this course, than I had anticipated, though I
still think the treaty would have been safer
without this clause. -
I appreciate the reluctance of the Senator
to debate this subject. It is no pleasant task.
As he well intimates, it demands strong rep
robation, in strong language. I believe I
have not, certainly I have not intended, to
employ expressions, which do not fairly be
long to the circumstances. I recollect, some
years since, that Lord John Russell, in the
British House of Commons, called Mr. Polk's
Oregon message a "blustering display"—.l
think that was the term. His lordship's dis
play was an unfortunate one, for their was
nothing to warrant the aspersion. But there
are pretensions so grossly unjust, that no
mild epithets befit their character. One of
these we are dealing with to-day. -
Lord Clarendon, in a dispatch to Mi.
Crampton, connects the Mosquito protector
ate with the honor of England, and distinct- 1
ly avows that he has co intention to abandon
it. He, indeed, tells Mr. Buchanan- that the
Government "did" intend to reduce and limit
that right." Mr. Buchanan's retort is a
verry happy one. He intimates that some
proof of this design, more substantial than
the mere declaration, might remove this sub
ject from the controversy. It is not denied,
on the - part of England, that. it must be exer
cised without- bringing with it occupation, or
fortification, or colonization, or dominion.
Now, sir, what is this protectorate, which
cannot be abandoned without leaving a dis
honorable stain upon the English escutcheon ?
How has it been exercised, and what good
has it done I need not go over the histori
cal narrative, showing the unjustifiable pro
gress of this assumption of supremacy over
these Indians. The story has been often told,
and the interference itself has been the prin
cipal cause of more than one war between
Spain and England. It reduced these In
dians, or—if it has not actually done that—
it has aided in reducing them from a numer
ous band of high-spirited aborigines to a mis
erabl remnant of a few hundreds—l believe
not more than five hundred north of the San
Juan—and the decadence has not been less
rapid or visible in their moral and physical
condition, than in their power and numbers.
All accounts represent them as in the lowest
state of wretchedness. "Degraded, as Mr.
Buchanan says, "even below the common
Indian standard"—they can hardly sink
lower. And the contemptible exhibition of
King crowning has been enacted at Jamaica,
-as well as in the Mosquito country, by Brit
ish officers of the highest authority ; and the
head of a drunken savage chief has been en
circled with atinsel royal diadem, and he
has been hailed as one of the sovereigns of
the earth. And the title is in happy coinci
dence with the farce, and must have soun
ded euphoniously to English ears, when the
trumpets blew—and I - suppose they did, as in
the olden time—and the people cried, GOD
SAVE THE KING OF THE MOSQUITOES
Lord .Palmerston seems to have held a
very different estimate of the powers of this
monarch, and condition of his monarchy; at
different times, or, at any rate, to have avow
ed one. He said, in a letter dated July 16,
1849, to the Minister of Nicaragua, that
,"the King of the Mosquitoes had, from an
early period of history, been the indepen
dent ! ruler of a separate territory." "E eon
verso," he said to Mr. Rives, "they have
what i s called a King, but who, by-the-by, is
as much a King as you or I." What a jewel
is consistency ! Lord John Russell and Lord'
Palmerston both denominated this pretension
a fiction. It is so, and a gross one, too: I
might, indeed, characterize it by a stronger
epithet. But, like other members of the
same imaginative' family, it is undergoing a
metamorphosis which is rapidly converting
it into grave fact, which, if not now met and
resisted, will mark its place - in history as
having exercised a controlling influence upon
the fate of those wide-spread regions. The
world is looking on, and doubtless with inter
est watching the course of the disputants,
and, regarding the Cause of - the struggle as an
experiment, wondering whether British pre
sumption or American forbearance can be
carried furthest or continued longest. While
a British Secretary of State is lending his
sanction to such an unworthy transaction, re
ferring to the anointing process as one of
the foundations of the British claim, in a
communication with an American representa
tive, Lord- Clarendon calls the present
chief "a decent, well-behaved youth:" He
may be so; but if he is; he does not derive
his virtues, as he does his realm, from" ered
itary descent forLordClareridon further says:
"his late Majesty, his father, was a bad fel
low." He was a worthless, drunken savage;
all accounts agree in-that. Dead Clarendon
said, inadvertently I should think, with pur
. posed frankness it may be, that the pres
ent-monarch lives in the family of Mr. Green,
the - consul; denying at the same time the ex
ercise of any British power over the region
by means of the royal protege. He adds,
however, "that the consul may be often cal
led upon to give his advice or opinion to the
Mosquito Government."
Well, sir, this is cool, if not satisfactory.
And has Lord Clarendon so low an 'estimate
of mankind, as to suppose that a single man,
either in his country or in ours, canbnfound,
who can be deceived by such representations?
