The compiler. (Gettysburg, Pa.) 1857-1866, August 10, 1857, Image 1
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Ad dresa the Editor and Proprietor, HENRY J. STAJILIS. May 1:4. sH ERI ii , FA LTY. T o tha Voters of .11ions rounty :—Enentir alied by noimrolis friends. I offer myself sx a cVdidate fur the otlice of SIIERI FF at the Welt elution. (sultject to the deci-ion of the Dettibeistie County Convention.) Sitonld Ibe nominate!: and etectrol, I ple.fge myself to dischsrgi the ditties of the office with prompt max and-fidelity ISAAC LIGUTNER. Mountjoy tp— April 6, Irs;. NIMERIIVFA urv. I , l'o the Voters of Adam.: county t Eneourag 1. ed by ntligeroUS friend,. I ntrer myself RN a candidate for the ufßre of SHERIFF at the next election. (subjett. to the kinetic in Rept b 'bean County Cum enunn.) Should Ibe elect- I pledge myself to discharge the ditties of the uthce with promptness and fidelity. ISA AC LEE:PER., Cumberland twp., April 13. 1857. Pi IsEß:FEturr. 1 - 4 1 F LLOW-CITIZENS of Adams county eitf,:r myself as a Candidate for the office of SUMMIT at the Ootoher e l e ctio n , ( s nl t i et i to thu Itemneratio nomination.) If I should be !MI !tacky as to he nominated and be elect ed, shall pledge myself to discharge the du ties o f said °th ee with aohriety and fidelity. SA Ml 7 EL SPA NG Moitotplea \ sant tp., April 20. 1857. REGISTER AND RECORDER.. nrio the Voters of Adams county :—Fellow- I_ elitism's :—Estessuraged by the solicita tions of unuterous friend-% I hereby announce myself as a candidsite fur the office of Register nits! "tawnier. ?subject to the decision of the Union Csmuty Convention. Should Ihe hon ored with 'your confidence and elected, I pledge my best efforts to a faithful and im partial adminirtzation of the duties of the office. . DAVID McCREAItY. trettysbarg, July G, 1837. REGirsirEß ac RECORDER,. fro the independent Voters of Adams Fellow Wizens :—'f he undersigned offers himself to.your eonsideration as s candidate for the office of Register and Recorder of Adams twenty. (subject to the decision of the Deneaoratio Convention.) and respectfully so licits your support and suffrages. Should Ihe nominated and, elected. my endeavours shall be to discharge vie dunes of the office with ft ielity sod Impartiality. JOIIN L. GUTIERNATO:L Cooowago tp.. April 27, 1057. It EI6,IBI I ER & RECORDER. TO She , Voters of Adams county:—At the ,aolicitation of numerous friends, I offer myself as a candidate for the office of Regis ter & Recorder, at the next election, (subject to the deciAiun of the Democratic County Convention.) Should I be nominated ant elected. I pledge myself to discharge the du ties of the office to the best Of to ability. \VIL OqatagEß. Bendersville, June S, , REGINMER A: RECORDER. 011,i) the Voters of Adams County.—Fellow Aitizena Being encouraged by numer .ousifejenda. I offer !myself to your consideration Jas & candidate for the office of Register and Recorder at the next elecuon, (subject to the ; action AO the Democratic County Convention.) AtkillimAld [ receive the n - iminstion and be . .j e ctS,o44mll duly appreciate your confidence, iiii d:proakthe to discharge the duties of the .onice.proopptly and with fidelity. your obedi.•nt servant. 'L ICHARIAII MYERS. - Tyrone tp., Apnl 27, 1057. :PIROTIIONOTA HY. _ l 'Z are authorized to announce that Dr. ~OC. E. COLDSIWItt..II"C: 11, of llunters town, will be a cap:Hai:3e for the office of Pr.A,lleiotary-_-4itbject to the decision of the Democratic County Cunreution—at the en 'mink election. Jutte4s, 1857. CLERK., THE COURTS. rrO THE VOTERS OF ADAMS COUN- A, Ty.—Tbe undert•igned, at the fwlicita - tionf of numerous friends, offers himself to Jouroonsideration es a candidate fur the nfftee of Citik of the Courts, at the next election, (aniViet to decision of the Democratic .ColsaityZonvention.) Should Ibe nominated. A rid *key* the people may ralf upon a faith ful **ow of duty on my part. GEORGE BIJSEIMAIS% Tru,sd (IT., June 29, 1857. 01SFINTS. Ribbons, Parasols and Shawls B aibe had very cheap at FAHNESTOCK BROTHERS. A DEMOCRATIC AND FAMILY JOURNAL. ~~~ ~ ~~~. TILE M.II:TI.V. There's music cheerful note, There's freedom in his - wing, Anil his simple, merry lays denote The approach of gentle spring. A welcome harbinger is he Of mild and gentle weather, Of rosy morns and balmy eves, And fields of bloomine heather. • A blithe companion is he to, The son of toil and trade. Who cannot leave the &sty etrCeta To seek the forest shade, •• But yet can hear the Mardn'acherp, As from his attic height Ije pours his merry carols forth, -- -Frotn early dawn till nighe. Then doom him not to prison wires, The sky his cage shall be ; ► The heart a merrier song sends forth When tuned for liberty. And let him sing thub—ever sing; At sunribe or at even, Ills merry, happy, grateful song thankfulness to Ileaten. 