tion, is made in the hope that it may do I good without harm. It will favor labor aad avoid great confusion. But why any proclamation pow upon this subject 1 This I question is beset with the conflicting views I Uiat the step might be delayed too long ' or be taken too soon. In some, elements i for resumption have been ready for action, but remain inactive apparently for want of a rallying point, a plan of action. Why shall A adopt the plan of B, rather than B that of A ? and if A and B should "■-agree, how can they know that the gen eral Government here will respect their plan ? By the proclamation, a plan is pre sented which may be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which they are as sured in advance, will not be rejected here. This may bring them to act sooner than they otherwise would. The objection to a premature presenta tion of a plan by the National Executive, consists in the danger of commitments in points which could be more safely left to further developments. Care has been ta ken to so shajie the document as to avoid embarrassment from this source. In say ing that on certain terms, certain classes will be pardoned with their rights restored, it is not said that other classes on other w. will never be included. In saying r\a reconstruction will be accepted if in a specified way. it is not said JRit it will never be accepted in any other The movements by State action for emancipation in several of the States not included in the emancipation proclamation, arc matters of profound gratulation ; and j i while I do not repeat in detail what I have I heretofore so earnestly urged upon this |Mubject, my general views and feelings re- unchanged, and I trust that Con- Bjrcss will omit no fair opportunity of aid these important steps to the greatcon lpnmation. THE WAR POWER —OUR RELIANCE. In the uiidst of other cares, however important, we must not lose sight of the FACT that the war power is still our main TCLIANCE. To that power alone can we look yet, for a time, to give confidence to the people in contested regions that the insur gent power will not again overrun them. Until that confidence shall be established, little can be done anywhere for what, is called reconstruction. Hence our chief cSt care mast still be directed to our army and navy whr have thus far borne their harder part so nobly and well, and it may be esteemed fortunate that in giving the groat est efficiency to these indispensable arms we do also honorably encourage the gallant men, from commander to sentinel, who compose them, and to whom more than to all others the world must stand indebted for the home of freedom disen thralled, regenerated, enlarged and per petuated. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. December 8,1863. PROCLAMATION ACCOMPANYING PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. The following proclamation is appended the message : PROCLAMATION. —Whereas, In and by the Constitution of the United States, it is provided that the President shal 1 have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment; and Whereas, a rebellion now exists whereby the loyal —States and governments of several States have, for a long time, been subverted, and many persons have committed and are now gdilty of treason against the United States; and Whereas, with reference to said rebellion and treason, laws have been enacted by Congress de "\ing the forfeit ure and confiscation of property, and lib eration of slaves, all upon terms and con ditions therein stated and also declaring that the President was thereby authorized at any time thereafter, by proclamation, to " extend to persons who may have partici pated in the existing rebellion—in any State or part thoreof—pardon and amnes ty, with such exceptions, and at such times, and on such conditions as he may deem expedient for the public welfare. And Whereas, the congressional decla ration of limited and eonditrional pardon, accords with well established judicial ex positions of the pardoning power; and Whereas, with reference to said rebellion the President of the United States has is sued several proclamations, with provis ions in regard to the liberation of slaves; and Whereas, it is now desired by some persons heretofore engaged in said re* _ 11- lon to resume their allegiance to the Uni ted States, and re-inaugurate loyal State governments within and for their respec tive States; Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi dent of the United States, do proclaim, _jkflare oud make known to all persons who have directly, or by implication, par ticipated in the existing rebellion, except as hereinafter excepted, that a full pardon is granted to them and each of them, with restoration of all righto and property, ex cept as to slaves, aud property in cases where the rights of third parties shall have intervened, and upon the condition that every such person shall take and sub scribe an oath, aud thenceforward keep and maintain said oath inviolate, and