Union was endanger
ed, the difference of 1820 were reconciled
by compromise, and by the same instru
mentality the calamity was avoided in
1854. Clay, Webster, Benton. Cass and
Douglas were there then, and compromise
prevailed through their advice and efforts.
Surnnor, Chase and Hale, the leaders of
the party now in power, and which has
brought the country so near to irretrieva
ble ruin, were there too, and then, as now,
they were against compromise. With a
.Republican form of Oovernment, it is im
possible to koep States together by force
of arms. It is contrary to the spirit of
free institutions; but if it were otherwise,
the war has been utterly perverted by the
administration.
To-day it is not a war for the Union of
under the constitution, and the eyes of
the people are being opened to this fact.
Hence it is that through all the States
the cry for cessation of hostilities is being
loudly uttered. He regarded the call for
600,000 more mcnas a confession that the
war is to be prolonged through 1865. If
you send more men, demand that the war
should be successful, and conducted to the
end for which it was inaugurated in Juuc
last. In his Philadelphia speech, Mr.
Lincoln said that this war would continue
Nt loast three yearn longer. Elect him
and you are committed to that policy.—
There is but one way of avoiding such a
calamity, and that is by a change of the
President through tlie ballot box.
At Chicago we propose to nominate a
candidate who will inspire the confidence
of the people—a statesman imbued with
love of liberty and rcspoctfor the Consti
tution and all its guarantees and reserva.
tinns. lie expected that the candidate
will be committed to a suspension of hos
tilities and a convention of the States.—
That is what a vast majority of the dele
gates from the Northwest were commit
ted to. As to men, we have no special
choice. Let us be united, disregarding
all personal and minor considerations, for
the sake of the cause, and if successful
we will have rescued the Constitution and
secured to ourselves and to our children
civil and political liberty. Arbitrary ar
rests, military trials, and the suspension of
the writ of habeas corpus will cease forev
er in the United States.
lie believed a reunion of the States pos
sible through his proposed plans, through
compromise and through if request for the
South to meet us and see if we can't
agree, so that peace and prosperity will be
once more restored to the country. They
too are tired and weary of the war. They
too want an armistice and a convention.
At the conclusion of his remarks, Mr.
Van Allen read a long scries of resolutions.
They declared that the country has been
passing through a fearful political convul
sion where violence attempts by force to
undo the works of patriots; express heart
felt gratitude to God at the visible sub
sidence of the excitement of passion which
has accompanied this convulsion : they
call upon the people, irrespective of par
ty, to aid in obtaining a permanent sus
pension of hostilities, and the perfection
of some mode of reconciliation, which
ehall again unite our country on a lasting
basis of peace; that it is the duty of the
Chicago Convention to give expression
to this spirit of peaeo. and to declare it as
the purpose of the Democratic praty to.
cause this dessolating war to cease, by
the calling of a national convention in
which all the States shall be represented
in their sovereign capacity, and that to
thisendan armistice shall bo declared;
that if the convention shall place another
war candidate and platform before the
people, there will be no real issue to de
cide; the candidates already nominated
represent all who cling to war, and it is
sound policy to gather together under our
banner all who entertain the opposite senti
ment and arc in favor of restoring the coun
try toitsformcrcondition of prosperity and
happiness only to be obtained by tho elec
tion of a peace President, pledged to sup
port a peace policy; that wo solemnly
protest against the usurpation and lawless
despotism of the present administration,
arid warn the administration to desist its
encroachments upon the rights and liber
ties of the citizens of our Stalo.