411irirrilatrtit5. rEZ•The prbforind theo'o.rical wisdom of sonic of our Scriptural expository is very amusing, or would Ire, if the sub ; jeet were not too Si•ri(otis tirr amusinent. "A short time ranee,'' SO %%Tall Yu Ilii nois frit' I "i It the Universalist Sab bath-school in Oquawka, in the Hoosier State, the question was asked, what the Savior meant when he said, Put not new cloth Into an old garment:— It passed all around the school, and no one was prepared to answer, when the Superititeinleot was called on to e xpl a in it himself. With a countenance indi eating deep reflection, and a very orae nlar voice. he remarked : It is very evident to my mind that our Lord meant to teach this Lrreat truth, viz., a hole trill last longer than a patehr" -4- The late Dr. Knox, of Larhert, while entertaining one day a few Of his elerieal friends to dinner, happened rather uneeremolibm.ly to help himself to some vegetables upon the table by using. his lingers, and was told by one of his brethren that he remindedhim of Nehnelunlnezzar; when the Doctor im ntedi:.tely replied, "Oh yes; that was when he was eating with the beasts." 15Eir.hulge Norton,oftlruntly comity, is remarkable tier Li. dignity, urbanity, and love of humor, the latter of which three qualities he dispenses fecely in perfect consistency with the first. "In the midst of Court the other day," writes a Western friend, "the howling were interrupted by the howling ofa do! , that hail been trodden on by some one of the crowd in attend ance. The J udge drew up with great dignity, aud, in a full, distinct voice, said : "‘ Mr. Sheriff, we will excuse the further attendance of that dog upon this Court!'" A Good Custom.—lt is a custom pre valent in some parts of Germany to plant choice apple and other fruit trees by the road silo-, for the more sake of aliging the hungry or finit loving pub lie, all the members of which are wel come to pluck and cat. In some places every alternate tree is marked as a sign that its produce is to he left for the planter, and to the credit of the people be it said, that (in regions were they have not been corrupted by intercourse with the rich and respectable travelers of other races,) this compact is gener ally very honestly kept. " Go "Morry."—The most beautiful Bowers are those that are double, such as.double pinks, double roses, double dahlias. What an argument is this against the chilling deformity of single kiedsteads "Go marry," is written on everything beautiful that the eye rests wins—beginning with the birds of pars dise, and leaving off with apple-blos soms. tiiirA clergyman observing a poor ' man by the road breaking stones with a pickaxe, and kneeling to get at his work better, made the remark, "Ah, John, I wish I could break the doll larix of my 'towers as easily as you are breaking these stone." The man replied, "perhaps, master, you do not work on your knees." is told that when minister _Miles prayed for rain he left nothing uncertain. lie said, "Oh Lord, thou knowest we do not want thee to send us rain which shall Poor down in NTT and swell our streams and sweep away our haycocks, and fences and bridges; but, Lord, WO want it to come drizzle, droz zle, drozzle, for about a week—Amen." Good, if True.—ln the Repertoire de Pharmacies, M. Leperdriel advises to conceal the disagreeable taste of cod liver oil by the addition of about ten per cent. of common salt. Not only does the salt render the oil palatable, but it causes the stomach to digest the oil more completely. ,1(a-A fellow the other day purchased some sausages, and held out a link to his dog, but he refused to eat. "What is the matter with them sausages?" in quired the dealer. "0, nothing; only dog won't eat dog." GETTYSBURG, PENN'A.: MONDAY, AUG. 10, 1857. A DuetSettledby Cask—A Frenchman was to fight a duel with an American ; the conditions were that bnt one shot should be exchanged, and that the pre cedence should go by lot. The French man got the first chance, but Sailed to hit his adversary. As the Yankee lift ed his weapon, the other called out: "hold, I will buy your shot ?" All were astonished at this, but his oppo nent answered, " what will -4:;iu give?" " i it ie hundred pounds!" "Nonsense :" e the Yankee, taking aim again.