It is making a heavy demand upon' human
credulity. Here is an immense extent of sea
coast-amore than five hundred miles---held
by the British Government, upon this weak
est of all 'pretenses. Thus held to-day, but
to be held to-morrow in full sovereignty by
the right of possession, and,
.if need be, by
the application of power. And all this, while
the wax is hardly dry upon a treaty, -whose
whole spirit is incompatible with even the
exercise of influence for political purposes by
one pFty,.which might, as I have already
said, injuriously affect the other in that mag
nificent region.
But, after all . , Lord Clarendon makes the
following striking admission—and a strange
'ode it is, considering his general propositions:
and pretensions. He says, though Great -
Britain never held possession of the Mosquito,
coast, yet "she undoubtedly exercises a great
and powerful influence over it as protector of
the Musquito king." Who knows, but that
this relation may hereafter assume a position
in the English heraldic college, and as the
sovereign is the DEFENDER OF THE FAITH,
the protectorship of the Musquitoes may take
its place alongstde the boasted motto of the
pious Henry VIII.
I desire to ask the honorable Senator from
Delaware, if this professed abstinence from
interference has been observed, and whether
the British consul has not issued grants of
land, without reference to the authority of
the Mosquito King?
Mr. CLAYTON. - Yes, sir; he undoubted
ly has done so. If the Senator will refer to a
letter of our Minister in Central America, of
the 10th day of July, 1849, addressed to this
Government, he will see there that the Minis
ter states that fact distinctly. He says:
"'Since the seizure of this port by the English,
the municipal and ether regulations have been
dictated by the English authorities, at the head
of which stands her Britannic Majesty's consul
general, Mr. W. D. Christy. He has taken •up
his residence here, and assumed the entire con.
trol of affairs. No written laws or regulations
have been. promulgated; and this gentleman is,
de facto, a dictator, his will being the law, be
yond which there_ is no appeal. He has made
himself extremely obnoxious to the inhabitanti,
without exception, and his arbitrary conduct is
the subject of complaint on every hand. His
sole adherents are half a dozen officials, one of
whom is vice consul, another harbor-master,
others policemen, &c. Although the so-called
Mosquito flag is.ilying, yet, apart from this,
there secnis to be no deference to Mosquito au.
thority on the part of the consul.general. lle
has taken upon himself to disreg ard all leases
and grants of land ma le by the Nicarag, min au
thorities belbre the English, conquest, and as
sumes to sell the same, not as the agent of the
Mosquito Ring, but as her Britannic Majesty's
vice consul.
" This assumption may not be deemed of
much importance, but it will tend to show that
here it is hardly deemed worth the while longer
to keep up the shallow, disguise of " Mosquito
authority."
This will be found on the 135th page of
Executive Document, No. 75, of the first ses
sion of the Thirty-First Congress.
Mr. SUMNER. What is the date of the
letter"!
Mr. CLAYTON. July 10, 1849. Again:
on page 138 of the same document, there is a
specimen of one of these grants, signed by
her Britannic Majesty's vice consul, James
Green; and a statement of sums of money
paid for a survey of the land by Robert Woods;
surveyor, an Englishman. Mr. Marcy in
structs Mr. Buchanan that there is really no
Mosquito •Government• It is as he says,
merely a British Government.
Mr. CASS. Now, sir, I have neither time
nor patience to examine and expose this
ground, assumed by Lord Clarendon. That
the whole of the Mosquito country is just as
much under the subjection of England, as the
Island of Jamaica, is as obvious, as the most
palpable fact which is now passing before
the world.
A few days ago, sir, when this subject was
before the Senate, I recalled some reminis
cences connected with English philanthropic
professions of regard for the Indians, of which
we have heard so much in this country . ;
and upon that occasion, I appealed to the
honorable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CRIT
TENDEN] as a witness of the truth of my
assertions. I renew the appeal to-day, be
cause I know him to be a competent one,
both traditional and personal; for having
been born and lived all his life on. the DARK
AND BLOODY GROUND of Kentuoky;'as it was
called by the Indians, he early heard the
tales of horror, which Indian barbarities, ur
ged on by British agents, brought upon that
country ; and I saw him stand up in battle
against a combined Christian and barbari
an army, where the red man had been subsi
dized to fight the warfare of the white man.