which oath shall be registered for perma nent preservation, and shall be of the tenor and effect following, to wit: 41 1 do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect and defend the Cotpfc. ,jtion of the United States, and tho Um° n . ..States thereunder; and that I will, in likv manner, abide by and faith fully support of Congress passed during the existing rebellion with refer ence to slaves, se lon b - nd go fa r as not re pealed, modifiod or held by Congress Or by a decision of the Su^ me Court; - and that I will, in Bke manner, vbide by pud faithfully gjipport all proclamations of (the President, made during the existing ■rebellion, paving refercpee to slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared yoia by a decision of the Supreme Court, Bo help me God." The persons excepted from the benefits the foregoing provisions, are all who •re or shall have been civil or diplomatic idEoan or agents of the so-called Confed jgate Government; all who have left ju ■dicia] stations under the United State* ■*> aid in the rebellion; ■all who reaign lr their commissions in die army aud United States, and after rebtpoo, anl-|uU who of war, and which persons may have been found in the United States service as sol diers, seamen, or in any other capacity. And I do further proclaim, declare and make known, that whenever in any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mis sissippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina and North Caro lina, a number of persons, not less than one-tenth of the number of the votes cast in such State at the Presidential election of the year of our Lord 1860, each hav ing taken the oath aforesaid, and not hav ing since violated it, and being a qualified voter by the election laws of the State ex isting immediately before the so-called act of secession, and excluding all others, shall re-establish a State Government, which shall be Republican, and in nowise contra vening said oath—such shall be recognized as the true government of the State, and the State shall receive thereunder the ben efits of the constitutional provision which declares that the United States shall guar antee to every State in the Union a repub lican form of government, and shall pro tect each of them against invasion, anil on application of the legislature, or the Ex ecutive when the Legislature cannot be convened, against domestic violence. And I do further proclaim, declare and make known, that any provisions which may be adopted by such State Govern ment in ralation to the freed people of such State, which shall recognize and declare their permanent freedom and provide for their education, and which may yet be con sistent, as a temporary arrangement, with their present condition as a laboring, land less and homeleas class, will not be object ed to by the National Executive. And it is suggested as not improper that, in reconstructing a loyal State gov ernment in any State, the name, the bound ary, the sub-division, the Constitution, and the Federal code of laws, as before the rebellion, be maintained, subject only to modifications made necessary by the conditions hereinbefore stated, and such ! others, if any, not contravening said con ditions. which may be deemed convenient by those framing the new State govern ment. To avoid misunderstanding it may be necessary to say that this proclamation, so far as it relates to State governments, has no reference to States wherein loyal State governments have all the while been main tained. And for the same rcasc iit may | be proper to further say that whether mem bers sent to Congress from any State shall ; be admitted to seats, constitutionally rests | exclusively with tho respective Houses, and not to any extent with the Executive. And still further, that this proclamation is intended to present to the people of the States wherein the national authority has been suspended and loyal State govern ments have been subverted, a mode by which the national authority over every loyal State government may be re-estab lished within said States or any of them. And while the mode presented is the best the Executive can suggest with his pres ent impressions, it must not be understood that another possible mode would not be acceptable. Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, the eighth day of December, A. I), one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty eighth. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By the President: WM. 11. SEWARP, Scc'v of State. COMFORTABLB PEOPLE. —Comfortable ; people arc comfortably and seasonably dressed. You will never have to shiver at the sight of tlieirmuslins in November, or lament over their velvets in the dust ■ and heat of June. Nor will the season of ' life be less regarded by them than the sea ' son of the year; the comfortable clederly gentleman will not ape the fashion of the youthful fop, nor comfortable grandmoth ers excite the pity or ridicule of their de -1 scenduuts by emulating the charms and tresses of fifteen, in auburn wigs and ro ses. Good, simple, and well-fittidg, in every sense of the term—the costume of ■ comfortable people shows that, as they ' are not ashamed of their age, their age : will have no reason to be ashamed of them. 1 Comfortable people will have comforta able things about them; their furniture ■ and household appointments l>eing ever ■ the reverse of what is stigmatized as'gitn : crack.' You may lean back against their chairs, or lean forward on their tables, and neither will 'give way' though you do.— ! Their sofas, if not of the very newest fash ' ion. are infinitely preferable to any invent ed cither before w since—their grates draw to admiration—their fenders are just the right make and heightfor puttingone's 1 feet on ; and, although from a very early • period of your acquaintance you have an ; inward consciousness that you might stir 1 their lire unblamed, your remembrance of 1 the fire of comfortable people for seven ' times seven years is connected with the 1 conviction that no poke of yours could cv ' er have improved it. One remarkable 1 characteristic in the apartments of com ' fortable people is, that they always appear 1 larger, in proportion to their actual dimcn ' sions, than those of others. You have ' room to breathe and room to move, and ! are never obliged to tumble over half a dozen things you do not want, in your pro- gress towards what you do, as has so often 1 happened toyou in houses double the size ! of theirs. Then, too, there is such an ex > hilarating, wholesome atmosphere in rooms that are regularly and discreetly ventila • ted, and in which nothing rusty, musty, or ' fusty, is suffered to abide. t6r Ablution is a duty somewhat too > strictly ineuloated in the Mohometan ritu ; al, and often toe laxly observed in Chris ' tian practice. As a man may have a dirty 112 body, and an undefiled mind, so may he l have clean hands in a literal and not in a J metaphorical sense. As washes and cos -1 metus without, he may yet have a moral i hydrophobia within. Pleasant to see an im-purita*. of this stamp holding his nose 3 lest the wind should come between a hon > est scavenger and his gentility, while his 3 own character stinks io the public nostrils. It u a very pleasant and proper i thing, no doubt, to nave a purpose, but - happy ia the man who can indulge in the I luxury, now and then, of having none at • all; who can give over at intervals, the > steeple-chase '.of the world and save a ■ his hand acrdss his <thc Cittern. THOMAS BOBINBON, ix;. rtitorß CYBUS E. ANDEBSON, }* aitors - IbutlEß PA~ WEDXESAI«. *3-"LIBERTY END UNION, NOW AND FORNVER, ONO IRTD'NSEPARE'ATE.'* —O. WEBSTER. FOB PRESIDENT IN 1864 ! AF.KAHAI LIUCOLy. To THE PUBLlC. —Having incurred the expenditure, and taken upon us the labor and responsibility of publishing a new pa per for the purpose—as was set forth in oursalutatory last week—of assisting those who are already laboring to produce unity and harmony amongst all loyal men in their political action—thus strengthening tho Administration, and the gallant Union army who have protected and sustained it from the enemies, alike of itself aud the government whose keeping, for the time being, it is intrusted with—we hope our friends throughout the county will give us their influence in the circulation of our paper. Wc hope to be able to supply at least fifteen hundred copies of the Citizen to our friends in this county. A widely cir culated newspaper is tho most convenient way of giviug information of any kind. Send in your names, gentlemen, and give us a trial. See terms on first page. The NCVH from our Armies. It is more than likely, that there will not be much activity in cither the army of the Potomac, or Cumberland, for sonic months to come, as winter has fairly set in, ! and campaigning at this season is very I scvero, and not always profitable. They will both likely go into winter quarters.— Beside the continuous interest felt in the progress of operations at Charleston, it is quite likely that North Carolina and Tex as, whose climate is more congenial tojwin tcr campaigns, will occupy the attention of the nation through the coming winter.— Gen. Butler in the former, and Banks in tho latter, will doubtlcas make their mark bcferc the opening of spring. Tlie Exchange of I'rlwoners. We are sorry to observe a disposition among a certain class of newspapers, to embrace every opportunity for censuring our Government, and thus indirectly jus tifying the rebels. A striking instance of this is observed in reference to the ques tion of the exchange of prisoners—they claiming that our Government is responsi ble for the failure of our agents to procure the exchange of prisoners ; and that the consequent sufferings of that unfortunate class now confined in tho various prisous about Richmond. To all such, and those persons who read and believe their false charges, wc would recconmiend the able and lengthy letter written to