— " aui a good marksman; yon set too Joy 'a vette upon yourself!" "You esti snifter's* at too high a prim; but I will gitres‘thousand pounds :" " Agreed :" Ord the Yankee and the duel was at a t i 4to n Old Ividel.—The lion. J.. IL Gid di gs has written a chareteristie letter torthe Tribune, in which he says that the "UpdAf Abraham" is jot his God; t h i p re ffepi.ies him and hcild _pi him in Cotempt ; that he is an idol- or the dei ty, of the slave holders, and they are right in worshipping him. Ile (Gid dingqdou't worship nor believe in the God of the Bible, but has one of his own —that is, an anti-slavery God—a nigger, we suppose, some odious creature who winks at' pillage and theft. Seriously, though, is it uot disgraceful that a wide lyi cireuhttAxl newspaper should give t•urreney to this old driveller's blas phemy 1' The Russian :lblleaium.-111 five years front the present date Russia will have attained the age of one thonsand vears, an event to be celebrated by the erec t'p ti n of a monument. for which a sub- s tion has just been net on foot. The n nument is to be built in the city of Novogorod, the capital of the tint ruler of the empire, and voluntary contribu tions in aid of its erection will be re ceived by government officials through out the empire until 1562.. REIr The llartford TihUlt Rays : "That a special law ag-ainst the .4:tie of impure and fraudulent !ignore., with the appoint ment of an Inspector in every town, would do more good than the Maine TM' ever did or ever can do." That's it. Protect us from nUX rorn iea and rotten potato juice, and we can protect ourselvtai against any effects of pure hquots. Another Spur9enc—A brother of the celebrated Mr. Spurgeon hos cunuaenc•- ed preaching in Burton, England. Ile is said to be only 17 years old, and his eloquence, while different in style, is reported to be fully equal to that of his brother. ikit-In Lowell, a few days since, a hard working, much neglected wife met her husband on the street with a n►rte inn, and gave the latter a thrashing on the spot, for which she was fined three dollars. If she will thrash her brute of a husband, we will repay the fine and all costs. DerTo pickle green tomatoes, chop the fruit fine, with two gr:en peppers, add one teacup of fine salt to one gallon of the tomato, let it stand twenty-four hours, then drain it through a culender, then add two tablespdons of black pep per, three of fine mustard, two of cloves and one of c►nnami►u. Put it ►n a small jar and cover with cold vinegar. An rufortunate Typo.—A young man named Knox, a printer, hay met with it sad boreavement; very. An uncle, whom he had never seen, died the oth er day, and left him $75,000. Mr. Knox has the sympathies of the entire craft. sai—A gentleman who recently put np at a log tavern in Wisconsin, was awarlened by a young man, who com meuced a serenade thus: "Oh, Sally Rice, I've called you twice. And yet you lie and snore I I pray you wake, And see your Jake, And opo to hint the door, or winder, I Don't care much which, fur— It makes but little difference To either you or I— . Big pig, little Rout, hog, or diet" ifirMaßter Gibbs is a phenomenon. —Ho is only two years old, and yet I.draws pictures of all possible kinds. !He does it with a stmara of molasses on his mother' s table cloth. " country editor "who turned out to a fire while visiting Chicago, had his pocket picked, losing $4O in money, and his free pass Row he got home is not stattml. /611 - A Nantucket paper denounces hooped skirts, which considering the relations of that community to whale bone, the Boston Herald says, is the height of ingratitude. say -An exchange in speaking Cif a celebrated singer, says : " Her voice is delicious—pure as the moonlight, and as tender as a three shilling shirt." ' arca Wood has made an arrange ment with the Siamese Twins for tire years, for exhibition in the principal southern cities. liiiirA lady in White county, Illinois, has had sixteen children at seven births —twins three times, triplets three times and one the last time. St. Paul's, Minnesota, board is $l4 pet week; washing $1 2541 75 per dozen. iiirThe United States mint at pre sent employs about one hundred and twenty-five persons, of whom thirty five are females. "TRUTH DI MIOIITY, AND WILL