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Volume VIL, Number 21
E C. E1CX0X, Editor.
0. N. WORDEN, Printer.
LEWISBUKG, UNION CO., PA., SEPT. 4, 1850.
Whale Uomter 335.
The r,cir labors; Chronicle is iued
iv.-ry V. . .!nedy morning t Lewisburg, Union
ioor.", Pennsylvania.
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Advertisements handsomely inserted at 50 ct
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fourth of a column, quarterly. Sin.
Casual advertisements and Job work to be paid
lor when handed in or delivered.
Ml communications bv mail nut come post'
paid, accompanied bv the address of the writer, to
receive attention. Those relating exclusively to
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IIickok, Esq., Editor and all on business to be
adJretred to the Publisher.
O fice. Market St. between Second and Third
O. X. WORDEX, Printer and Publisher.
va"
For the Lewisburg Chronicle,
THE CREDIT SYSTEM-NO. V.
MX MRS. SARAH H flAYCS.
The Printer.
"How dreadfully late you arc.my dear!'
said Mrs. Grayson, the wife of the printer,
ns he entered his own dour at hall past
eleven at night. M 1 have watched and
watched for you so long, that I began to
feel une y.''
"Uneasy I should think you would
have become accustomed to irregular hours
by this time," replied he, seating himself
upon the chair she handed, with a sigh.
You are wearied out," said his wife,
mournfully, as he pressed his hand to his
throbbing temples, "you are working your
self to death, and what it is for 1 can not
conceive."
'I wonder how 1 can help it," he replied
in that desponding tone which proclaims
one miserable alike both in body and
mind. "I am half dead with fatigue, that
is true, but there is no remedy which I can
perceive.lor with all my efforts I am behind
and have been utterly unable to get the
paper out to-day."
"The job of advertising you did Yester
day, I presume is the cause of your being
so late," said she. "Pray, did Mr. Q. pay
you for it five dollars, was it not?"
Yes, but he said I most trust him
awhile, as money was so scarce."
Did you ever hear anything like it T"
cried Mrs. G., indignantly " money so
scarce ! why, that is the hue and cry from
one end of the country to the other. I
wonder how the people think a printer is
to keep up the expenses of his office type,
ink, paper, fuel, rent, workmen and sup
port his family, if every human being
ihinks the plea, 'Money is so scarce,' a
sufficient excuse for defrauding him of his
hoot ttefl."
"Defrauding is a hard word," answered
'he htihflnt!, musingly, " and yet, to put a
rnsu oil w';h promises lo pay a! an indefi
nite -mod, to forget those promises, and
,v;lBps never pay rtt oil unless compelled,
teems very like it. Did Mr.U. bring grain
to-day T" he enquired, suddenly changing
this unpleasant subject.
"No, I saw him hauling a load lo Mr.
's, but he brought none here; You
were in hopes that advertising for necessa
ries would have the desired effect, but you
see there is nothing more easy than to be
mistaken."
"1 think I was mistaken when I selected
my occupation," resumed the printer, bit
terly. "Half the talent and energy (not lo
mention the labor) expended in any other
pursuit, would have placed me ere this on
the high road to independence. My life is
one of never-ending drudgery, and yet how
little do those of our patrons who are roll
ing in wealth ever reflect upon the printer's
actual wants his many privations, or the
shifts he is obliged to resort to on account
of their want of punctuality in making
payments. But I must not sit here talking
all night, as I shall be obliged to arise
betimes in the morning, in order to get the
paper out as early as possible."
"I wonder what's the reason the paper
don'l come?" said old Squire Burley, the
Croesus of the village of N., as he sat
toasting his feet on the polished fender
before a huge fire. "It is pretty near lea
time.and it snows so fast there is no getting
abroad. I wonder what that lazy editor
can be about, to day."
" This is about the twentieth lime this
afternoon you have wondered the same
thing, father," said his daughler Hester,
who sat at the window occupied with her
worsted work, "I never knew before that
a newspaper was so essential lo your
comfort."
' "Essential lo my comfort, Miss V re
pealed the Squire, turning towards her.with
one aperty,"I wonder who ever said that
it was 1 There is some difference in a
thing's being essential lo your com fort, and
being punctual yourself and a lover of
punctuality in others."