the New York Times, by Gen. Hitchcock, whose business it has been to supervise the ex change of prisoners. Wc are only prevented by the want of space, from giving it to our readers in full. In it the General uses tho following lan guage, in reference to colored troops and their officers : •" But it is a most signifi cant fact that, in no single instance has the smallest evidence came to light tend ing to show that any officer connected with colored li-oops, has been captured alive, and held in the South as a prisoner of war; uor has any colored man, employed as a soldier of the United States, been captured in the South and accounted for as a prisoner of war." "To any reasonable man.this glaring fact might be sufficient to show the vile pur pose of the rebel authorities to counte nance, if tlicy have not directly ordered the destruction of this class of troops, whenever and wherever they unhappily fall into their power." But, although the Government is pledg ed to protect all its soldiers, yet, it is clear that this is not the cause of the delay in the exchange of prisoners. Wo lurther quote : " It has been supposed, even in many parts of the North, that the proposition of Mr. Ould, of the 20th of October, for an exchange of prisoners is fair, and ought to be accepted ; but it does not appear to be considered that Mr. Ould has not proposed to yield to us a certain number of prison ers of war and receive a like number in return, which would be a happpy consu mmation that would be at once accepted by this Government." "But his proposition is thatweshall de liver to him all the prisoners now in our possession, amounting to about 40,000 men, and receive in return about 18,000 men, having about 27,000 who might be for a few days, considered on parole, not to take up arras unless duly exchang ed ; and then what would Mr. Ould do with these men?" "Judging by what he has acto&lly re eently done, he would undoubtedly irmmft to discharge these men from under their parole, and put field to fight against X atiou^^^^^^^J men upon bloody battle-fields within the last few months." "To show the extreme probability of this, it is only necessary to refer to a few facta, beginning with the statement of Mr. Ould to Gen. Meredith, officially communica ted to me, that lie, Mr. Ould, would pro ceed to make declarations whenever he could conscientiously feel the right to do so, for th<i purpose of putting men into the field—thus openly setting aside the cartel and usages of war, in favor of his individ ual sense of right—-which sense of right, in Mr. Ould, is so obtuse and wild, as to justify him in making use of a ' tabular statement,' of alleged captures principal ly in the western States, amounting to over 18,000 men, a considerable portion of whom were undoubtedly captured by guerrilla parties, and were not soldiers, but for the most part, peaceable citizens of the country." We think this clearly relieves our Gov ernment from blame in this matter. But the following iB what, we wish more par ticularly to call the attention of our read ers to. " Mr. Ould is a mere agent under the cartel, and has no powers beyond those re cognized in the cartel for the execution of its provisions ; yet he has recently assum ed to decide an important question by which he undertook to liberate from the obligations of their parole the whole of the prisoners, some 6,000 or 7,000, cap tured by Gen. Banks at Port Hudson, and paroled by Gen. Banks under a special agreement with the Bebel commander. The world knows that those prisoners fell unconditionally into the hands of Gen. Banks at the surrender of Port Hudson, and Gen. Banks had the power to scud them to the north if it had been his pleas ure to do so; but he made an agreement with the Bebel commander to release them on parole, and released them at Mobile in conformity with the agreement. Tho cartel for the exchange of prison ers provided two places for their delivery, to wit: City Point on James River, and Vicksburg, on the Mississippi; but it pro vided also, that when either of these pla ces should become unavailable, by the ex igencies af war, for the delivery of prison ers, other points might be " agreed upon" by the commanders in the field. This was precisely what happened. Vicks burg having fallen into the hands of Gen. Grant, had, by that exigency, become un available for tho delivery of captured Beb el soldiers; and when, subsequently, Gen. Banks came into possession of several thousand prisoners by the unconditional surrender of Port Hudson, \\c made an agreement with the Bebel Gen. Gardner, their commander, to deliver his prisoners , on parole at Mobile, and did so. Mr. Ould, without any proper authori ty whatever, assumed to write a letter ou the 10th of October last, a copy of which he has not furnished us, but which has been published in a Bichmoml news paper, in which he attempts to release all of those prisoners from obligations under their parole because, as he undertakes to decide, they