PREVAIL." r , 4 c) 4 rW= OF THE DEMOCRATIC STATFI COMMITTEE To the Citizens of Pennsylranin :—lt has been usual for the State Committee representing the Democratic party of Pennsylvania, to address the people of the State pending important elections. In conformity with this usage, which may be regarded as settled and sal utary, we submit the following address : The Democratic State Convention, upon the second day of March tact, and at its re-assembling in June, made nom inations for the offices of Governor, ('a nal Commissioner and Judges of the Su preme Court. For Governor, Gen. Packer, of lA% coming, was named, after a spirited contest, and his nomination a•as then unanimously and rightfully confirmed. He has been long well known through out the State ; has filled a number of responsible and important p sit ions in the State government, and has estab lished a public character which strong ly recommends him to public eouti tience. We conceive it to be a material qualification for this high office, that the incundient shall be well acquainted with the practical workings of the gov ernment—with the course aril charac ter• of le! , islation—the details of busi ness in the several executive depart ments—and with the public men of the Comtnnncc•ealth, who have tilled, or may fill, the various positions created by the Constitution and laws. The contrast, in this respect, between our candidate and the c•:tnalid:tte♦ of the op position, is ton strongly marked to es cape general notice. tune it is hut neces sary to allu d e to it to show the vantage ground held by our party in the pres ent canvass. It may Ix• asserted that the Convention have named the right man for the right place," and that their ninnination deserves popular endor,e ment if regard is had to qualifications and experience. It is agreeable to add, that our candi date has it solid and reputable diameter in private life,.and that his estimable I qualities have endeared him to a large circle of friends who can enter upon his support with feelings of enthusiasm 84 well as with convictions of duty. We do not desire to draw strongly the con trast which it is possible to draw, be tea•een our candidate and his leading op• poneet. Judge Wilmot has had a career as a public man cc•hieh has given him a notoriety. without inspiring con fidence. Imperfectly acquainted with the practical action of the State govern ment ; witlang experience either is the legislative or executive departments; with but u limited knowledge of public men and State affairs beyond his imme diate locality,—he is presented upon a comparatively remote national issue, and as a candidate of a bitter sectional party which received a merited defeat at the recent Presidential election. It is not believed that his career in Con gress exhibited any high capacity to promote the interests of the people of •Pennsylvania. and it is Certain that his recent coarse in the office be now holds, has been calculated to lower the judicial character by connecting it,with extreme and violent partisan disputes. Nimrod Strickland, ot' Chester coun ty, was named by the Convention for Canal Commissioner. lie needs no re commendation at our hands, for his in tegrity, firmness and capacity are not disputed and are widely recognized.— It will be a pleasure for those who be long to our party and for all who desire to consult fitness and merit in bestow ing their suffrages, to give him their cor dial support. By reason of the declination of Chief Justice Lewis, the re-nomination ten dered him by the Convention, and the calling of Judge Black to the post of Attorney . General in the National Ad ministration, the Convention upon its re-assembling in June, found the duty devolved upon it of nominating twe candidates for the Supreme Bench. Wm: - Strong, of Berke county, a distin guished member of the bar, and former ly a Member of' Congress, and James Thompson, oflirie, also a former Mem ber of Congress, once a President Judge of the Common Pleas, an ex-member of the Legislature, and a profound and successfhl lawyer, were selected by the Convention. "Their locutions aresuita ble, giving both to the East and West a representation upon the ticket, and their learning and integrity well quali fy them to discharge the arduous and re sponsible duties of the highest judicial position under the Constitution. Such is the ticket formed by the dell egates representing the Democratic par ty, and support of it. is