" Just so I think, my dear," chimed in
Mrs. Burley, speaking from the depths of
a cushioned chair.whereshe sat like comfort
embodied, her feel half buried in the tufted
flowers of the stool which supported them,
and partially dozing over her knitting
work. . "Just so I think, if n person don't
get a thing when they look fur i!, they don't
want il 4at all, and as the paper is very
irregular, il" 1 were you I would stop il.
There is Mr. M. takes several city papers;
you can borrow ihem, I dare say, when he
gets through with reading them."
I believe I will," said ihe Squire, beat
ing the Devil's Tattoo with his foot, "there
) is no Use in putting up with everything.
"I hope you wont stop ait for such a
trifling reason, Father," cried Hester with
a pleading voice "why, we would get no
local intelligence whatever ; and how do
we know but Mr. Grayson or some of his
lamily are ill, that he has been unable to
get il out to-day Poorman, he looks as
though he had the consumption already,
standing over the case as he does, and in
my opinion no one can be more industrious
or try harder to do his duty. Printers
have a hard lot of it, anyhow a life ol
ceaseless slavery, with little thanks and
less pay."
"People are not expected lo lhank and
pay both, my dear," observed Mrs.Burley,
with a smile of self satisfaction.
" Father, have you paid Mr. Grayson
regularly V asked Hester, wiih a mischiev
ous glance directed toward her parent. !
"Me!" said the Squire, slightly blush
ing, and fidgeting on her chair, " I don't
know as 1 have. He has n't been printing j
hut three or lour years, and he never
asked me for it but once or twice, and I
did n't happen to have the change at the
time however, I shall go up and pay him
off and stop trie paper to morrow morning."
"Man's inhumanity to man
Makes couullea thousands mourn,"
repeated Hester, slowly. e"Pardon me, my
dear Father," she continued, more TJuickly
as she noticed his rising anger, "pray allow
me but a few words they are these : I do
not think thoe persons, possessed as you
are of wealth and many sources of comfort
and happiness, ran sympathize sufficiently
with one in Mr. Grayson's situation. See
how he is tied down with his occupation
what heavy expenses he is obliged to incur
and what care and attention, what great
mental exertion it requires to cater for the
tastes of his hundreds of readers and this
attention, whhether inclined or not, is con'
tinual. The poor editor is allowed no res
pile ; holidays and seasons of enjoyment
may come lo all but him, for the public are
like the daughters ol the horse leach, their
whole cry is 'Give ! Give '. and the sligh
test omission of w hat they suppose to be
duly on his part -or a single exhibition of
the frailty to which he as well as all others
are subject or the most trifling failure in
what they consider the terms of agreement,
is followed by an immediate withdrawal of
patronage ; and while his wants are totally
disregarded, their portion of the contract is
broken with the greatest impunity. Patrons
would do well, it seems to me, to consider
that the obligation is mutual. A good
newspaper is worth to any family treble
the sum usually paid for it, and the editor
who is wearing out his existence in the
effort to instruct, interest and amuse his
readcrs.is in every way worthy of a support
liberally and promptly bestowed."
I guess you must be thinking of taking
one of the craft yourself, or you would not
defend them s.o warmly," said ihe Squire,
quite restored to good humor as he looked
at his graceful child, and rather pleased
than otherwise at the fluency of her lan
guage" but, as we have already had a
summons to tea, suppose we adjourn lo
the suppertable.''
"They certainly are the victims of the
greatest possible injustice," continued Hes
ter, as she arose to (ollow after. " I rec
ollect reading a notice in a country paper
the other day, where the editor says. We
are out of everything bring on whal you
please in the way fjpayment, for nothing
can come amiss. Yet I dare affirm, the
most negligent among those subscribers
would be the first to cry out if their parti
cular tastes and wishes were not consulted,
and to throw up the paper for any cause
however trifling, The best method in my
opinion for obtaining a good paper, and for
insuring punctuality ,fis for all interested in
its success to fulfil at a proper time their
part of the obligation. Let each one at a
stated period pay his subscription his
item of Ihe means necessary lo bring about
a result so desirable and my word for it,
the printer would not be weighed in the
balance and found wanting."
At a man is under God the mister of his
own fortune, so he is the master of his own
mind. The Creator has so constituted the
human intellect, that it can only grow by
its own action, and by its own action it will
certainly and necessarily grow. Every
man must therefore educate himself. His
books and teachers are but helps.