were not delivered at places named in the cartel, when the cartel itself provides for other places of delivery than those expressly named in the carte" when rendered necessary by the exigencies of war. In the moan time, however, it can -1 not be doubted that the body of men in question have been put into fW' field to fight again the Federal troops by whom they were captured but a few months since; and this, too, without having been exchanged, and without having been prop erly released from the obligations of their parole. Since writing the above, I have receiv ed an official report from Gen. Meredith, one point in which will be here stated, to wit: that Gen. Meredith, for the purpose of withdrawing our suffering prisoners in Bichmond, distinctly proposed to Mr. Ould that he would send him 12,000 or more Confederate prisoners, as many as he might hold of our men, and receive in re turn our prisoners held in the South; — which proposition Mr. Ould refused to accept, but said that he would agree to a general exchange ; the effect of which undoubtedly would be to cancel the excess of prisoners in our hands by a delivery of about 40,000 for about 13,000 ; to leave the Rebel authorities the entire disposi tion of such colored troops and their white officers as they might capture ; to expose ' Capts. Sawyer und Flynn to their fate un der orders in Richmond, which have never been countermanded; to turn loose again certain notorious guerrilla leaders to renew their ravages in Kentucky and Missouri (neither of which States have ever united with the so-called Southern Confederacy,) to put into the field a fresh army of Reb els, to be recaptured; and, in short, we should deliberately neutralise or throw away a chief part of the power of the Gov ernment at this time, throngh which there may be some hope, by measures yet to be decided upon, of oontrolling tho action of the authorities in Richmond in their treat ment of prisoners of war, and compelling them to respect the laws of war, if they are deaf to those of humanity. We consider that, at this time, the Reb el authorities owe us upon the exchange list more than all of the prisoners of war ■ now bold, as for the pris and come with a body of the enemy, who, having been paroled as prisoners of war at Vickß burg, have been recaptured in arms at j Chattanooga, without having been proper- j ly exchanged. i I ought to state hero that, the Govern ment of the United States would not hag- 1 gle about a few men. more or less, if it were ; hundreds or even thousands, if the ques- i tion was the relief, and that alone, of our i sufferering prisoners in Richmond ; but whoever considers the above statement of facts cannot fail to seo that other questions and points are involved, which it is not safe, if it were honorable, for this Govern ment to overlook. It should be stated also, that an offer was made to the Bebel agent some dayß ago to receive nil of the prisoners from Bichmond under a solemn pledge that they should not be allowed to take arms unless duly exchanged with tho consent of the Bebel authorities, without exisitng difficulties on the subject of excliango ; and that this Government would pledge itself to both feed and clothe prisoners in our hands. This proposition also was rejected, and the Secretary of War thus greatly restrict ed in his means of affording immediate re lief to our prisoners in Richmond; but they have not been overlooked. God for bid. Tlx; Secretary of War has ordered both clothing and provisions to be sent through the Rebel lines to sustain them, although those supplies, from the necessi ty of the ease, have been intrusted to the honor and humanity of the enemy, whose agents may or may not permit the sup plies to be delivered. Meanwhile it is well for tho country to understand that this Rebellion is to be put down by organized armies in the the field, acting upon and destroying organized op position to the Government, and no real progress can be made except in this direc tion, to which end the energies of every loyal man in the country should be devo ted. The progress already made in sup pressing the Rebellion may afford the full est assurance of final success ; and this end will appear the more certain when it is considered that the Corps d'A/rique , in the servico of the Government, already numbers 50,000 brave, athletic men, who are fighting in support of this Govern ment, under the guidance of a body of most earnest and intelligent officers, who count tlieir lives as subordinate to the cause they are engaged in. I undertake to assure my countrymen that the hopes of tho most sanguine have been inorcthan realized, in the facility with which tho Government has brought within its power of organization the colored pop ulation of tho country, and the system contains within itself such powers of ex pansion that Slavery in the South is inevit ably destined to give way before it, when this element is seen to work, as it will in harmony with the organized loyal