confidently ask ed in view of the character of the nomi nations. But confidence and support is also invited upon the general ground of principle upon which our party stands. —Ours is no new, untried, vindicative, sectional, or suspicious organization. It has been tried; it is bold and open in conduct ; it is magnanimous, patriotic and national. Founded more than half a century ago by the author of the Dee laration of Independence, it has had a distinguisned history, has ordinarily given direction to the administration of public affairs, and planting itself early, and throughout its whole career, upon 3 strict construction of the Constitution, and a sparing use of the powers of Gov ernment, has preserved our American system from degeneracy and failure. The usefulness of organized parties is sometimes denied and oftener doubt ed. But in view of historical facts it cannot well be questioned that they are incident to free governments, and aria° of necessity ander their operation. An inquiry; however, into the nature of political parties and the canoes which produce them, can scarcely be expected to constitute the subject of a fugitive address. It will he sufficient for pres ent purposes to assert the necessity of oar party to check the evil and danger ous influences to which our political system is liable, and against which it is impossihla that written constitutions can sufficiently guard. Doubtless our constitutions exhibit the wisdom of those who framed them, and the amendments to which they have been . subjected have rendered them more complete and perfect: than they were at first. But a constitution can only be an outline for the action <lf govern ' lent, (beside providing for its estab lishment,) and by construction it may be made to mean almost anything the po litical authorities tbr the time being may choose. It is a chart given to diroct the vessel of State, which can have lit tle effect upon the voyage unless those in command choose to faithfully inter pret and observe its mull- , 1. A party organization, therefore, founded upon right principles of constitutional eon struction and powerfully and constant ly influencing official action, may he re garded as necessary. It is, in short, absolutely required to give a just and consistent direction to government, both in eases depender.t upon eonstruc tun] of the constitution and in cases where the constitution is silent. Be sides, the instability of political action in republics is a reproach to Which they have been often subjected, and is the objection to them which has had great est weight with profound independent thinkers in the old world awl the um. Pint this instability, which arises prin cipally from individual ambition, the selfishness of classes, and the fillet Ha tion4 of opinion, is to a great extent checked and prevented by time predomi nancy of a party founded upon clear awl sound principles of public policy, and acting constantly with reference to them. Now, the Democratic. party is simply the representative of a school of opin ion, and its credit is given it by those who founded and have subsequently supported it. The great men who have spoken and acted for it. and whose names will remnin.stamped prominent ly upon the history Dram country, have been men of strong, clear, sound views of our system of government, and of the rules upon which its administration should proceed. Our party is the pro duet of their efforts; the instrument for accomplishing the ends they pro posed, and it remains a monument of their sagaeity,foresight, and patriotism. They held that over-action in govern ment was a great evil—the most diffi cult to be guarded against, and there fore the most dangerous—and that both within and without the Constitution powerful guards against it were requir ed. Proverbial language conveys the idea in declaring that "the world is governed too much," and that " that government is best which governs least," and philosophical reasoning at tains the same result, in eonelnding that government, being the creature of necessity is limited by the necessities which create it, and k not to be extend ed beyond them. The Democratic par ty has therefore held, and holds, that Constitutions shall receive a strict con struction ; that government shall exer cise no pow era not clearly delegated to it, and that in cases of doubt as to the policy of a particular measure, the con clusion shall be against it.—ln short, that public power shall not be cx .rted except whore a clear warrant and man ifest utility authorize and justify it. The powerful (and we think saluta ry) operation of this doctrine appears throughout the history of the National and State governments, and occasional departures from it stand as beacons to warn, and not as examples to follow. To illustrate our remarks, we will re fer briefly to a number of measures of public policy heretofore proposed to the general or State Government, and upon which divisions of opinion have existed among public men and parties. They, will afford data for judging the value of the Democratic doctrine on the subject of Government powers and policy, of which we have spoken. First—A bank Created by the Gener al Government, owned. in part by it, and intended for the regulation of the currency, and to afford facilities to com merce and business. This measure was resisted, fled all recent attempts to re establish such an institution have been put down, upon the very grounds above stated. ' Second—lnternal improvements to be constructed at at charge of the nation al treasury, to facilitate internal re sources of particular sections. ANo clear authority firr outlays of this de scription appearing, and the manifest dangers to which they lead being ap parent, the action of our Federal Gov ernment on this subject, has been right fully and wisely arrested. Thini—Excessivo duties upon im ports, to the extent of prohibition upon their importation, or to the production of revenue beyond the legitimate wants of government. The federal power of imposing duties - being for the express object of Government support and the liquidation of publics indebtedness, its exercise for an entirely differe,nt object would' seem unwarranted, and would be unjust to interests or individuals against whom a discrimination is thus produced. Theretlwe it is, that against much mused iception and the opposition of powerful interests, the doctrine of limited and reasonable duties has been sternly and, upon whole, successfully upheld. Fourth—The distribution of moneys from the national treasury among the States, believed to be eqaally unwar ranted with the preceding measures, and inevitably tending to the produc tion of speculation and extravagances in the States, has also been resisted, and except upon a single occasion pre vented. Fiftl*--A bankrupt act, ditu4olving the relations of debtor and creditor in a manner and to an extent unauthorized by the Constitution, disastrous to pri vate rights, i injurious to morals, and to the encouragement, mainly, of one of the least meritorious classes of society —the speculator and spendthrift. With hot haste and under the lash of public opinion, the very authors of such an act in 1842 were coerced into its repeal. SLrth—Appropriations of public mo neys or lands, to objects of doubtful con stitutionality or utility ; connected with which, may ho mentioned the allowance of claims, insufficiently established nr unjust. The I)etn4cratie principle strikes as decisively at nil projects for assailing the treasury, by an individual, a class, or a section, in the absence of clear right to justify the demand, as it does at other unwarranted or doubtful measures. &Tenth—The exereise of jurisdiction by the General (lovernment over slave ry in the territories, to the sxciusion of local deeision thereon. Legislation by rongruss upon slavery beyond the 'ex press requirement as to the return of fugitives, is to be doubted, and it' r e gard is had to high judicial decision, express ly denied, as a valid exercise of power. And its inexpediency is yet more plain ly manifest, in view of the dangerous disputes whivh such net ion inevitably produces. Most dearly therefore, is it to be deprecated and opposed,•upon the general doctrine of non-action by gov ernment in doubtful eases. Eighth—The establishment of eon}o rations, either excessive as to nu n or vested with inordinate powers or privileges; and especially pursuits or business within the reach of individual means and skill. Under which head is to be particularly noted, the chartering of banks beyond the business wants of the community, locating them itt points without adequate commerce or 4exchan ges to afford legitimate occupation and failing' to impose upon them such guards against abuse and fraud as are demand ed by experience. The recent resolution on the subject of our State Convention, but indicates the well considered posi tion of our party and its