Unsolved, That wo will not tolerate the
rule of martial law or military interferc
ence with elections, and any more arbita
ry arrest of our citizens, to the mainte
nmcc of which we pledge our lives, our
fortunes and our sacred honor; that *he re
ply of President Lincoln to Messrs. Clay
and llcleombe furnishes unmistakable
evidences that tho party now in power
have deluded tho people into granting of
unlimited means for the purpose of pre
serving the union, which have been used
and are still used for the base end of over
throwing State institutions, advancing
party interests, and establishing them in
permanent despotic power, that it is our
duty to hold in lasting recollection those
fearless men who in the National councils,
in the press, or in popular assemblies,
have stood up for the people's rights, and
have declared for peace ; that to the end
that the opinions and principles of the
peace democracy of this State- may be
represented at the Chicago Convention,
and may be properly urged upon that body
for consideration and adoption, we here
by appoint a committee to represent us
for that purpose, and while we dis
claim any intention to dictate or to dis
turb the harmony of that body, we at the
same time, claim our right to make sug
gestions in favor of correct principles and
sound policy.
Tompkins Gray, John McCool, Peter
Fuhncr, Theodore Martin, N. Hill Fow
ler, Fernando Wood, Isaac Bedssoll, Ja
cob T. Miller, I). C. Desenberg, D. W.
Woolsey, W. J. Scott, Levi Smith, Oli
ver Kiese, J. A. Flanders, K. J. Cook,
W. G. Sands, Adam T. Baler, J. O. South
worth, Samuel Avery. John M. Jaycox,
W.'II. Cuyler. J. T. Ilapler, John Van
Aller, F. C. Dungan, N. E. Paine, Win.
Burgham, J. Pettebone, and L. L. Pratt.
llesohed, That to the end that the
Peace Democracy of this State may be
represented by organization, we hereby
appoint a State Committc with power to
represent us in any future proceedings
in furthering our cause until peace shall
be obtained and fraternal relations estab
lished between the States, or until super
seded by the people in mass convention
assembled.
I Mr. Luddington. of Oswego, said that
| tho resolutions met liis approval, with
the exceptiou of the one appointing a
committee to Chicago. The Democracy
of the States had already appointed a del
egation to the National Convention, lie
had full confidence in Gov Seymour and
the other members of the delegation and
he was opposed to doing anything here
that looked like distrust of them, [ap
plause.] He moved to strike it out.
Mr. Van Allen earnestly opposed the
motion, contending that the resolution
expresses no distrust of the regular dele
gation, but simply recommended the ap
pointment of an Advisory Committee to
represent the views of the peace party of
the State.
The question was put and the resolu
tion declared stricken out, the ayes evi
dently having a large majority. The oth
er resolutions were adopted unaiuiously.
The meeting then called for Mr Wood,
and he responded, briefly reviewing the
history of the government for the last
four years; he referred to the overtures
for a cessation of hostilities as made thro'
himself two years ago ; the effort of Vice
President 'Stevens to get to Washington,
and the recent conference of Mr. Greely
with the confederates Commissioners at
Niagara falls, as evidence that the South
is tired of war and wants peace. The
North, too, wants peace, and this, he said
would bo attained through the success of
the democracy this fall, followed by an
armistice and a convention of all the States
to consider and reconcile the differences
existing between them.
At the meeting in front of the Syra
cuse House, Judge Ouderdonk presided,
everal speeches were made and letters
sympnthizing with the object' of meet
ing wero reie'ved and real
The rejected resolution was brought
over to the Syracuse meeting The vote
at Franklin Square meeting rejected it
was considered, and the resolution declar
ed adopted. Subsequently this vote was
reconsidered and the resolution doclared
lost.
This evening the third meeting was
held ot Shakspeare Hall. The principle
speaker was ex-Governor Weller, of Cali
fornia. II ere viewed at some length the his
tory of the administration, denounced as
arbitrary and unconstitutional many of its
acts, and expressed himself in favor of
an armistice, and a convention of the
States believing that tho peoplo of both
sections want peace and arc determined
to have it. lie was followed by Vallan
digham.
Meeting adjourned.
hnm tlx- Richmond Elanilner, An*.lll.
Helicls llailiiK and ('III-MIIIR.
Colonel Anderson Charged with Treachery.