Tention ! de Keah ! A military com
pany composed entirely of negroes has
been formed in New York. To de lef.
opeecu Ul nun. Jiraei'u vaoey, w a.)
In the House of Representatives, Monday,
Aug. 12, 1850, on'the Protective Policy
nnd the Iron and Coul interest of Penn
8) Ivania.
CuitcluiltJ.l
I intend to demonstrate by figures, as
well as by a succinct statement of facts,
thul there is now a great depression in this
branch of business, and to follow '.his up
by showing that llns is the necessary and
inevitable result of ihe repeal of the tariff
oflS42. In the year 1847, there were
employed inthe State three hundred fur
naces, with a capital of twelve millions of
dollars.producing annually, up to 1847,
three hundred and eighty. nine thousand
eight hundred and fifty Ions of pig metal.
This was about the time the tariff of 1846
was enacted, and was about to go into op
eration. In the two years succeeding that
period 1843 and 1849 the amount of
iron produced had fallen from nearly four
hundred thousand tons to about two hun
dred and fifty thousand ions ; and at the
close of ihe present year, il will have fallen
down below two hundred thousand tons.
Take in connection with this, an additional
fact. The whole history of the manufac
ture of iron in Pennsylvania shows, that
in a period of seventy -five years, there
havejbeen erected five hundred furnaces ;
and out of them one hundred and seventy
five failures, or where they have been
closed and sold out'by the sheriff. Out of
this one hundred anil seventy-five failures,
one hundred and twenty-four of them have
occurred since the passage of the the tariff
of 1846. Again : Out of the three hun
dred blast furnaces in full operation when
the tariff of 1810 was enacted into a law,
one hundred and fifty, or fully one half,
had stopped several months ago, and fully
fifty more of those remaining are preparing
to go out of blast with the end of the present
season.
Il will be remarked, that all these iron
works were in successful operation of the
tariff of 1842. and that so far Irom any
going out of blast,new ones were constantly
springing into existence. The business
was gradually rising into importance, and
the consumption rapidly increasing. It
was affording constant and profitable em
ployment to the industrious and toiling la
borer. But the protecting and fostering
hind of the Government is removed, and
we find in this brief period the disastrous
change that has occurred.
Now, sir, in view of all these facts and
I challenge their successful contradiction
permit me to ask, will any man in his sen
ses contend that these are not the legiti
mate fruits of the repeal of the tariff ol
1842, and the substitution of that free-trade
measure of 1846!
Now, if it were true that the prostration
is attributable in any degree to over pro
duction, why did not this manifest itself
when the production was very large, and
constantly increasing, rather than when
the prodnction is small, and rapidly dimin
ishing T This can not be the true reason,
for while the production has tallen off more
than one half, the price has receded in the
same proportion, and that without either
any increased supply or consumption.
The whole facls.os they strike my mind,
lead us to the conclusion, that had the
tariff of 1842 been permitted to remain by
Mr. Polk's administration, this branch of
our national industry, together with all
other great industrial interests, would have
been in a most healthy and prosperous con
dition, instead of, as they now are, falling
into utter ruin and decay.
Nor is il surprising to a person who has
reflected upon the operation of our revenue
system upon home-labor and production,
that such a result should follow from such
a measure. For, had the act of 1846 been
framed with a view to that object, it could
not have been more fully and completely
adapted to the purpose. It is based upon
utterly erroneous principles, making the
condition of our markets and the scale of
our prices dependent not only on the fluc
tuations of foreign markets and foreign
prices, but subjecting the revenue to con
slant imposition and fraud by holding out
the temptation to fraudulent invoicing, and
under-valuations. As a system of protec
tion, it is still more miserably defective.
It affords protection, and almost amounts
lo a prohibition, when prices are high, and
when prices fall affords no cheek whatever
to extravagant and excessive importation.
Thus keeping the supply, in one way or
other, always unequal, the prices unsteady,
and, of course, the trado in an everlasting
stale of rise and - fall of contraction and
expansion.