policy for the future. Xinth—The authorizing of municipal subscriptions to railroads and other cor porate bodies to the encouragement of speculation, corruption and the accumn lat ion of public debts. The proposition now before the people for the amend ment of the Con titration to prevent this in the future, is but in affirmance of the principle we have been considering ; for the decision of a divided Court in favor of legislative power to authorize snob subscriptions has not removed all doubts, and has left the powerful objections to the system, upon grounds ofoxpediency, untouched and irresistable. Tenth—The sale or surrender hy Gov ernment, in whole or in part, of any of its constitutional powers confided to it by the people. The attempt to. do this in the late act for the sale of the Main Line of the Public Works ; an attempt which was denounced by the State Con vention, and has since been pronounced unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, may be cited under this head, and de served that reprobation which it has generally received. Eleventh--Sumptuary laws, by which dress, food, drink, equipage, or other . like concern of use, habit or fashion, is coerced. The interference of law in such cases would seem to be unuseful, and is of doubtful authority. Twelfth—Finally, measures directed against a class or sect, and intended to degrade them or limit their civil privi leges. It is affirmed that neither re ligions belief nor birth place will furnish grounds for 'ostracism or a denial of common right. Such are some of the leading measures npOn which politieal divisions have taken place, and on their careful examination it will be seen, that they can al( be re solved into the general question whether the powers and action_ of government shall he extensive or limited. And if we should pnrsue the subject further; this view of the fundamental groand of difference between public men and par ties would be but eon tinned and strength ened_ • We are left then to choose sides in the struggle between power and liberty— between government that meddles and one that abstains — between political New Englandism and the Virginia doc trines of 1798. Neptrality is not possi ble, for almost every public question that arises , compels us to a 'choice be tween contending parties, and the schools of opinion which they respec tively represent. It has been fashionable for apostates from our party to claim that they re tained their principles unchanged, and even opposing parties occasionally ad vance pretensions to the faith and doc trines of Jefferson. How unfounded such pretensions are, whether advanced by apostate or party, will appear front considering the measures of public poli cy they propose and support. If we tind them favoring new projects of doubtful right or expediency, contend ing for extensive jurisdiction for gov ernment and scoff nig at constitutional scruples as "abstractions," we may be sure they are no disciples of the philan thropist, philosopberand statesman who founded our party, and who wrote to Edward Livingston as late as 1824, to endorse the sentiment, that "if sce,havr a doubt relative to any power, we oigiat • *. TWO DOLLARS A-YEAR. not to exercise it." Much more • wo deny their discipleship; if we find their measures connected with intolerance in religion,proscription of adopted citizens, or aggressions upon territorial or state rights, which is manifestly a true- de scription-at this moment of the parties opposed to us. The (so-called) .113syblican party makes high pretensions and challenTert their examination—hut there can be lit tle difficulty in determining their char acter and value, and assigning the party which holds them to its true position before the public. Especially wait bo a work of ease, to explode its preten sion to sound opinions as held by former Republican Presidents, and to bring it within the condemnation which they direeted against the heretical move ments of the times which they lived. The resistance made about 1820, to the admission of Missouri into the U nion, was similar to the recent conduct, of those who misdeseriben themselves; as Republican's In both eases the pro position was, that Congress should pro hibit slavery in the territories (or eallSO it to he prohibited) prior to their ml mission as States. Theargnment against. this was stated by Mr. Madisonsin _the Walsh letters, under all the high sane tions which his abilities und-his position as the