He knew—the country knows, indeed—that
these allies, as they were called by the Brit
ish commissioners at Ghent, were purchased
by a lavish distribution of money, and pres
ents, and Whisky, and by the hopes of gain
ing Indian trophies in the form of human
scalps, to be reaped in a bloody harvest on
our frontiers. This state of things was nev
er more eloquently or feelingly depicted than
by Fisher Ames, in an address in the House
of Representatives, remarkable in our oratori
cal history for its beauty. It took place du
ring the administration of General Washing
ton, on a resolution that it was expedient, to
make appropriationS for carrying into effect
the treaty with Great Britain. The-conse
quences of the failure'to do sa formed 'the
principal topic of Mr. Ames's remarks; and
among these the Indian hostilities, to which
we should be exposed •by English influence
over the Indians, were the most prominent.
His thrilling accents yet almost ring in my
ears. The eloquent speaker said :
4.00 'this theme my emotions are ' unuttera.
bk. If I could find words for them, if my pow.
crs bore any proportion - to my •zeal, I would
swell my voice to such a note of remonstrance,.
it should reach every - log.house beyond the
mountains. 1 would • say to 'the inhabitants,
wake from your false security ; your. cruel dan
gers, your apprehensions are soon, to be _re.:
flawed The wounds, yet unhealed, arc to be
torn open again. In, the day time, your path
through the woods will be ambushed; the dark
ness of midnight will glitter with the blaze
of your dwellings. You are a,' father--;the
blood of your' sons shall fatten your corn - fields.
You are a mother — the'war-hoop shall wake
the sleep of the cradle." •
I look with a feeling of loathing upon this
interference of one civilized . nation with say-'
age tribes living out of its territory, and with
in thadominions of another Power. And the
feelirwreacheri indignatiOn, when'the measure
is cloaked by hollow professions, of philan
thropy, while, in fast, it is dictated by the
purposes of power. Our experience has been
a long and costly one; and i do not believe,
that there has since been any change in this
system of political
. ethics, which accelerated
the downfall of our Indians, and which is
nroducinga similar fate upon the. coast of
Central America. May our aboriginal inhab
itants be everywhere delivered from the pro
tection of such a protector !
Let us survey this matter of the treaty from
another point of view. A Change of position
often _gives increased interest to the same
landscape. Stippose an arrangement like
this had been entered intfi between the French
and English Governments, for the purpose of
securing a transit across the isthmus of Suez,
and a safe communication thrmigh the Red
sea, 'for bOth parties, tO the rich regions of
eastern Asia. And suppose the French Gov-:
ernm'ent bad endeavored, under the claim of
protection, and by means of money—that key
to the heart elan Arab—to, gain an ascen
dency over some of the Isbrnaelite tribes on
the eastern coast of the Red 'Sea, with Con.:
. suls to board and lodge the chiefs, and to give
"them advice and opinion"—those
,are
,the
words—upon all important affairs; I say, sup
posing all this, what would be the course of
the British Government? And the question
becomes still more emphatic, if to these sup
positions we join another, that the French
should add insult to injury by offering such
reasons—no, not reasons, but such pretexts
--for their want of faith, as are coolly presen
ted and urged for our satisfaction and ac
quiescence. I will not the inquiry ;
it cannot be necessary. The answer may be
read in the history of England, and he who
seeks it there can find it. I now renew the
request that the letter of Mr. Johnson may be
read.
The Secretary read the letter as follows
WASHINGTON, December 30, 1853.
MY DEAR Six : I cannot hesitate to comply
with your request, to give you my opinion
on the construction of the treaty of Washing
ton, of the 19th of Aprii, 1850. Pending the
*egotiation of this treaty, I exerted myself
in personal conferences with Sir Henry L.
Bulwer, to bring about an agreement between
you and him ; and, on several ocosions, I had
,the honor io be consulted by you both; parti
cularly in reference to the - declarations made
on both sides, at or about the time of the ex
change of ratifications.
In the first draft of the first article of the
treaty presented by you for the consideration
of the President, the contracting parties were
obligated not "to occupy or fortify, or colo
nize, or assume or exercise any dominion
over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito
coast, or any part of Central America." I
thought then, as you did, that these words
were sufficient to exclude any nation dispo
sed to observe the faith of treaties from occu
pying, fortifying, colonizing, or assuming or
exercising any dominion, under any pretext,
or for any purpose. I still think so; but 1 re
member well that other gentlemen, who were
consulted at the time, desired, from abundant
caution, that Great Britain should pledge her
self not to make use of any protection which
she afforded or might afford, or any alliance
which she had or might have, to or with any
State or people, for the purpose ()I - occupying,
fortifyin&or colonizing, or of assuming or ex
ercising dominion over that country; and, in
consequence, the provision to that effect was
introduced as a part of that article. The ob
ject of this was atilt more especially to dis
arm the Mosquito protectorate of Great Brit
ain in Central America.
- My own opinion was then, and it now is,
that this provision was not at all necessary.