power of the nation d'-ected to the preservation of republican it> tutions, and the union of tho States under one General Government, capable of giving protection to the whole from both domestic disturbance and for eign invasion." Has" Summary of*ucs(Jay's news from Washington : Some surprise is expressed at Fernando Wood's being able to muster fifty-nine votes for his resolution for Commissioners togo to Richmond and beg for peace. Fifty nine Democrats thus place themselves on peace at any terms on the ground, under Fenando Wood's lead. Gen. Martindale, Military Governor of the District, family and staff, visited the Russian fleet to-day. They were shown over tho flag ship by the Admiral, and up on leaving received a salute of thirteen guns. Gen. Meade demands a court of inqui ry into tho conduct of the recent advance across the llapidan and subsequent retroat. Gen. Sedgwick will command in the mean time, by seniority. Numerous acts of piracy have been planned, and several of the vessels have narrowly escaped a fate akin to that of the Chcspeake. The pirates still retain pos session of the remaining engineers and firemen, and will still do so until they are replaced by others. Tho Chospeake pir ates expect to shield themselves, if captur ed, by producing theirorders from the Con federate Government, a copy of which was handed to Captain Willetts, by them. DISCHARGED SOLDIERS.—The Provost Marshal General has decided that soldiers who have received a discharge from the army on accountof physicaldisability, may be received anew under the lost call for volunteers. They will not, however, be allowed to re-enter the service as veteran soldiers, but will receive only the bounties offered to fresh recruits. The decision will be of interest to many, as it opens a door which has heretofore been closed against them. It is also stated that all men who were in the service on the third of March, 1863, are exempt from the ope rations of the coming draft, All such persons, by producing their discharge pa pers to the BGard of Enrollment can have their names stricken off the list of enroll ed persona. The friends of those who have volunteered since the last draft was made, can have the names of such volun teers also stricken off the enrollment list by furnishixg the Board with the proper evidence of enlistment, 'fciix will begvod Fsom the Xew Turk Tribune. The Restoration of fcxtw, Gon. A. J. Hamilton has left New Or lcens to enter upon his official duties »e military Governor of Texas. We are in daily expectation of news of his arrival at Brownsville. Eighteen months ago, in the summer of 1802, he left his home in Austin, and, aided by the devoted Union ists of Western Texas, escaped through the mountains of that section of the coun try to the borders of the Rio Grande, hotly pursued by the Rebel troops. Here his path was not les3 dangerous and he' nor rowly escaped, on ffiore than one occasion, assassination by the metican bordc.-crs who were in the pay of the Confederate authorities to arrest or murder all \Cho sought to fly from their tyrranieal rule. At the mouth of the Rio Grande he found means to place himself on board of an A merican trading vessel and under the pro tection of the old flag. We recall these circumstances to point out another of the striking contrasts with which the history of this war abounds, and which are excit ing in their interest as the most thrilling incidents of romance. Eighteen months ago a fugitive and a wanderer from home and family and friends—to-day returning the honored representative of the great Republic, and escorted to the State of his adoption with military pomp and power. His first care on landing will bo to issue a Proclamation to the people of the State, calling upon them to join the liberating artny, and to aid in the restoration of the national authority. He will distinctly set forth the fact, and his presence is tho strongest commentary on its truth, that the armies of the United States march not to the subjugation of part of its people, but to the deliverance of the oppressed and the down-trodden from the tyranny of an odious rule. And his call will be hoard and answered. The fleet and adventur ous rangers will bear the summons by night and by day, by hill and dale, thro' hamlet n>id glen, and the sous of liberty will gather not less rapidly, not less surely, thnu tho children of Alpine when the cross of fire sped its quick and noiseloss way to gathor them to the muster-place on Law rick Mead. Many of those who would have rallied at his call lie where no sound of earthly trump can roach them now. Their bones bleach on tho prairies, arc hidden in tho chnppnral, ore washed by their native streams, or still hang from the mountain trees, silent but eloquent witnesses of the vindictivo proscription which Rebellion and Slavery breed. Thousands have fal len on far off fields, from Bull Run to Shi - loh, forced conscripts in a cause which they hated, lighting against a flag which they loved. Thousands have worn out their remnant of life in hopeless mourning and misery, and have finally died broker.