leading author of theNnstitutr,m could confer upon it. And it is us welt established as any historical 'et olio be, that. Mr. Jefferson was oppose the Missouri agitation throughout, and to prohibitions of slavery by Congress amid coercion as then proposed. llis eelebrnted letter to John Helmets dated 22d April,, 1820, furnisher conclusive i proof of this, and confirmntion of the fact will be found in-other parts of Ills published correspondence. In his letter to John Adams or Deeemher - 10, 1819, he says: that "from the battle of Bun ker llill to the treaty of Paris, we never had so ominous a question; it even. dumps the joy with which 1 hear ofyour high health and welcomes me to the , want °fir. I thank God, I shall not live to witness its issue." In a letter to the same, April 22, 18:21, ho asys—" what does the Holy Alliance in and out of Congress intend to do with us on the Missouri question? And this by the , way, is but the name of the case ; it is only the John Doe or Richard Roe of the ejectment. The real question, as seen.in the States afflicted with this un fortunate population, is, -are our slave( to be presented with freedom and a dagger." He says to - Mr. Monroe, March 3, 1820—" the Missouri question is the most portentous which has ever yet threatened our Unidn. In the gloomiest moment of the Revolutionary war, I never had anyapprehension equal to that which 1 felt from this source." -To Mr. Short, April 18,1820—he writes —"Although I had laid down as a law to myself never to write, talk, or even think of- politics • to know nothing of public affairs . ; end therefore ceased to read newspapers; yet the Missouri question aroused and " filled me witoh alarm. The old schism of Federal and Republican threatened nothing, beemise it existed in every State, and united them together by the fratornism of par ty. But the coincidence of a marked principle, moral and political, with a geographical line, on ca eeived, I feared would never more be oeliterated from the mind; that it would be recur ring on every occasion, and receiving irritations, until it would kindle such mutual and mortal hatred as to render separation preferable to eternal din cord." He.says to Joseph C. Cable, January 81, 1821—" how many. of our youths, she (Ilaverd College) now has ' learning the lesson of Anti-Missouri-ism, I know not, but a gentleman lately from Princeton told me that ho saw a list of students at that place, and that more than half were Virginians. Thesetaill return home no doubt deeply"imprewd with the Sacred principles of the Holy Al lionce of RestrictionLsts !" And to Gen. ' Breckeuridge he writes ' February 11, 18M—"The line of our division mark ed out between different portions of our confedracy is such as will not soon, I fear, be obliterated; and we are now trusting to those who arc against its in position and principle, to fashion to their own form the minds and affeetjons of our youth. -If, as has been estimited, we send three hundred thous:rod dollars; a year to the northern seminaries for the instruction of our own sons imbib ing opinions and principles in discord with their own country, this canker is eat ing on the vitals of our existence, and, if not arrested at once, will be beyond remedy." In a letter to Mr. Madison." in reference to the Missouri question, he declared that Rufus King (a distin guished federalist) was " ready to risk the. Union fur any chance of restoring his party to power, awl wriggling hiumlf to the head of it." On another occasion, he declared the question to be a mere party trick, that the leaders of federal,- eon defCattsl in their schemes of obtain ins power * * have changed their tact and thrown out anotlier barrel to the whale. They are taking advantage of the virtuous feeling of the people to effect a dic:ision of parties by a genyraphiral line, expelling dial this will insert them upon local . principles of federalism." And finally, his letter to Gen. La Fayette, dated November 4, 1823, contains his judgment of the whole movement, ex pressed with his usual direetnesif and vigor. He says:—" The 11 - ardent Ilik„ veution, the victory of Orkans,4. - peace of Ghent, prostrated thOnanleof federalism, its votaries abandon) it through shame and mortification - 'VD NOW cAra, 'PH KM Salt*, PUBLICANS. Bat the name 1 ' changed, the principles are ** * On the eclipse of federaiietn._ with us, though nut ita extinction, its leaders got up the 'Missouri question, NJ XO. 46.