You thought as I did ; but as it could not pos
sibly weaken the force or effect of the preced
ing words, and, if effective at all, could only
serve to render them more forcible and oper
ative ;we did not object to its insertion. If
the former words prohibited, as they clearly
did of themselves, the doing any of • the par
ticular acts specified, an express stipulation,
that such acts should not be done, by or un
der cover of protectorates or alliances, could
only operate still more effectively and abso
lute 4 to prohibit them. As one of the advi
sers of the President, 1-unhesitatingly gave
1 him my opinion, that the treaty did effectual
ly, to all intents and purposes, disarm the
British protectorate in Central America and
the Mosquito coast, although it did not abol
ish the protectorate in' terms, not was it
thought advisable to do so, "in zpsissitnis ver
bis." All that was desired by us•was, to ex
tinguish British dominion over that country,
whether held directly or indirectly—whether
claimed by Great Britain in her own right or
in the right of the Indians. But our Govern
ment had no
• motive and desire to prevent
Great Brirain from performing any of the du
ties which charity or compassion for a fallen
race might dictate to her, or to deprive our
selves of the power to interfere to the same
extent in the cause of humanity. We never
designed to do anything which could enable
the enemies of this miserable remnant of In
dians to butcher or starve them; and we
thought that both Great Britain and the Uni
ted States owed it to their high character for
civilization and humanity, to interfere so far
in their behalf as to prevent the extirpation
of the race, or the expulsion of them from the
the lands they occupied,
_without extinguish
ing, by a- reasonable indemnity, the Indian
title according to the rules of justice, which
have been admitted both by the English and
ourselves. But we did intend, (and the trea
ty contains everything for that purpose that
could be desired) to prevent the British Gov
ernment from ustng any armed force, without
our consent, within the prohibited region, un
der pretext or cover of her pretended protecto
rate. And when. now reviewing _what: was
done, I say,,uport my responsibility as a law- ' 1
yer, and the• legal adviser of the 'President
at the time,. that, in my judgment, human
language could -not be more properly, and ad
' mirablyeelected for the purpose,,: than that
Which you,.employed when you signed the
treaty.
It has been said, but I can hardly accredit
it, that Great Britain now , contends, in Vir
tue.of the phraseology of the last part of, the
first article, incidentally speaking of the
protection which either party, May use; that
the treaty acknowledges the protectorate over
the Indians. if so, it equally acknowledges ,
- our-protectorate over the same Indians, or
over Nicaragua, or any State titi hich we may
choose to protect. The same words apply to
both parties,, and it is a bad rule that does not
work equally for both. The moment Great
Britain threatens, with arms, to defend the
Indians,..and claims a right to do so in virtue
of the treaty, we may slain,- by the same
instrument, with equal justice, the right' to
take arms in defense of Honduras and Nicar
agua. But, in my judgment, the treaty,
which was meant for peaceful,- purposes, de
nies both to Great Britain -arid. the United
States the right to interfere, by force 'of arms,
for any such purpose, or for any other purpo
ses, except mutual consent. If Great Britain
may- send an army in Nicaragua to defend
the Indians _without ~.violating the treaty,
which binds her act to occupy that country,
then by -the same rule of construction, she
may also fortify the whole of Central Artier
ica„ or• introduce) a, colony there rimier the
.sarne pretext. An vadvierse - possession of
Great Britain in Central - Arrierica ) without
our consent, is an occupation in violation of
her national faith. The construction which
would'allow her to place an armed soldiery
on the territory, for the purpose of protecting
the Indians would also allow her to assume
-absolute dominion there for the same pur
pose, and thus annpl the whole treaty.
But it may be said that some other nation
1, may invade Central America, .arid that this
1 construction would deprive both the contrac
-1 ting parties of the power to defend it. •,,Not
•at all. Both parties have bound themselves
to protect the canal, and all the canals and
all the railroads that can made, not only
in Central America, but in any part .of the
Isthmus which separates North from South
America. In virtue of this obligation it
l would be the duty of both, to: reeist,.by the
1 most effective means in their. power, all
sion anti other acts hoStile to their great and
philanthropic common purpose. So, too, in
juries or torts inflicted either by the Indians,
or by any Central American State, upon eith
er American citizens or British subjects, may
be punished by their respective Governments
without violating the treaty; and no one' of
these States, by means of a convention, which
is marked in every line by a devotion to the
true principles of commerce, civilization, and
equal justice to all men, can escape punish
ment for her injustice or oppression; This
treaty is the first instance, within my knowl
edge, in which two great nations of the earth
have thus endeavored to combine, peacefully,
for the prosecution and accomplishment of an
object which, when completed must advance
the happiness and prosperity of all men ; and
it would be a matter of deep regret, if the
philanthropic and noble objects of the negoti
ators should now be defeated by petty • cavils
and special pleading on either side of the At
: lantic.