Assuming tho correctness of the ac
counts telegraphed from Mobile, the con
clusion is inevitable—a traitor has deliv
ered up to the enemy a powerful Confed
erate fortress, one of tho chief defences
of Mobile harbor, garrisoned by 600 men
and provisioned for six months—deliver
ed it up after a few hours' shelling, and
contrary to the express command of his
superior officers—delivered it up with all
its garrison and stores, and a powerful ar
mament, which has, of course, been turn
ed against the other defences of the city
and hm'bor. It is a black infamy.
This is the first case of surrender of
any post, large or small, by a Confederate
officer to the enemy, in which the marks
and signs of treason arc unmistakable—
if tho dispatch is true. New Orleans
looked bad ; yet there wasuothing which
might not possibly bear the explanation
of criminal improvidence, on the part of
the government, before the event, and a
too nervous fear, when the time came, of
exposing a rich city to shot and shell.—
The surrender of Cumberland Gap was
still worse ; yet drunkenness or incompe
tence, or both combined may be and have
been supposed as a kindof poor paliation.
On tho whole the very mildest theory of
that transaction was painful and the less
said about it the better.
But here what is to he said ? Colonel
Charles Anderson <;f the Twenty-first Al
abama regiment is placed in command of
that fine work ; sees Fort Powell, a minor
fortification, abandoned and blown up (why
we do not yet know;) finds that, the de
fence of the harbor depends now upon his
own post and that of Fort Morgan. He
is "repeatedly telegraphed" by a superior
officer on shore to hold onto his fort; but
after a few shells have fallen upon it—
without any communication of his pur
pose to the commanding General—oil the
" same ni<ht"—that is, on the night of
theTth—this Col. Anderson was on board
the Yankee fleet •• arranging terms of cap
itulation.''
And now comes another singnlar part
of this performance, as we find it on the
dispatch. That document mentions very
often the name of Gen, l'age, and is ap
parently prepared with a view to produce
the impression that this Gen. I'agcVisfc'l
great exertions to prevent the surrender,
(ien. Page's "attention was attracted by
signal guns" at the fort. Gen. Page in
quired by signal wbat his (Anderson's)
purpose was. Then Gen. Page repeated
ly telegraphed " hold onto your fort"—
General Page " visited Fort Gaiues that
same night," and found that Anderson was
on board the Yankee fleet. Now was
Genecal Page's time to act, if ever; and
the dispatch tells us that he did act; lie
••relieved Anderson of his command,"
and left peremptory orders for him, "on
his return," not to surrender. On his re
turn ?
Why was the traitor tver to bo permit
ted to return ? His superior officer was
011 the spot; found that he was with the
enemy, and relieved him on the spot —
did he not then give the command to some
other officer to keep Auderson out of the
fort, as he was out, and to let him- stay
among his Y'aukee friends and surreuder
his own carcass only? And if not, why
not? And who is lieneral Page? We
never heard of him before. The com
manding Genera! at Mobile is understood
to be General Maury; why do not we
hear one word of him. and so very much
of Page ?
Of course it is out of the question to
take for granted the perfect accuracy of a
first press dispatch, and especially from
Mobile. More light will be shed upou
that dark transaction in a few days, and
neither treachery nor cowardice is to be
hastily attributed to officers of the Con
federate army; but as the matter appears
to stand now. upon the information which
has come to hand, Col. Charles Anderson
appears to have committed a disgraceful
treason, General Page to have behaved in
a manner yet quite unexplained, and
General Maury to have done nothing at
all.
1 Tho capitulation of Fort Gaines may
probably be followed by the reduction of
Fort .Morgan also; and, if so, the enemy
will then be nearly in as favorable a po
sition for besieging the place as they were
in re.spect to Charleston, after taking the
batteries on the north end of Morris Is
land, Mobile is not even yet besieged,
and has probably the means still of effi
cient defence; but thereducingof all the
outer forts may place the city within reach
of shells; and then Mobile will have a
taste of tho Yankees' peculiar style of
warfare, asalready experienced at Charles
ton, Atlanta, Petersburg and Fredericks
burg—when they cannot actually besiege
a town to scatter and burn its houses over
the heads of its peaceful inhabitants, in
order to reconcile them to the " Union of
their fathers."
The defence of the place now may cost
much more fighting by reason of the loss
of the outer torts ; so that the capitula
tion of Fort Gaines, " to save the effusion
of blood," may, as usual in such cases,
cause the effusion of ten times as much
blood—but then it will not be Col. An
derson's.
BSijr A Lad of seventeen in Lawrence
county, 0., shot four out of eight guerril
las, or fieabooters, who came into his fath
er's house to rob. The rest ran and he
pursued, killing one more. I
tThc gtmcvifan Cittern.
THOMAS ROBINSON,
CYRUS E. ANDERSON, j*' cmors
-71. w. SPEAK, Publisher.
BUTLER FA.
WEDNESDAY AliO. 94,1864.
" Liberty and Union. Now and Forever, One
and 'nteparable.''—D. Webater.
FOTt PRESIDENT IN 18G4 :
ABRAHAM
of Illinois.
FOR VICE president:
ANDREW JOHWSTOW.
of Tennessee.
ProKidrnlial Electors.
R»ATOKIAL
Morton M'Miihaol, Philadelphia.
Th>>maa 11. Cunningham,Bearer county.
RB BEBKXTATITB.
113 Kline W. Hall,
114 Clmrlc* H. Hhriner,
15 John Winter,
11« T)avM M'ConttOffhy,
17 David "W. Wood,
18 I■«!»*<• Ben«>n,
! 19 John Patton,
PtinjuH 1* Dirk,
121 Everard Rierer,
•.'2 John P Penney.
,23 EltfMie/fr M'.fnnkin,
124 John \\. Blanrhard.
1 Robert P. Kins.
2 000. Morrison Coatee,
3 Honrv Riimm,
4 Willi.ini IC. Kern,
6 Rtrt-m 11. Jenk«,
fi Chnrlea >l. Iluitk,
7 Robert Parker,
R Aaron Mull,
112) John A. IlieatMvl,
10 Ki.-tinl I! ftavi'll,
11 Edward llolliday,
12 Charles IT. Kecd,
LOCAL TICKET.
CONGRESS,
THOMAS WILLIAMS.
PRESIDENT JUDGE,
L. L. M'GUFFIN, Lawrence county.
ASSEMBLY,
WM. HABLETT,
JOHN H. NEGLEY
of Ihitter County.
SAMUEL M'KtNLEY,
of Lawrence County.
COM MISSIONED.
A C. CHRISTY.
AUDITOR.
LEANDER WISE.
Bnir " As the people of this State have
decided to give the soldiers the right of
voting, wc suggest to the President to ap
point at least one of the editors of the
Citizen to the office of " Ticket Agent,"
for this county, whose duty it shall be to
take Republican tickets down to the ar
my, and instruct the soldiers how to vote.
If any of them should be drafted, the War
Department might decide his services in
such case to be indispensable, and ho
would be exempted. The editors will no
doubt give us credit for the suggestion."—
IhralJ.
Certainly Mr. Editor, we will give you
credit for tho above; nor would wo have
any objection to visit the army for any
proper purpose. The army will vote this
fall—they will need tickets which will
doubtless be sent them. Should the Cop
perheads choose you. Mr. Fditor, as the
agent to havo charge of the tickets of
Vallandigham'a peace party, wc would
have no objections to have charge of those
representing the loyal millions. Should
this be the case you will please take a copy
of yonr paper of last week, in which you
say " Wc have not gained a single advan
tage in battle this whole summer." It
would, doubtless, assist you iu gaining
their confidence.
Our Kituiifiwii.
In the opening of tho campaign of '64,
we were all full of hope, (that is, all who
really wanted final victory). Our armies
had been recruited up and placed under
experienced commanders with every fe
cility for comfort and efficiency which
could be furnished so vast an organization.
Have the results so far sustained the hi£h
expectations of the people ? We think
they have. •
In the opening of the campaign, al
most the whole of Virginia was occupied
by the army, now how changed
That army led by the masterspirit in their
service has been driven over a line which
many thoughtuntenable ! Richmond as
sailed from the North, East and South—
Lee unable longer to risk a drawn battle,
is compelled to seek refllige behirid his for
tifications ! While Grant is at this mo
ment making a firm lodgement on the
north of the James, from which he can
operate either on Fort Darling or Rich
mond itself—and finally compelling Lcc
to either abandon Richmond or Peters
burg ; after which a close siege can be
inaintaiucd against the remaining strong
hold, the fay of which will then only be
a question of time.
In Georgia tho rebel army held all the
mountain passes between Chattanooga and
Atlanta; and we were exultantly inform
ed that their army under Johnston thus
situated, was invincible! Nevertheless,
it has been repeatedly—notonly outflanked
—but out fowjht —driven before that gal
lant and heroic Union army, which is ev
en how laying close siege to that great im
porium of rebel supplies and munitions
of war. To resist the progress of this
army, in addition to the force which it had
to contend with all through the campaign.
Governor Rrown,of Georgia, callsoutthe
reserved Militia, —consisting of hoys front
sixteen to seventeen, and men from fifty to
fifty-five, the rest of the militia being in
the service already ? What a powerful
j reinforcement the reserve militia of Geor
gia will bo to Hood's deputed army I It
is scarcely necessary to add that Atlanta
—the great center of rebeldom must soon
fall into our hands.
Then, last if not least, comes our vic
tory in Mobile Bay, embracing the des
truction of the rebel fleet—the blowing
up of Fort Powell—the surrender of Ft.
fiaines, and the closo investment of Fort
Morgan, with the capture of near a thou
sand prisoners and about seventy pieces of
artillery; and yet in the face of all this,
our neighbor, over the way, tells us that
" Wo have not gained a single advant
age in battle this whole summer, and it is
no wonder." Shame on such willing bli ud-
Tlio llullcr Ilorahl aiul tlic New
Vorli Observer.
It is painful to notico the wilful perver
sion of truth so often brought out in the
Butler ITercUd. In the last week's issue
the TTerahl, under the caption, "Let us
have Peace," cries out lustily fur peace,
lie mentions no terms, but the drift of
his article would lead us to suppose that
we should make peace on any terms rath
er than fail. lie quotes from various pa
pers, and among the rest from the New
York Observer, to show that that influen
tial Journal is willing to sacrifice all for
peace. In so doing the editor krew that
he was misrepresenting. In the same ar
ticle in the Observer, from which the Her
ald makes his extract, ho could not fail
to see that the < bwrvr urges to a lijor
ous i r'imc itioii of the war, till the rebels
arc willing to come back. This has all
along been the position of the Observer.
Listen to what the Observev of last week
says :
" The religious papers of England ex
press surprise that the Christian people
of America do not speak out for peace.
Wo auswef, they do: they cry aloud for
peace : but they desire a permanent, safe
and righteous peace, and they know that
such a peace cannot be had without l T nion:
our country is one, and it must be one
forever, or wo shall never live in peace.
That is the American theory, and there
is not a loyal man in the country who
does not feel the truth of this theory with
greiter or less intensity.
'flic South is fighting for a separation
from the North, for the destruction of the
Union and the establishment of an
independent government with domestic
slavery as its system of labor. They do
not desire peace without the recognition
of their independence as a rival, antago
nistic, slaveholding government. Wher
ever tlio boundary line be'wccn us and
them is drawiKwe must have rivers, seas,
roads, dim:®, products and interests
more or less in common, "and of conse
quence constantly tending to bring us
into collision. We therefore, as a Chris
tian people, in studying the things that
make for peace, seek for such a basis as
gives us some reasonable ground of hope
that it will be durable. Only the shor
test-sighted COHUI expect a permanent
peace without Union.
11 is on this ground that we have from
the first hour that the South rose in arms
against the common Government, insis
ted upon breaking down the military
power of the rebellion as the first step
towards permanent peace. So long as
wo arc unable to overthrow the armies of
the South, we can not expect tliom to re
turn to their allegiance. Tlicy counted
the cost, as fully as we did, when the war
began. They did not expect to destroy
the Union in a day or n year. And while
they are ablo to hurl bock successive ar
mies that march upon their capital, it is
idle to expect them to lay down their
arms, and take the penalties ol an abor
tive rebellion. Therefore, the military
arm of the South must be stricken down,
if there is power in the people of the
United States to strike it down."
Such arc the sentiments of tho New
York Observer; and it ia tal.se to repre
sent it as wanting peace on any but righ
teous terms. We all want peace. Wc
would sacrifice every thing for it but our
country and right. The l'cace Party can
not be more anxious than we for tho hour
to come, when war shall give place to
peace. Put it is easier to cry "peace,
peace," than togo forth and defend the
rights of the country that protected us.
Yet how many editors and others, throw
their influence against tho raising of a
sufficient army to insure peace ?
False C'liargcN.
There is a class of polititions in our
midst—indeed they are to be found in
small squads all over the country, who
profess to be very much annoyed about
the unconstitutionality of Mr. Lincoln's
doings, and about the cruel objects for
which the war for the Union has been
prostituted. This cte-ss of men never
grumbled when under the conservative
policy of M'Clellan, and others of kin
dred feelings, loyal Virginians were given
up to their rebel neighbors, who claimed
them as their property ! Can any of this
class tell ua by what authority it was
dofte? Under what provision of tho Con
stitution, or law of Congress ? No mat
tor, these were not of the leading class—
the
our Generals were bound to respect.,
Hut wc are told that the war is no
longer prosecuted for the restoration of the
Union, but the overthrow of slavery!
This,those who utter it shouidkuow it to be
false. Mr. Lincoln declares the only object
of the war to be the restoration of the
Uuion, and, unless his actions belie this
assertion, we have no right to discredit it.
But, say they, why then does he issue
his Proclamation of Emancipation? the
answer is easy; for twenty long months
the war had gone on—as our armies ad
vanced; our Generals published their poli
cy, extending their assurances that the
rights of the Southern people should be
protected—their institutions uniuterfered
with. Guards were frequently placed
about tiie mansions of the wealthy ! par
ticularly if thcv belonged to noted rebels.
The slave was informed that any attempt
to rise against the established order of
things, would bo instantly crushed! —
l'oor Sambo therefore had no alternative
left but to hoe his corn and tobscco and
pick his cotton! and thus protected, nil
the South had to do was to keep her ar
mies full—no fear of internal commotion
was to be even apprehended. In return
for this humane policy on our part did
they reciprocate? Yes, by shooting eur
pickets! by boi .iugour dead heroes and
sending their bones South, to be manu
factured into trinkets for Southern ladies,
to be preserved as keepsakes! ! By shoot
ing or hanging, as the case might bo,
those loyalists of Tennessee, Missouri,
Kentucky, Arkansas, or of any other state
that had patriotism and courage enough
to proclaim in favor of the old flag! !
£>id our conservative friends ever com
plain of this ? Did they ever publish
the facts as they occurred ? We believe
not. At any rate, it was during the exis
tance of thin state of things that the peo
ple cried aloud for a different policy. —
Mr. Lincoln was implored to adopt such
a policy as would give those incorrigible
rebels to understand that war means de
truction—destruction, not only to the
rebel army, but to every interest that was
sustaining it. Indue time this change
of policy came, but not until they had
been duly notified of it and an opportu
nity offered them to avert the ruin it would
work them. They, however, were deaf
to all entreaty —the new policy was in
augurated. and under it, 150,000 to 200,-
000, soldiers and laborers, have been ad
ded to the force of the Union, and at
least so many taken from the employ
ment of the rebels—and this is consider
ed by some, a great wrong! ! an outrage
upon the rights of sovereign State;) Li—
Those troops, too, have been employed in
a forlorne hope on many a hazardous un
dertaking, when the destruction of the
most of them was certain! and all this
we are told is wrong! and to reverse this
policy the conservatives are soon to meet
!at Chicago, where a candidate is to be
j chosen and a platform adopted, that will
| satisfy "our Southern brethren." Wo
have no doubt they will succeed—that is,
| in choosing a candidate and framing a
platform upon which Jcff(A|tan Davis him
self might be willing to stand ; but they
will find it a much greater undertaking to
succeed in convincing the loyal people
that they are right, or even honest in tho
choico of the one, or the adoption of tlie
other.
CiiicHKo Convention.
It seems but a natural fitness of tilings,
that the time for holding the Chicago
Convention should be changed from the
4th day of' July, to tho 29th day of
August. On tho former day, our p&tri
otio sires signed the immortal Declaration
of Independence, in which they affirm
that they hold these truths as self-evident,
" That all men arc born free and equal,
with certain inalienable rights, among
which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness." On the latter day, was
born Benedict Arnold. We say the hold
ing of the convention on the latter day,
seems but a natural fitness of things.—-
The career of the Democrats and that of
Benedict Arnold, are so similar, that we
feel like noticing some of the most strik
ing similarities.
1. Arnold was American born, and of
honorable parentage. This may be truth
fully said of the Democratic party.
Tho principles originally enunciated by
tho party were brought forth in great tra
vail during tho reign of several successive
Kings, who essayed to oppress their sub
jects. Thefuthersof the party were men
of noble parts —men who were both pa
triots and statesmen, l'cace be to their
ashes.
2. lie was a great man for war. lie
espoused the national cause at the com
mencement of the Revolution, and was
for war '• up to the hilt," right or wrong.
Such, until recently hasboen the charac
ter of the Democratic party. Although
(he name of Democrat was not known
during the Revolution, yet a party assum
ing that name, having for its leader Thus.
Jefferson, sprung up during Washington's
second term of office. It wasthen known
as the war party, and was in favor of form
ing an alliance with France, and declar
ing war against England in 17' JO. In
1812, it wus the war party. During
our difficulties with Mexico, they were
still the war party, and subsequently, they
favored Cuban and Mexican comjuests,
and always endeavored to bring their po
litical antagonists into dispute by brand
ing them with being the " peace party."
This charge was brought against the
Whigs, during Polk's administration, and
was in the mouth of every Democratic
urchin in the land.
3. Arnold was " bound to rule or ruin."
Make him commander-in-chief and he
woald be loyal; but subordinate him, and
he would not submit, he would deliver his
country to her foes. Because an officer
of his own rank wa3 promoted, and he was
neglected for a short time, he become a
foe to the land of his birth, aud tried to
betray it into the hand of its enemies.—
This has been the course of the Democrat-'
ic party. Keep it in power, and it will be
sparing in its affirmations of loyalty, but
let tho tide turn, and like Benedict Ar
nold, they will plot treason, while under
the oath of office, and if possible, deliver
the land of their birth to its implacable
foes. They havo placed themselves in
such a relation, that national success re
sults in Democratic defeat, and national
disaster in Democratic victory. This is
tho precise relation in which our armed
foes stand to us. In short when they were
in power, they professed loyalty, but when
they lost power, they rebelled, for our
present troubles are nothiug, but tlie re
bellion of the Democratic party against
the government. They goon the princi
ple that they prefer to rule in hell, than
to serve in heaven.
4. Arnold died an ignominious death.
Having forsaken bis country, the British
used him as a tool for a time, but as soon
as their purposes were accomplished with
liinl, they permitted him to die almost
alone, despised alike by his country anil
his country's foes. The Democratic party
is fast following in his footsteps. Like
Arnold's treasonable plot, their plots have
all been detected in time to save thecoun
try, even from I'ierce's and Buchanan's
administration, down to the last develop
ment of tho Sons of Liberty in.the West.
But they are fast coming to shame. The
ignominious death commenced when tiny
declared in favor of the enemies of their
country, audit seems like a natural fitness
of things, that they should prefer tho
birth day of Benedict Arnold, to the birth
day of American Independence, upon
which to hold their last general convoca
tion, to give aid and comfort to tlie reb
els. and if possible prevent the loyal par
ty from saving tho country in its integri
ty. The poisonous dose of treason, alrea
dy swallowed, has produced fearful con
vulsions, mid the present indications are,
that the final prescription will be made out
by the Vallandigham's, tho Wood's, and
tIW Heed's, on Arnold's birth day, that
will end the fearful throes of au ignomin
ious death. We feel likti adding that the
death of the modern Democratic party,
would bcoufc of the Lord's afflicting prov
idences by which he works great deliver
ances to an afflicted nation. May the
timd soon come when tho dying agonies
shall end, for the rest of loyal people is
much disturbed, with the parties mean
ings and its piteous shrieks as life ebbs
out. Exeunt, onco noble, but now igrto
ble Democracy.
The XurllincNtci'ii Coiiispiriioy.
I.MHANAI'OLIS, AugUßt2l.
Some days ago Gov. Morton received a
letter from the East, stilting that a largo
quantity of arms were being shipped to
disloyal parties in Indiana. On the 17th
instant four botes were received address
ed to J. J. Parsons, of the firm of 11. 11.
Dodd & Co., printers of this city. Last
night twenty-two boxes, to the same ad
dress. were received and drayed to Dodd's
office. A military guard was immedia
tely placed around the building and took
possession. Upon examination the boxes
were found to contain revolvers of the best
quality and fixed ammunition. .1.,1. Par
sons, ( has. 15. iluchins, Dodd's partners,
and Wiu. Harrison, Grand Secretary ot'
Sons of Liberty, were arrested and placed'
under guard at the Soldiers' Home, The"
two former tterc released on taking the
oath of allegiance. A book containing a
list of the Sons of Liberty was found in'
Dodd's safe, including the names of the
•Secretary and Auditor ot State, Attor
ney General and J. J. Uingham. editor of
the Srntbir /, and Dames of four hundred
rebel prisoners and third degree members.-
11. 11. Dodd is Grand Commander of the :
Order of Sons of Liberty in Indiana.
GEXKICAL (JRAXT.
WAR DEPARTMENT, I
WASHINGTON, August 18. Y
To Major General Juo. A. Dix :
A dispatch from General Grant, dated
Monday, l(3tb, G:.iO p. m., detained by
the breaking of the telegraph line, has
just been received. lie reports that the
fighting north of the James River to-day
(10th) has resulted favorably to so far
as it has gone, but there has been no de
cisive result. The enemy was driven back
somewhat from their position of this morn
ing, with considerable loss in killed and
wounded, and about forty prisoners left in
our bands. Two l'rigadier Generals—
Chaindlen and Gherrad—were killed,and
their bodies left in our bauds. Wo also
have quite a number of wounded prison
ers. Since moviugnorth of thorivcrour
lowes will pro! ably reach near 1,000 kill
ed and wounded; many, however, ouly
slightly wounded, owing to so much of
the fighting taking place in thick wood.
The enemy have lost about as many as havo
fallen into our hands.
The Department has iutolligcnce from
Geueral Sherman to 11:30 last night, but
ui) operations are reported.
A dispatch from General Sheridan at
Winchester, dated Aug. 17th, 10 A. M.,
roports that Gen. Merritt's division of cav
alry was attacked yesterduy afternoon on
the north side of the Shenandoah river by
Kershaw's Division of Lougstreet's Corps,
and Wickham and 1 owe's Brigades of
cavalry. After a very handsome cavalry
fight, the enemy were badly beaten, with
a loss of two stands of colors, 24 officers
and 270 men prisoners. In a late dis
patch Sheridan says the cavalry engage
ment in front of Font ltoyul wassplcndid.
It was on open ground. The sabre was
freely used by our men. Great credit is
due to Gen. Merritt and Custer and Col
Devin.
(Signed) E. M. STANTON.
Secretary of War.
THE Couutry Parson writes that he
would come over and see his American
fricuds but for sea-sickness. But he La
heartily for the Union and anti-slavery.