In this state of things, while millions of
dollars of hard-earned capital is being
destroyed and rendered unproductive, and
many thousandsof our laborers are thrown
out of employment by the operation of
this Democratic tariff and that passed,
loo, in violation of their oft-repealed pledg
es to the people of my State, given by the
friends of Mr. Polk before be came . into
power when it has brought ruin and dis
r-t e tt Y ........ I. C "On
aster upon them, they have petitioned most
earnestly for redress.
The President ol the United States,
elected by ihe Whig and tariff party of
the country, has most urgently recommen
ded l his subject upon the attention of the
peoples' Uepreseniatives in Congress. A
Whig Secretary of the Treasury in a re
port which presents it in a form unanswered
and unanswerable, has recommended the
revision of this meusure in such a way as
to accomplish the desired object. The
Congress has been in session for more than
eight months. The Uemocraticj party,
who made these promises in 1844, and
who broke them in 184C,'are in the ascen
dency in both Houses of Congress. They
have a majority of their party on all the
committees. These petitions, memorials,
messages, &c, in this branch of the Natio
nal Legislature, were sent lo the Commit
tee of Ways and Means with five Demo
crats and four Whigs. And how have
they been regarded! Some of them have
been before lhal committee for more than
seven months ; and thus far they have
been treated, if not with silent contempt.
at least with the coldest indifference. They
have never since been heard of, and are
apparently gone to the " tomb of ihe Cap
ulets." They have not been considered of
sufficient importance by this committee to
merit from it even a gracious denial of
their requests.
In the mean lime, sir, there are others
who areactively employed in counteracting
the efforts of my constituents to obtain re
dress. And among these, a no less for
midable opponent than her British Majes
ty's Government itself, through her am
bassador, who, in a communication ad
dressed to the late Secretary of State, re.
monstratcs against any alteration of the
tariff upon iron. This document is so ex
traordinary in itself, and lhal every person
may read it, I here annex a copy of this
precious moreen u. Here it is :
Ukitisii Lkgation, Jan. 3, 1850.
Sir : It having been represented to her
Majesty's Government, that there is some
idea on the port of the Government of ihe
United Stales to increase the duties on
British iron imported into the United States
I have been instructed bv her Maiestv's
Government to express to the United
States Government the hope of her Majes
ty s Government, that no addition will be
made to the duties imposed by ihe present
tarill of the United States, which already
weign ncavny on uritish productions ; and
I can not but observe, for my own part.
mat an augmentation ol the duties on lint
ish produce or manufactures, made at ihe
moment when theUritish Government has,
by a scries of measures, been facilitating
the commerce between the two countries,
would produce a very disagreeable effect
on public opinion in England.
I avail myself of the opportunity to re
new to you the assurance of my most dis
tinguished consideration.
HENRY L. BULWER.
Hon. JonN M. Clayton, &c. Ate.
Most strange indeed ! That if this Gov
ernment should undertake to render justice
to itself and its own people, such action
would produce an " unfavorable impression
upon public opinion in England !" I have
no intention, sir, to say anything that can
be regarded as disrespectful to Sir Henry
L. Bulwcr He was acting under the in
structions of his Government, and could
not have done otherwise than he did. But,
sir, I ask, what kind of impression is likely
to be made by this communication upon
public opinion in this country ? What
will your people, who have been ruined
and beggared by this free-trade system,
think of it ? Sir, we have denounced be
fore the people of Pennsylvania this tariff
of 1846, as a British free-trade measure;
with how much truth and justice, I leave
the people of this country, with the humil
iating evidence which this correspondence
affords, to decide. 1 look upon this cor
respondence as unwarrantable and unjus
tifiable interference on the part of the
British Government in our internal affairs,
dictating to us what should be the course
and action of the American Congress upon
this great and vital question. Here, sir,
is the fact, undeniably and openly avowed,
that this act has operated beneficially upon
British interests, as to call for the interpo
sition of that Government against any al
teration or change. It remains now to be
seen whether this House and the country
will continue to support and uphold a policy
dictated by a foreign Government, to feed
her serfs and paupers, and build up her
nabobs and aristocracy, at the expense of
her own labor, industry and resources;
whether we will continue to crush one of
the most important interests of our own
nation, paralyze the arms of our own la
borers, and dry up our own wealth to
gratify British pride and cupidity.
This communication has been sent, three
months since, to this same Committee of
Ways and Means, and it remains now to
be seen whether that communication, or
ihe urgent petitions of our own citizens,
will be most availing with the majority of
that committee.
Pennsylvania has to some extent avenged
herself upon tbe pari that thus deceived
and betrayed her ; onJ 1 trust in God she
will follow it up, in such a manner as to
convince politicians of this country that she
understands her rights, and that she in
tends to maintain ihem. Deny us this
measure of justice to which we honestly
believe ourselves entitled ; listen to the sug
gestions of the British Government ; turn
a deaf ear to nil the complaints of our
people, and we shall return back to them
with this humiliating but overwhelming
evidence, that our legislation is controlled
and our policy dictated by British power
and arrogance. And unless I have greatly
mistaken the character and temper of the
people of my State, they will exhibit to the
country, and make their representatives
feel, that there is a place nnd a forum where
her influence will be felt, and her voice
will he heard that place and lhal forum
is the ballot-box.
We are told, sir, that'we ought to pur
chase the articles we want wherever we
can obtain them cheapest and best ; and
that if we can be furnished with iron in the
foreign market cheaper than we can pur
chase il at home, we ought Jo enjoy that
privilege, and not be restricted by the rev
enue laws of the country. Now, admit ling
the truth of the premises which are cer
tainly far from being correct I still can
not see that sound policy would dictate the
course pointed out here. The wealth of a
country, and ihe prosperity of a people,
must consist in the diversity and amount ol
their productive industry. A family might
be able, for instance, to'purchase the cloth
necessary for their clothing at a much
lower cosl per yard than they could ailord
to spin and weave and finish the same ar
ticle for sale themselves ; yet should they
adopt this course, and remain idle them
selves in the meantime ? Can not every
oue perceive that they would be poorer in
the end than if theyhad made it within
themselves, and that they would have less
means left to furnish themselves with other
necessaries of life? What is true of this
family is equally so of a nation, but in a
greater degree, and on a more extended
scale.
But the assumption that a moderate and
adequate protective duty enhances the price
to the consumer, is utterly without founda
tion, as can be fully demonstrated from the
history and experience of our own, as well
as other countries.
I do not intend to travel over this ground,
as this branch of the subject, would of it-
seli furnish material for more than an hour':
speech, and has often been treated here and
elsewhere, with great ability, and is per
fectly understood by those whom I repre
sent on this floor. Let gentlemen take
any one branch of our manufactures, and
see whether the result of protection I
care not how high it may have been in
any given period of ten years has not
been lo materially reduce the price to the
consumer. Look at ihe article ol cotton
fabrics, and say whether the direct tenden
cy of protection has not been to reduce the
price to tho lowest possible standard. I
know no better illustration of this than the
history of the iron trade in Englund. Du
ring a period of manv years, the tariff
imposed by the British Government upon
this article was so high as to amount al
most to a total prohibition. Yet year after
year, the amount of production was greatly
increased, and the price steadily fell until
it was brought down lo a point, about Ihe
year 1825, '30, where it couid easily defy
all competition from abroad ; when, with
great magnanimity, they greatly reduced
the duty, and threw open their ports lo
Iree-trade almost in this article. The tariff1
in England upon a ton of bar-iron up to
about 1826, was something like thirty-two
dollars; yet, notwithstanding, the price con
stantly declined. What is true of this, is
also true of other branches, both there and
in this country. The certainty of a market
invites capital, introduces competition, and
consequently greatly reduces the cost of
production and the amount in market ; and
the number of competitors always secures
the purchaser and consumer against extra
vagant and exorbitant prices.
I will also refer very briefly to another
argument which never fails to be put for
ward by the advocates of free trade thai
protection operates deti imentally upon the
interests of agriculture. That we must, in
other words.take the manufactures of Eng
land, in order to induce them to take our
breadstuff's, and that thus we open a for
eign market for ihe produce of our farms.
IjCI us examine this a little more closely,
and sec whal we make, as farmers, by this
bargain.
In the year 1849, we exported aboui
twenty-two millions of dollars' worth of
breadstuff. England and Ireland took of
this some fourteeu millions of dollars..' We
imported from England in the same year,
upwards of fifteen millions of dollars worth
of iron and manufactures from the same
article. Now, from a careful computation
it is ascertained that the laborers and their
families, while employed in the production
of these articles, would consume eight mill-
ions of dollars' w r h of brcadsuiTs. and
which, il these article-) had been produced
in our own country, would have been con
sumed here, and a greater amount, (as the
higher prices of wag?s here would have
swelled this to at least ten millions of dol
lars, and Ihe cosl of trans; oitaiion, in
addiiion,) saved lo our American farmers.
Here, then, sir, we have eiht millions of
dollar's worth out of the fourteen we sent
lo England and Ireland, returned lo us in
this single article of iron alone.
Why, sir, if ihe entire amount of iron
and manufactures of iron, that are used by
our people, were produced in this country,
instead of so large a proportion being im
ported from ubroaJ, the laborers employed
and their families would consume between
thirty and forty millions of dollars' worth
of breadstuff's at least fifty per cent, more
than we now export to every part of the
world. The same is true to the same extent
of manufactures of wool and cotton. Take
those three articles woolen.cotlon and iron
fabrics, and make a careful computation of
the amount imported to this country from
abroad, and of thi number of persons who
have been employed and who have been
fed and sustained by the productions of
foreign farms while producing them, and
you have an amount of bread-tuffs, foreign
brcadstufls, im;nrted in that shape to this
country, more than double the amount of
all you have sent abroad and which, if
those articles had been manufactured here,
would have been supplied by our fanners.
I have always contended, sir, and I have
not a particle of doubt of the fact, that our
farmers are as deeply interested in the pro
tective policy ns any other cla-s of people
in the country; and that the ODly safe,
reliable, constant consumers for the farmer
are the other clashes of the same commun
ity who are engaged in other pursuits.
But this Iree-trade policy affects the far
mer injuriously in another respect. When
you break down the manufacturing interest
of the country, and throw thousands ol
laborers out ol employment, they are com
pelled to seek some other pursuits, and the
only one left to them is to resort'fo farming
themselves. Hence, from haaing been
consumers of Ihe agiL-ultural products of
the country, they become producers, and
their surplus is thrown into the markets, in
competition with the others, and the conse
quence is, that the demand is no longer
equal to the supply, and prices become
low, as Ihe markets become glutted, and
general depression and prostration follow in
the train, as the legitimate and inevitable
results of this ruinous free trade system.
But, sir, it affects business and trade
most disastrously in another respect. It
causes to an alarming extent whal is called
over-trading or excessive importations.
Within ibe last two years, our importations
have exceeded our exportat'ons.or we have
brought more from other countries than we
have sold to them, forty millions of dollars, j
A simple and familiar illustration will
show what must be the result from such a
state of things. This btlance of trade
against us must be paid, and if not paid in
something that we have to sell, it must still
be met in some way. Now the usual way
of paying this balance, so long as the credit
of the country is good, is by sending our
public stocks abroad. They pay larger
dividends and higher rates of interest than
can be obtained in England. But the mo
ment that stock begins to full, or trade and
business become embarrassed, these come
back upon us ; specie in large quantities is
demanded in lieu of them, nnd to meet the
balance that may be against us. This is
drained from our banks end depositories,
and is shipped abroad. Should this con
tinue any length of time, our banks are
compelled to suspend.the currency becomes
deranged and depreciated, thai confidence
so essential to commercial and financial
prosperity becomes impaired and destroyed,
and general ruin and bankruptcy follow in
the train. Such, sir, is, in my view, a
faithful delineation of the consequence of
free-trade. Such has been, on several oc
casions within the last half century, the
bitter experience of this country under sim
ilar systems of policy, nnd I have observed
the signs of the limes to but little purpose,
if we are not now rapidly approaching to
a most tearful and deplorable commrrciul
and financial crisis, under the operations ol
this free-trade policy. Adventitious cir
cumstances have conspired lo meliorate its
evils and to aert its consequences for the
present, but though postponed, its final and
disastrous effects can only be avoided by
an early and prompt removal of ihe open
ing cause.
The question is frequently asked, why
can not iron be manufactured in this coun
try as cheaply as in England ? There are
a number of most satisfactory reasons, lo
only one or two ol which I will advert for
the present. In the infancy of this busi
ness in England, the government extended
its protecting arm over it ; not by occasio
nal duties, but by a uniform system, which
excluded foreign con petition and gave them
the whole market. This invited capital,
and skill lo its production. The operatives
acquired grea profi -ieny, nnd the utmost
ingenuity wo employed ti b?:-ng the ma
chinery used to Ihe h'jibest state of perfec
tion. In addiiion to this, the business af
fording remunerating profits, attracted to
its sphere large capital, and which emiMej
them to hold out against any depression of
prices, onJ in a measure to regulate the
markets bv withholding the supply. Some
of the establishments in England employ
more than five millions of capital, while
one fiurlh of that is a most unusual invest
ment ia ibis country. The higher rates of
interest, and the greater difficulty of ob
taining the necessary funds Ic holif out
ogainr low prices find an over-stocked
market, operate grea'ly to the disudvan- "
tagc of the American manufacturer.
Again, another very potent reason is to
be found ia the fact, that nearly the whole
value of iron consists of the labor that ha
been applied ; nearly, if n-t ultoiether,
four fi ths of its wh jle Value is derived from
the labor employed iu its production. No
one ho e.x unices this subject caw fail lo
lie struck with the immense difference lhal
exists in this particular. And, for the pur
pose of illustrating this more clearly, I
subjoin a few of the prices of labor for the
same service iu this country and in Eng
land. The following arc the prices paid for
the different processes of making a Ion of
roiled iron in Pennsylvania Rolling Mills
and (hosu of England :
Ft'nn yTvaiua English pri.-e
prirs of labor of labor iii'4.
in lSl'J, per nince reduced
ton. 10 pr cl pr ton
PuJJI. r and his hi-lper $3 50
Roliin; lh pud-lied bir 72
Snndrv lahor
lsi,,i. i, f. KU, !
Healer and hi helper 87J
Rolling HA
Straightening and Cni.hing I U4
Sundry l .bor 1 20 J
9 SI j
3 Sol
3 S5J
DilT. renre $ 36
1 might cite many more instances, but
tho forgoing table will serve lo show ihe
great difference, and explain t every mi
biased mini the reason and necessity for
protection.
Wth this difference existing, it is utter
ly impossible that our manufactuiers should
successfully compete with England without
compensating duties, (hie of three fhin
is inevitable. You must abandon entirely
the manufacture of iron, or increase the
duly, or else reduee the wages of laborers
down to the English standard. What gen
tleman on this tli Kir, I would ask, would
w ish to see the. free laborers of ibis country
degraded to the level of foreign operatives,
who live only lo work, and work only In
live T II appears to me sound policy, as
well as a generous philanthropy, should
dictate lo every one the necessity ainl im
portance of giving competence and. dignity
to labor, thai ihe meritorious and industri
ous workingman may meet with the proper
reward of his toil, and be enabled lo ii.airv
lain the position nnd independence thai be
comes an American freeman.
But gentleman, when pressed baidly en
this subj'i-t, have a final argument lo urgp,
and I believe it has become usual, in a'
most every ease, f r honorable gentleman,
when everything else fails to fly to this as.
a dernier resort, and lliut is, that il is un
constitutional. Yes, unconstitutional for
the American Congress so to shape and
frame the revenue laws of the country as
lo guard J protect our own industry
against foreign competition and foreign
pauperism, and gentlemen reason and re
fine upon it, by following metaphysical
humbugs, until they are lost in the mazes
of abstractionism, instead of looking at
plain, substantial facts, as they oreexis ing
and transpiring around them and through
out the country every day.
But, Mr. Chairman, il is amusing to see
with what facility gentlemen gel rid ol
these Constitutional scruples, when their
districts or their sections of the country
are to be benefited by any action of lite
government. These gentlemen who hold
to this strict construction that you can
not pass a tariff which will discriminate in
favor of the protection of home labor that
you can not print an agricultural report
sent from one or Ihe departments of tho
Government that you have not the power
to establish a bureau, nor to improve tho
rivers and harbors of the country, nor con
struct great thoroughfares, and public
highways yet these same strict construc
tionists, when an appropriation of public
lands is to be made to private Hrpontion
lo make railruads in Alabama or Mississip
pi, or li endow institutions of learning
there, or support public schools, forego all
these abstractions and come up boldly, and
advocate and vote lor such measures. I do
not allude to these si bjects to express my
opposition lo ihem ; I do not entertain such
narrow and limited views of the Constitu
tion of the United States. Nor am 1 influ
enced by such contracted notions ol public
policy . I do not think that the public lands
Ht
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