-hoarted by the neglect and indifference of tho gov ernment of their choice. But thousands, staunch and true, still remain watching the Northern Star, and each steamer which will now arrivo will bring news of tho swelling numbers of the loyal band. It is not generally known that a fort night before the arrival of Gen. Banks a largo force of loyalists, several hundred in number, had gathered in a loyal camp and were ou the point of undertaking tho re covery of the country between the Rio Grande and the Nueces River. Only the fortunate arrival of one of their leading representative men at Matamoras, who left Now York early in October to carry news of the probable instant movement to the frontier of an expedition, prevented their undertaking the capture of Brownsville. In a private letter, under date of tho 29th of October, he says : "lam trying to hold back any movement for the present, but if I fail 1 must go in and take the chances with my friends. Wc can win, but at an unnecessary cost of life and private prop erty." The arrival of the United States forces preserved the lives of many a true and gallant man for higher duties and a wider fiSld of action. All Texas is stirred with a desire to throw off the hated Rebel yoke. The re cent address of Gen. Magruder bears wit ness to the prevailing discontent, and his later arbitrary acts have fanned into burn ing flame the smouldering embers of lib erty and loyalty, which will ere long blaze out far and wide over tho prairies and mountain sides of the State. The banish ment of Judges Baldwin and Peebles, and tho flight of Judge Sabin, all influential and respected citizens, are evidences of the serious apprehensions entertained by the Rebel authorities of early revolt. The presence, on the border, of Hamil ton—of Col. Ilaynes, formerly Maj Gen eral of tho State, and an old resident of the Rio Grande district—of Mr. William Alexander, long a resident of Austin and a devoted loyalist, and of Col. E. J. Da vis of the gallant Ist Texas Cavalry, late Judge (whom our readers will remember to have been carriad off from Matamoras last Spring with Montgomery, when the latter was brutally murdered, and the life of the former was only saved by the inter position of the Mexican authorities), all of them the beloved and chosen represen tatives of Texan loyalty, point to the pres ent as the time for a systematic and organ ized movement. Quite recently a delegate from the loy alists of Texas visited the President of the United States to inform him, on their be half, that a movement was about to b? made, that the Government of the State would be reoognized, Slavery be absolutely and immediately abolished, the ordinance of Secession repealed or contemptuously disregarded, and representatives be return ed to the Congress of the United States. We look for the movement to begin in the part of the State west of the Colorado, where the German element, which has al ways been loyal to the core, is strongest. If the eastern districts follow the example a General Convention may be called—if not, the counties west of the Colorado will form a separate State Government and call upon Congress for recognition as one of the four States provided for in the joint resolution of admission of 1845. That this new State will demand admis sion as a Free State there is no doubt. It is already practically free. Its inhabit itants are chiefly those who depend on their daily labor for their daily bread, and have been driven here, as elsewhere in the South, from the fertile fields dedicated to slave labor to the rugged uiountai* sides for.residence ThujMMMft movement was begun at Brownsville, id which all the principal citizens took part, »nd a public meetiug was held to obtains Territorial Government (the population be iug then small, comparatively), but the slave lords of the eastern counties signify ing their intention to hold as enemies all participants in it, it was quickly dropped) and every effort made to cover up all con nection with it by the parties engaged— so great was the terrorism of Slavery,6ven at that period. The opinions of Gen. Hamilton on the subject of Slavery are well known. They may be found in his admirable letter to' the President of the United States in Au gust last, when the conservatives of 81a* vory wore striving to persuade the Presi dent to suspond the operations of the Proc* lamatioti of Emancipation, if not entirely withdraw it. It was nfterward circulated in pamphlet form by the Loyal Publication Society of this city? All tho otlife'r T«t< ans whom we have named arc equally fii iii in their determination to purge the Stato of tho evil, from tho effects of Which thev have so seriously suffered, and whole Mal ign influence followed them even to thtflf temporary Northern refuge. These men are abundantly able to deal with all thd important questions which will arise, and from their advice and discreet action wfl anticipate the most impoHaht results It will not surprise us if the movement initiated by them be tho beginning of a counter-revolution, so long and BO anxious ly expected, which will reassert the loy alty of the South. Vet a few days, and wc hope to hear' that the star oft he imperial State of Texas again shines forth in new effulgenoe, nev j or more forever to pale orfado away from the constellation of American Union and American Liberty. THE DESOLATION OP THE SOUTH.