As to the declaration of Sir Henry L. Bulb
wer, and the counter-deciatation made by
you at the time of the exchange of the rati
fications, I probably had a better opportunity I
of understanding the- views and objects of
both of you, than any other. I assisted, by
your request, in the arrangement of the
phraseology of the counter-declaration, dated
the 4th of July, 1850, to Sir Henry L. Bul
wer's declaration of the 29th of June. By
your request, also, I examined Sir Henry L.
Bulwer's powers, and conversed with him,
freely and fully, on the whole subject, at the
very moment when, in consequence of his
declaration, you threatened to break, off the
whole negotiation.
I remember well,that, afterhis declaration
was received, there was a-period when you
had resolved to abondon the treaty in conse
quence of it ; but when Sir Henry consented
to receive your counter-declaration of the 4th
of July, in which you expressly limited the
term, "Her Majesty's settlement at Hondu
ras," to that country which is known as Brit
ish Honduras, as contradistinguished or dis
tinct from the State of Honduras, and also
confined the word "dependencies" in his dec
laration to those "small islands" known, at
the time to be suck , in which also, while ad
mitting Belize, or British Honduras, not to be
included in the treaty, you disavowed all pur
pose of admitting any British title even there;
in. which too, you declared that the treaty did
include "all the Central American States
within their just limits and proper dependen
cies," and in which you expressly stated to
him that no alteration could be made in the
treaty without the consent of the Senate, anti
that he was understood as not even proposing
any such alteration ;you then consented to
exchhng . e upon that counter-declaration,
whieh, in your judgment, and in mind, too,
completely annulled every pretext for asser
ting that the declarations of the negotiators
had altered.the convention, or fixed an inter
pretation upon it contrary to the meaning of
the President and Senate. - We both -consid
'ere(' thee, and, as a jurist, I now hold it to be
perfectly clear, the exchange of the ratifica
tions on that counter-declaratilb was, on the
part of the British Minister, ccithplete a Waiv
er of every objection that could be taken to
any statement contained in it.
In point of law, the deelarations of the ne
gotiators, not submitted to the Senate, were
of no validity, and could not effect the treaty.
Both understood that. This Government had
decided that question in the case of the Mex
ican protocol, ar.d the British Government
was officially informed of their decision.—
The very power th exchange ratifications
gave them the same information, and it is ab
solutely impossible that the British Minister
could have been deceived on that subject.
I remember well, that you steadily refused
every effort on the part of Sir Henry, to in
deep you to . recognize the Mosquito title.—
The treaty left us at liberty to recognize the
title of Nicaragua, or any other Central Amer
ican States, and left the British Government
the right to recog nize the title of the Mos
quito King. O these points ahe parties
agreed to disagree. But the right to recog
nize is a very different affair from the right
to compel , others to recognize. The British
protectorate was e _l repeat, entirely disarmed
by the treaty. -How is it possible' for Great
Britain to' protect, if she cannot "occupy, or
fortify, or assume any dominion whatever"
in any part of the territory - She is equally
Prohibited e in my opinion, from occupying
for the purposeof protection, or- protecting for
the purpose. of occupation. If'she observes
the treaty, her protectorate "stands" (ns you
once well said of it, in a diplomatic note)
"the shadow of a name."
With regard to the British colony sai i to
have been established on the 17th of July,
185 p., in • the islands .of Itoatan, -Bonacca,
Utilla, Barbarat, Helena, add Mrat, and des
ignated as the colony of'the Bay of Islands,
the - question - whether; by establishing such a
colony, Great Britain has violated the treaty
of , 1850, depends entirely upon facts, in re
gard to-which-there are different opinions.—
The only islands known to this. Government
on the 4th of July, I 850,: to:be dependencies
of British-Honduras or Belize, were-those're
ferred to in thefourthand fifth articles of the
treaty:of London, of the 44th of- July. 1786.
The fourth article provides-that "the English
shall be permitted to occupy the small:island
known by the names of Casina, St. George's
Key, or Cayo Cafina,"•and by the fifth article,
-they "have thedibetty of refitting their mer
chant ships in the southerrk -triangle included
between the point of , Cayo Cafina and the
cluster of small islands -which - are- situated
opposite that part of the coast occupied by
the cutters, at the-distance of eight leagues
from the river Wallis, seven from Caye Cafina,
and three from the river Sibun, a place which
has always been - found well •adapted for that
purpose. For which end, the edifices and
store-houses absolutely necessary for that
purpose shall be allowed to be built."
These articles in the treaty of 1786 gave
us the -only knowledge of any small islands
which were, on the 4th of July. 1850, "-de
pendencies". of British Honduras. I repeat,
thal• the counter-declaration acknowledges
-no other dependencies of British Honduras
but those small islands, which were known
to be such at its date. We knew, indeed,
that Great Britain, as well as Honduras, had
laid claim' to Roatan, but we bad-no informa
tion as to the ground on which the former
rested her claim. - Your reply -to Sir Henry
L. Bai.wer avoided any recognition of the
British claim • to it, or other allusion to. it,
than could be inferred from the positive
as
sertion that the treaty did include all the Cen-_
tral American States,- "with their just limits
and proper dependencies." If these islands
were a part of any Central American State
at the time of the treaty ) , the subsequent Col
onization of them by Great Britain:is a clear
violation of, it. • If, on the other hand, they
did net then ;belong to any . Central American
State, it would be gross,iniustice on, our, part
to pretend that the treaty did, include them.
My:lmpression is, that Roatan belongs to the
State of.Honduras, : but,.my knowledge of the
facts is too limited to.enable me to express it
without diffidence.
During the Administration of President
Taylor, there was, no aggression by Great
Britain in.any part of the Isthmus which was
not properly met and resisted. He had. firmly
resolved, by all constitutional means in his
power, to prevent .such -aggression, if
. any
should be attempted, considering, as he did,
that all the passages through _the Isthmus
should be kept free, to enable us to retain our
possessions on the Pacific.. I pretend to
know nothing of what has occurred there
since his day ; but neither he nor his advisers
could be held responsible if the treaty nego
tiated by . his . orders has been at any time
violated since his death.
I can scarcely suppose it possible that Great
Britain, intends seriously to interpose her pro
tectorate again to obtain dominion over the
Isthmus. I am assured, that whatever may
be contained to the contrary in any despatches
emanating from the British Foreign Office, of
which rumor speaks, the fact is that a portion
(represented to be one half) of the claim of
the Mosquito King has been lately bought up
by American citizens, with the concurrence
and approbation , of the British Government ;
and that negotiations are on foot, with a fair
prospect of success, for the purchase, by the
same persons, of the residue of - that claim.
* * * * *
I am, dear sir, sincerely your friend and
obedient servant, REVERDY JOHNSON.
Hon. JOHN M. CLAYTON,
United States Senate, Washington.
HUNTINGDON
AND
393x.cwsta. nigc:2lp - XL. 3EL.
OPEN TO -STONEELSTOWN
Winter Arrangement
ON and 'after MONDAY, JANUARY, 28TH,
1856,.trains will leave daily (Sundays ex
cepted) as follows :
Going South leave junction with Pennsylvania
Rail Road at 8 o'clock a. m. and 2 o'clock p. m.
Going North . leave Stonerstowd station at 10
o'clock a. m. and 4 o'clock p. rd.
Trains SOUTH - leave
Mc-Connellstown • .
Marklesburg
Coffee Run
Rough & Ready . - -
Fisher's Summit
Stonerstown - -
Trains NORTH leave
Fisher's:Summit • - 10.14 4.14
Rough & • Ready 10.29 4:29
Coffee Run - - - -10.48 4.38
Marklcsburg . - . 11.00 5.00
McConnellstown • . 11.21, 5.21
Huntingdon - - 11,42 5.42
ID - Fitty pounds baggage a:lowed:each pas-
senger.
Freight received by the Conductor of the
train and for,warded to any of the above points
at owner's risk.,
For any further inforniation enquire at the
office of Transportation Department, Hunting
don. JAMES It. McCLURE,
January 30, 1856. ' Superintendent.
NOTICE.
EWERS of administration, on the estate of
L 4 John Stryker, late of west township, Hun
tingdon county, deecaseti, having been granted
to the undersigned, all person indebted to said
deceased will ple - ase make immediate payment,
and thoec having claims will present,them duly
authenticated, for settlement. , -
PETER STRYKtR, Admin'r.
Alexandria, Jan. 16th, 1856. ,
Norcross' Rotary Planing Machine.
WANTED—To sell the' Rights and Ma_
. chines for a Rotary Planing, Tonguing
and Grooving Machine,for boards and plank,Un
der the Norcross Patent, Also, the attachment
of the. Moulding Machine, which will work a
whole board into mouldings at one operation.—
This patent has been tried, and- deeided in the
Supreme Court in Washington,. to be nein
fringement, being superior to' Woodmierth's' Ma.
, .
chine.
Apply to J. D.. DALE, 'Willow Street , above
Twelfth, Philadelphia, where the Machine can
.be seen in operation. -
January 16th; 1856.-3 m. ,• • ; • • '
NEW GOODS AGAIN ! ;
' "TEM CELEA,P
Dry-proosls, Clothing,,Ci - Oceries,'&6. eco
JAmposs .
it z w E e c r aTuit i y gs in_f k r n m o g w h i s i, !! o ld th c i u n tt s o tn .4 e r a s a .
Niehts and Republicans, and the .public in gene
ral that he has just opened a-large asmirtment of
New Goods for ,fall and winter, consisting ;'•
part of, every- . , variety of - LADIE:a •ro-P
GOODS : of the atest styles, and best. qualities ;
and Dry Coods in general too numerous to men
tion.
READY.M,OE CLOTHING—La large, as
sortment for men andboys.
GROCERIES—fresb and of all kinds.
H AT§ .and C d.BOO T S and SHOES
of all kinds for men, women,, misses And boys,
* and all, other articles usu
ally kept in a Couniry store. .
-Everybody and the. rest of man. and woman
kind,, are invited to call.azid examine for them.
selves.. '
Huntingdon, Sept. 25, 1855..
" GET , ,T,IE BEST." • • - •
• WEIBST:ER'S
QUARTO DICTIONARY.
WHAT more essential to :every family,
counting:roomystudent, and indeed every
one who would know the right useof language
—the meaning, orthography, and pronunciation
of' words, than a good EngIishDICTIONARY ?
—l3f daily necessity and. permanent value.
WEBSTER'S UNABRIDGED - •
is now the recognized . Standard, "constantly
cited and relied on in onr ,Courts of Justice, in
our lenislative hodies, and in public discussions,
as,enttrely conclUsive," says Hon. Jons C. SPEN
_
CEA.
Ca a I make a better investment 7
Published, 'by G. & C. MERRIAIVI,, ,
Spring.
field;Mase.-- 7. 500 by all Booksellers in hunting
.diin and elSewhere.
Also, Webster's 'SehoOl Dictionaries;
February 6,1856.
TMTICUTORS' NOTICE.
"NOTICE is hereby;•given.that letters testa.
mentary on the will of John W., Barkstres_•
ser, late of Ilopewell township, deceased,' have
been granted to:the undersigned.,' ,All peronss
indebted to the estate of said deceased,'-are re
quested to make payment and those having
claims to present them for settlenient.
JACOB WEAVER, ,•
JACOB S. BARKSTRESSER,
' . ' Execetors.
December; sth 1855.* '
PROPERTY h" OR 'RENT.
rpHE. undCrsigned .offers for Rent the large
j_ Brick House'in Water Street, Pa.; ruriner
ly occupied as a Hotel; but more recently as a
Select School. The' House is well situated for
either purpose. It contains all the ready Furni
ture such as Bedsteads, Tables, Chairs, Stoves,
which will be included in the lease of the
House.
ALSO,
The 'Ware House and Wharf situated on the
Penn'a. Canal, and one-House and Shop suita.
ble for a 'shoe maker or tailor. Any persons
Wishing-to rent would do well to call on the
Proprieor, or address by letter,
H. B. MYTINGER.
WUter Street, Pa., Jan. Bth, 1856.
3EIE. ZELCOAMALDEsT •
Has just opened a good assortment of
READY-MADE CLOTHING,
CONSISTING of all kinds of Coats, Pants,
Vests, and other articles of gentlemen's
wear. . Oct. 2.
British Periodicals.
PREMIUMS TO NEW SUBSCRIBERS! !
L. SCOTT & CO., NEW YORK, continuod to
publish the following leading British Peri
. odicals, viz :
The London Quarterly (Conservative).
2. •
The Edinburg Review (Whig) .
The North British Review (Free Church)?
4.
The Virestrainsterßeview (Liberal).
Blackwood's 'Edinburg Magazine (Tory),
'rhe•great" and important events—Religious,
Political, and Military--Lnow agitating the its ,
lions of the Old World, give to these Publica
tions an interest and value they never before pos
sessed. They occupy a middle ground between
the hastily written news-items, crude specula
tions, and flying rumors of the . newspaper, and
the ponderous Tome of the historian, written long
after the living interest in the facts he records
shall have passed away. The progress of the
War in - the East occupies a large space in their
pages. •Every movement is closely criticised,
whether:of friend or of foe, and all short comings
fearlessly pointed out. The letters from tha
Crimea and from the Bailie in Black
wood's Magazini,from two of its most popular
contributors, give a more intelligible and reliable
account of the movements of the great belligerents
than can elsewhere be found.
P. N.
2.15
2.40
2.52
3.00
3.17
3.27
A. 'at.
8.15
8.40
8.52
9.00
9.17
1 9.27
These Periodicals ably represent the 'three
great political parties of Great Britain—Whig,
.Tory. and Radical—but politics forms only one
f-ature of their character. •As Organs of the most
profound writers on Science, Literature, Morali
ty, and Religion, 'they stand, as they ever have
stood, unrivalled 'in "the world of letters, being
considered indispensable, to the scholar and ;he
professional man, while to the intelligent reader
of every class they furnish a more correct and
satisfactory record of the current literature of the
day, throughout the world, than can be possibly
obtained from any other source.
The receipt of Advance Sheets from the
British publishe's gives additional-value, to these
Reprints, especially during the
__present exciting
state of European affairs, inasmuch as they can
now be placed in the hands of subscribers about
as soon as the original editions.
TERMS AND ]PREMIUMS.
(See List of Premium Volumes below.)
Per ann.
For any one of the four Reviews and one
Premium volume,
For, any two of the . four Revievrs aud one
Premiutn volume,
For any three of the four Reviews and two
Premium volumes,
For all four of the Reviews and two..
Premium volumes,
For Blackwood's Magazine and one
Premium volume, .
For Blackwoods & three Reviews and three
Premium volumes, ,
For Blackwood 4- the 4 Reviews and three
Premium volumes,' ' 10 00
Payments to be made in all cases in advanee.
Money current in the State where issued
...
bi received at
,par.
The Premiums consists'Of the following works,
back volumes** WhiCh will be' given • to new
Subscribi.rs according to_ the number of periodi
cal's ordered, as above'explained '
• VOLUMES..
FOREIGN QUawiEntar REViEW (one year).
BLACKWOOD ' S MAGiiiNE (six 1110111tha)..
Los noi 9,cAUTETiLIt REVIEW (one-year).
EDI N BVRG REVIEW (one year).
,METROPOLITAN MAGA 21X.NE (six months).
E Will Ilq STE It iticiF Eva (on 'year): •
Consecutive Premium volumes cannot in all
cases be furnished, excnpt of the Foreign QUar
terly Review. To. preveiit disappoint - latent, there
fore, where that work is not alpne wanted,- b•ub
scribers Will please order as many - different works
for premiums es there are volumes to w hich they
may be entitled:
diScount of ,twenty-five per cent, from the
above prices will he allowed to CLons ordering
four or more copies of '.any One of more - of the
above works. Thus: Four Copies of Blackwood,
or of one Reiiew, will be salt to_ one' address for
IS; four copies of the four Reviews and Black
wood for $130; anti so on,
*** No' piemiums will be - given where the
'above allowance is made to Clubs', nor will pre
miums in.any case be tarnished, unleis th.e ' sub
sciptiodinoney is paid in fuit,to• the Publishers
without recourse 0o an,ogel4:: •
In, all the. principal Cities and Towas, these
works will be deliyered, FRE OF POS..
TAGE. When dent by mail, the POSTAGE to
any part of the United States" 'will be - . but
Twenty-four Cents a year'eur "Black
wood," arid but Fotutrtettan Cents a 'year for
each of the Reviews: . . .
Remittinces for any of dm 'above publications
shOuld always be addressed; Post-raid. to the
Publishers, " •
HUNINGDOX COUXTY
HE undersigned proposes publishing, provi
1
ded sufficient encourageirient be obtained, a
,Map of Huntingdon county,. said map to be
constructed by actual survey'; of all the public
Roads; Rail Roads, Rivers; Streams,• Canils,
Township lines, &c., and every 'plate of note
contained in said county, such as Churches,
Post Offi.cis, School Houses, Stores, Taverns,
Mills; Factories, Shops, Crossings,-and Stations,
carefully 'shown in their respective places, and
the name and place of residence of neirly.every
business man in said county, and the branch of
business followed by each one respectively.—
And the place marked where near all the farm
buildings stand, and the proprietors and the oc
cupants name given. Said Map to contain from
fourteen to eighteen square feet of engraving,
and to be finished in ,the most modern style.and
workmanlike manner &c,
_ _
December 28,1855.
y ETTERS of administration, On 'the 'esta te of
ju Elizabeth Btichanan, late of _Brady town
ship, Huntingdon county, deceased, having been
granted to the undersigned, all persons indebt
ed, will make payment, and those having claims,
will• present them,. properly authenticated; for
settlement.
Huntingdon, Jan. 9th, 1856.
J& W. SAXTON will take all kinds °fecun
, try produce in. exchange for goods at their
cheap store, south-west corner of Public Square
THE
EARLY COPIES.
CLUBBING.
POSTAGE':
LEONARD SCOTT CO.:
No. 54 Gold Streei, New fork.
RIA `lO
OF
WILLIAM CHRISTY.
NOTICE.
SAMUEL T. BROWN,
: Administrator.
$3 00
5 00
7 00
8 00
3'oo
9 00