—A cotemporary publishes tho following des cription of the misery produced in tho South, written by a lady, whose name, it is stated, would guarantee her patriotism and truthfulness: " The desolation of the Southern States beggars description. Destitution and pov erty have taken place of opulence and prosperity. Men that were worth hund reds of thousands are reduced to utter pov orty. As for the luxuries of life, formerly so abundant in the South, thero are none. Who wore formerly the wealthiest have nothing to sustain life but what the coun try affords, and not enough of that, for by impressment it is taken from them for tho army. Their garments, even their shoes, the families have to make themselves; they spin, weave and dye their cotton, and homespun clothes rich and poor. Tea, cof fee and sugar arc not to be had ; milk and water are the only beverages; Indian corn is their principal food. The families arc broken up and ruined. You seldom meet with a male inhabitant, and if you do, ho is either infirm or a cripple. A large por tion of tho male population are killed in battle, many more crippled for lifetime; many patriotic Union men died of a bro ken heart. What remain aro in the ar my, or in tho employment of the govern ment. Nevertheless, press-gangs cross tho country in all directions in search of men for the army. All ties of social life aro completely dissolved. No courts of jus tice and equity are held—justice is meted out by the military. Universites, colle ges and schools arc all suspended. Tho country in many places resembles a wil derness. Wherever the armies march, there everything is ruined—the crops de stroyed ; fences burned trees cut down - r domestic animals killed, robbed, or taken forthearuiy. But whatever the Southern people may suffer, they bear it with hero ism and resignation ; they have little hope of success. Under the impending con gressional and presidential measures, their loaders deem it impossible to surrender at discretion, and arc resolved to utter destruc tion." Now.—Significant monosyllable that, but how little appreciated ! Whether wo conclude that it is a fault of our ffrst na ture, (which no one will have the hardi hood to do), or of our 'second nature,' as habit has not inaptly been called, certainit is that there is a tendency in mankind to post-pone till to-morrow what should be done to-day. The sacred writings, espec ially the book of Proverbs, afford abund ant evidence that this was tho case when their injunctions were delivered, and mod ern moralists have made procrastination an earnest theme. The pious Dr. \ oung.hns pronounced that " Procrastination in the thief of Hme ; Man reeolve#, and re-reeolvee, ami •lien the same. Here, then, we seo the importance of' Now—the 'everlasting Now,' as Crowley calls it, where he proclaims that " Nothing there into come, and nothing past. Hut an eternal Now dues ever last." This is the feeling that should ever bo cherished by the young. It would teach them the value of time, and the solemnity of the present as well—the Now of which they can alone feel certain, as mortals.— As such they have no to-morrow Suf ficient for each day is its own wort, as well as the evil .thereof. Procrastination is the worst possible folly. The time to act is now. Let our young readers be satisfied fully of this in time—that is, now. PRUDENCE.—The great end of prudence is to give cheerfulness to those hours which splendor cannot gild, and exelamntiomcan not exhilerate. Those soft intervals of unbended amusement in which a man shrinks to bis natural dimensions, and throws the ornaments of disguises which he feels, in privacy, to be useless incun branees, and to lose all effect when they become familiar. To be happy at home is the ultimate rcsultofall ambition—the end to which every enterprise and lttbor tends, and of which every deaire prompt# the prosecution. It is indeed at home that every man must be known, by those who would make a just estimate cither of his virtue or felicity; for smiles and- em broidery are alike occasional, and the mind is often dressed for show in painted honoir and faticious benevolence. To TNE 'officer, who was inspecting his company one morning, spied! one private whose shirt was sadly begrim med, "Patrick O'Flynn!"-called out the captain, "Here,ycr honor!" promptly re- J sponded Patrick, with his handto his "How long M you weara shirt ?" thu/ V* -Twenty-eight inche»'' w \
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers