•
•
•
. .
•
•
- ,
- -
. •
. •
• •
•
- • • •• •
. , _ • _ .4184,
,
.4.
-•
,
•
.7.=••
• •• • • -
• •
„: • • • N.)
. .
•
: / *.
jll ' •
•
•.. •-•
, • .
. . .•
' •
. .
•• -•-•••• - • '
. ,
•
• •.. ,
. .
•• • •
• ... ,
• - -
.
. •••••••
• •• .
• - •
. „
..• .... •
.•••
• ,
4, •
• • •.• 4 •
•
• •••
.•-
• .
•
•
. .
•
•
•.,
•
. •
,
_
. •
•
•"-• • • " ••••• ••• „..
•
.•
• ~.
.•••••••
. •
. • • • ••
:•••,,•, •
• • •• • •
•
•
El
BY. W. LEWIS.
BIM
'Zan EE'IIisTTINGDON GLOBE, .-
-1-!er annum, in advance, ,-. ~ , . $1.50
"T; • if not paid in advance, 200
.No _paper. discontinued ~until all arrearages
itro.paid, . , •. . , t . '•:- • . .--
.
,A,failure tos:notify a discontinuance at the ex
piration of the term subscribed for will be con
•aidcrcd a now engagement. • . . . . ~ •
TEn.m:sioF 414 . EaTis rIgG.
' , Six lines or less,
1 equate, 16 lines, brevier,
:2 L k , tt Ai
.3 _ - 4i • _ -it
1 squ'are, brevier,
'2 is • •{
4 .3 4 411
4 44:: ;
MI
10 ir
Professional and Business Cairds , not, ex
ceeding 6 lines; one year, - $4 00
ExectiOrs' and AdminiStrators' Notieqs, .1 75
Auditors' Notices; , •.- - -1 25
• r SPI EcE. OF TAE ,
H0N.,LE1V15 . ,04.8, of Michigan,
On - our Relations with Great Britain
- DELIVF . IRED SENA.TE ' JANUARY 28,"56
Mr. CASS said : Mr. PRESIDENT : No man,
who has read the President's innuatmessage,
can fail to see that'our relations with Eng
land . are in a critical condition. In that
'able .and statesmanlike piper, the Chief
Magistrate has spread before the country
and the world, a statement of our affairs
with - various nations, and especially of our
:affairs with England..- I'he whole exposition
is plain and comprehensive ; but it. is with
the latter, that I have anv concern 'upon
the present occasion. And - there I find the
facts true- and clearly stated, the principles
urged' with force and justice; and, while the
indefensible pretensions of England are ex
posed with a power of truth and reason,
which will carry conviction to every unpre
judiced mind, - there is a tone of firmness per
vading the document, and • within the limits
, of a proper national comity, which becomes
the constitutional representative of this great
Republic in, its intercourse with the, other
l'ower's of the earth.
And I : have read, with much gratification,
the dispatches which 'have issued from the
•State„;P,epartment e in relation to this contro
versy; and I. find them -marked with signal
obility. 'lt must be a satisfaction to the
country to see, that its important interests
are committed to such able management.; and
I will add, as a• mere act of jirstice, that the
papers, which havefound- their way- to the'
public from that Department,• during the ad
ministration piesene'Secretiehe rine) ,
favorably - dortipare With the official papers of
the most eminent of his pie:ledas.iors. • =
And fully concur' in. "the.. encomium pro
tiounced the;ather.day by.',the honorable Sen
ator from Delaware,lM.r. CLAYtoerjhirriself ,
a competent judge, 'olio') the 'distinguished
Minister, who has conCucted our negotiations . .
at IlieCourf..of Lorideri. ' His' letters to Lord
Clarendon:. and especially his statements,
first explaining our case, and next examining
the ease of England, are models of diplomat
ic correspondence, clear, cogent, • cOncaisivei,
and I believe have - been read with pride and
pleasure throneltheWhole'country*. And'
trust, sir, that the - pnbliepress "has already
conveyed to Mr. Buchanan evidence of the
warn appreciation of his fello,w-citizans.—
lin American Representative abroad is often,
placed idPoSitions of difficultYand responsi
bility, where the support of his countrymen
is not only his.best reward,ebut his. best en
cctura.gement: .• I. have found myself surroun
ded with such circumstances e and. one of the
,proudest days of my life was the day; when '
onformation reached me, that upon a memo
rable occasion 'I had been •weighed, in the
balance 'by my fellow-citizens, and found'
not %venting, • - -
Entertaining the views I have expressed
'of the President's message, I regretted to - nee,
in a highly-esteemed and intelligent journal
of this city, which I have read, with interest
for almost half a century, the ational In tel
lligencer, and for when editors I have,a warm
personal regard; comments open' the' tone
and temper of portions of that document,
which seethed to me marked with an ...undue
=severity ofcriticisen. Ido not proposer to ex
amine them, and refer to the article princi
pally for the purpose of quoting a single par
agraph. Before doinkso„liowever,, l' ask - at
tention to an expression , which conveysa
forcible. image, •but One consider wholly
inapplicable to our po§iticin.- That 'expres
sion• which contains much in' little is, that
owe 'ariiedriftinte into difficulties."' Sir, I
do '"net: thus' unaerstind the oircumitances;
with Which we are surronnded. 'ln roy,opin ? .
ion - , our' noble ship' is, upon 'her true , course,
and our pilot is doing his duly..- If difficul 7
ties 'are before us—and I' believe they ate
we are neither drifting towards them, •nor
they-towards us. They are designedly pla--
cing themselves•inlmir way, and it would ill
become our self-respect, or.. our honor, to
Chan geour course with a view to'avoid them.
The maneuver, .even if resorted to, would
be but a temporary, escape, and we should'
find, that,,w,hile-we had'lost our character,
we had not gained 'thepoorf recompense of
gaiety - for dishonor. ,• • ' ,e• •
The Intellienber; speaking of - vir'arningsit
had given, says they Were "warnings proin
ted byobservation of the increasing', preva
lenceeetaWar spiritarricitigst 'the . politiciine
of the• day, against. indulging. kbis
_martial
propensity to the extent' of 'gtVing -counte
nance, much less cotifidenceyto any Adminis
tration, or to ,any party, now or hereafter,
-which may show a disposition to make cap
ital by fomenting national jars into national
hates, .or nursing into causes of war every
adventitious dispute or controversy, great or
small, such as are ofeevery-day, occurrence
in the family of nations, and from which the
United States would in vain hope for any ex
emption."
Sir, I am sorry to see these remarks in
such'a justly influential journal, not so much
on account of the language, for it is guarded,
but on account of the spirit, which pervades
1 insertion.; . 2 ins. 3 ins.
25 371 50
SO , 75 . 1 00
'-1 00 11 50' 200
1 50 225 - 300
3m. - 6m. ' .12m.
$3 •00 $5 00 $8 00
500 8.00. 12 00
7. 50 'lO 00 15 .00
9 .00 14 00 -23 00
15 00: •25 00 38 00
25 00? 40 00 60 'OO
the article. Should trouble come, that paper
will be a faithful co-labores•in its country's
cause; but in the mean time, such intim,
tions are unfortunate,. for they tend "to cast
doubts upon - --the motives of public-men, and
to render them distrusted. During many
years, I have observed that every , one ,has
been ' exposed to similar imputation, who
looked steadily at the proceedings of other
nations, and was prompt to• observe and de
nounce injurious or insulting conduct towards
us. It seems to be thought with some, to
be the diatate„of-caution, if not of wisdom,
that the - public eye and .ear should be kept
almost - closed, lest the country should become
too sensitive, and something worse 'might
happen. as . though there could be anything
worse (ban• nationaldiSgraCe. Ido - not rec
vile& a single controversy we have,hacl with
a foreign Power, since I have been on the
stage of action, when these ungracious char
ges have not come to weaken, if not to dead
en, the inspirations of patriotism. Certainly,
sir; to observe•vigilantly the 'conduct of- for
eign nations towards our country; and to ex
pose their injustice, is not to desire or to de
mand a war upon all occasions. The idea
is utterly unfounded. Grave events, the gra
vest, only - can• justify hostilities, but far
short of -such events may there be others cal
ling for examination and exposure. It seems
to me, sir, that the propensity to doubt the
justice of our own cause is-almost an Amer
ican idiosyncrasy, for I do not believe it is
equally prevalent among any*other people on
the face of the globe. I have more than once
before been, and shall now again be, exposed
to similar obloquy. But neither its advent
nor its apprehension has deterred me, at much
earlier periods of life, nor will they deter me
now, when life is fast drawing towards its
close, from the expression of an earnest hope
that. the American name and the kmerican
fame will be maintained by the American
people with the brightness of true glory, un
diminished by :the commission• of a single
deed, or the omission of a single deed, which
national duty may forbid or require.,- I have
the consolation, however, of believing that,
upon the present occasion, every. appearance
indicates that, in the Senate and out of the
Senate, a unanimity of sentiment almost un
known in the history of our country will ac,
Company the efforts of the Government to se
cure the public rights and honor.
Why, sir, it is all idle to talk about.a desire
to engage the country in,war. There is no
such desire, or, if there be, it is confined to a
portion of the population so inconsiderable,
as to exert no influent.° - upon our national
course. Almost, nobody wants war: But
war is not- to he avoided by shutting our eyes
to the signs of the times, and crying, "all's
well," when danger is upon us. • The ostrich,
Which roams the desert, and hides its head
in Ole sand, fearing' it knows not what, and
believing that it cannot be seen, because it
cannot. itself •see, is as wise as those politi
cians, who think to avert or avoid' danger by
affecting to be utterly ignorant 'of its exis
tence. •Thntrue v,;ay is to lobk it in the face,
and to be 'prepared for - it. This, is eqbally
the dictate of prudence and of patriotism.
Sir, war has its evils, and, great, irideed,
they are. , Many of us know them by perso
nal observation, and all know them by his
tory and tradition.. But there are evils-still
greater, and among those is. the forfeiture of
our own self-respect and the loss- of the re
spect, of the world. If, in addition to our
own experience,.we wanted any other proof
of the dire calamities, which war brings in
its-train, we should 'find it in the great con
test Uowzoing on upon the shores of the old
Enxine; the early seats of civilization, where
three 'of the greatest nations of the' world are
engagedin the deadlieStoonfiiet:ieCorded 'in,
the long, annals Of human warfare, . from the
first battle' described in sacred history; *heti
the four Kings went-out Against the five
Kings in the vale of Siddim, down : to our
day. HOW thIS rhightY2, struggle is.t o end,
or when; or with- what - congequeriees to the
combaianta - ,thernselves,'or to, the old hemis-,.
phere, it would be presurriptimus even to, en
deavor to predict.
. A. singular commentary upon the little dan
ger of war, statesmen keep their sen
ses," to use an expression 'of the Intellisi.n
cer, is furnished by an event, that recently oc
curred in 'England. War, indeed, did not re
sult from it, bait is obvious that, in the
lie opinion - there, a critical state of-things ex
ists, which -requires , but -a-=alight incident to
produce hostilities; - and the- circemstantes
to which I: allude is anything but honorable
to the boasted intelligenee of Mid Middle of
the nineteenth - century'.- It is but 'it leiv days
si,nce.' the people - of England, with wonderful
unanimity, believed - that a'Waf With'the Ufa-.
ted States
,was , imminent—not imminent
merely, but that it - bad actually'broken out.—
They 'heard;aS they supposed, the guns of
the hostile parties, while, in fact, it was ,the
peals of their own "Thunderer," now face
tiously called "Blunderer,”. when ir discusses
American affair's, that broke upon` theirstar
tled senses, peals with ne flashes of light to
relieve ,their„,.,Monotepous reverberations. 7 -TI,
OlympianAis predecessor lifrightened the na
tions,”. while the English rifier of the clouds
has to-limit ;his powers-of alarm'to hiS' - rivin
nation. • Butbesent,his voice" to every - nook-1
.of-GreaUßritain, froin-Johfiny Groat?i&bense
to the Land's Efid;'carrying -troublelo every
loyal - heart. - A- fleet:bad - actually sailed to
chastise the - presumpttioue Americans. That'
was 'eertain;btit why,4as invelied in inex
tricable obSeiirity: "The great light" cobra
not, or did not,,enlighten,that
.dark point.—
It Was'ari Muth - of a ptizzle - ever'puzzled;
Chinese. . But, thoughepinienel.Were toed
deal, divided; there were twe pi in'enp j le:
see,- Whiah - seerned to challenge thepUblic as
sent,- each',finding its advocates. One was,
that We naval expedition was destined, to in
tercept a new armada; more terrible than its
Spanish , predeceisor, which had left, or was
about to leave; our 'shores, in order to wrest ;
Ireland from English , domination; and the
other, that this display of a nation's power '
was for the purpose of -avenging_ the insult
cast upon the realm of Queen Victoria, by
our Attorney General, in a communication to
the district Attorney of New York, in which
that high functionary had, to the great offence
of English delicacy, stated a plain case in
.HUNT : IN . (3 7 DON',.'FB.I3 : RUA4Y,.O,, , .
,1.8501
, .
plain language. .And this national burst of
indignation is anothr illustration of the truth
of the, potic ekclamation— - •
" what great effec.ts from little causes. sTring,!"
I leave to the future historian to pass judge
ment-46n the - disputed point'.
It is difficult, sir, to believe that any extent
of national credulity could, suffice to enable a
people to swallow such humbuggery as this ;
it:deserves no better name. And yet the hu
miliating fact is true, beyond the . reach -
doubt. The whole English press confirms
it. I have myself seen a letter from disting,
uished English gentleman, who says fninlOy,
that he was one of the "dupes"—this. is the
word he uses, upon, that occaSion—the dupe.
of an arrogant, unprincipled journal,., which
has acquired - and exercises an influence over;
the English public mind, equally strange and
humiliating. Unfortunate is it for any. peo
ple, 'where, the.journals of the' day guide, in
stead of indicating, the national opinion, and
especially, where one of them reigns supreme,
and constitutes itself a new estate of" the
realm. , _
The President, in his message, refers to an
other incident, which'has come to complicate
our difficulties with England, and that is, the
effort to procure recruits in the United States
for the. British army, and the developments
which have attended it. As -the President
well remarks, our traditional policy has been
to avoid all connection with European wars,
and to prevent either party from receiving
aid from this country. For this purpose,
laws have been passed, which form a perma
nent portion of our system of national inter
communication. Those laws have been vio
lated by persons, acting in the name of the
British Government. The existence of the
offense has been established, and the offen
ders identified by the verdict of a jury, and
the sentence of-a court. No man has, there
fore, the right to gainsay, either the one or
the other ; and, least of all, has the. British
Government the'right, to say, your laws are
to be construed so and so, and we have not
interfered with them,. agreeably to our con
struction. Our own judicial tribunals consti
tute the department -appointed to interpret
our own laws. The act of engaging men
within the United States to leave our territo
my, with a view to enlist into the British ar
my; when within the British dominions, is
not denied; but we learn, from the President's
message, that it has been ' urged, in defense
of the act, that "stringent instructions" were
given so to conduct the affair, as not to violate
our laws. Well may the President express
his surprise at such an excuse as this l• Well
may he ask, hoW could the British Tavern
ment, With our law before them, which they
had, or ought to have had—how coiild they
look to the accomplishment of their 'object,
without going in the face of a 'statute as com
prehensive as ours? I will not characterize
tF.is pretension. It characterizes itself.
That high officers of the English 'Govern
ment, both in the United States and upon
their borders, were engaged in superinten
ding and directing this business, is not de
nied either by them or by the home .anthori
ties. It was an unfortunate moment to make
this • experiment upon our forbearance: A
great war was going on, and the nations of
the earth were watching with anxiety every
incident connected with it: We could not
submit to the violation of our 'neutrality laws,
without the most serious imputations upon
our honor andgood faith. When this inter
ference with them became known—and
known, too, by judicial' investigation- - ---there
were two courses for the Government - to pur
sue in vindication of the honor of the 'country.
One was, to dismiss the British Minister, a
principal agent in these obnoxious affairs; and
the other, to lay the zase before the• British
Government, and to demand his• recall.' For
myself, sir, I think the former should have
been instantly adopted. I think' the nature
and the publicity of the transactions, and,
especially, looking to the time and the• condi
tion of the world, and recalling the thousand
and-one charges made against us by the Eng
lish press, and people, and Cabinet, of -fili
bustering, and of permissive if not of ' author
ized, armaments in the United States, iu vio
lation of our solemn duties—l think this' act
of vigorons policy was demanded by ihe
highest considerations, and - I also think it
would have redounded to our credit through
the world. - At the same time, sir, t do not
conceal from myself, that there were very
brave considerations in favor of adopting the
second course : that is, giving to the British
Government the' opportunity . of doing justice
,to the occasion and to us by its 'own ' act. ' I
trust a demand has been made, and that it
vVi:l be listened to; and, if not' listened to, that
we shall do for ourselves what, in that event;
will be most ungraciously refused, and ought
to have been done for us elsewhere.' The
British Government, had it been actuated by
a proper spirit offriendly intercourse, would
have recalled its 'Minister 'as' soon us it as
certained the•awk ward position in' which he
had placed himself:' It owed a prompt disa
vowal noriess -- to' itself thatilo us.
Of Mikerarnpten I shall only' speak in
terms' of - high 'perscinat respect. He is a dis
tinguished gentleman, enjoying, and, I be
lieve, deserving, the esteem and regard of all,
whO are acquainted' With' - Upon such a
subject I shall take etiunsel - crone my own
-feelings only, and not'from a lessen which I
find iii British — parliamentary . history, and'
which was written there; I suppose;lcir my
speCial benefit. •
When I had the honor 'to represent my
country'abroad; my official conduct 'became
the' Subject of animadVersion--L-of censure;
rather----in,the British House of Peers. 'I had,
unfortenately for the good'opiniOn- - Ct the En
glish public, done whit I could to Counteract
a scheme oetheir Government, which, if suc
cessful, would have given to them the mari
time supremacy of the world. Upon that oc
uasion, I was assailed by one who had held
the highest office known to the British Con
stitution, after the Sovereign, is terms which
will repeat, but shall not imitate. , The ac
tor in that interlude---,the Thersites, rather--:-
has been remarkable for his versatility, hav
ing performed many parts; but while he has
been able in all, be has particularly excelled
in vituperation. In that high assemblage,
Lord' Brougham said l speaking of me ? that
-"he had no more conception of questions of
international law, than he had of the langua
ges spoken in the moon." t [Here, the record
says,' 'heir lordships laughed, pleased, no
doubt; with such a delicate, sarcastic hit; but
I trust, for the honor of the aristocracy, that
it w'astot a hearty, Democratic' laugh, but
rather a gentle relaxation -of high-born mus
cles.] Lord Brougham added, that ;'he
(meaning myself) had no more capacity for
argument, or reason, than he had for under- •
Standing legal points and differences;" "that
he was the very impersonation of mob hostil
ity to,England ;" and "that he pandered to
a -groveling, 'grounding set of politicians,"
meaning the people of the United States.
Btitehe conduct of the English representa
tive, so far as it affects the honor and inter
ests-of our country, is a proper 'subject of ex
amination: ' -Whether he acted - without au
thority, is a question between himself and his
Government. If without it, his course was
indefensible, and his punishment should be
exemplary..• If with -, it, •the greater is our
cause;of complaint, and the clearer right have
-we to except reparation.
The dismissal of a Minister is no cause of
-war. .P. has been often done. It is a meas
ure, we have more than once taken, and
England many times. On one occasion, she
sent home a foreign ambassador under guard.
Spain, fallen as she is from her former high
estate, quite recently testified her dissatis
faction with a British Minister, by order- '
ing him out - of the country. I repeat;-sir,
this:act of -national sovereignity is no just
cause of war; and if it be made the pretext for
one, why so be it—we will meet it as we
may. The prosecution and conviction of an
English consular agent in a Prussian Court,
for a similar offense, seems to have excited in
England neither surprise nor 'complaint.—
Both were reserved-for us. He, who believes
that England would have permitted such a
breach of her laws to pass unnoticed, under
such circumstances, has read her history to ,
little purpose. .
One of .the recent arrivals from England
has brought an article in the London Morn
ing Herald, of DeCember 1855, %%Mich is
not unworthy of notice in this connection.—;
This article says that, notwithstanding the
"bluster" here, no doubt but the foreign -en
listment' affair was .a "plot;" got up by the
"American press" at "the instance, it would
seem, at-all events, with the knowledge, of
i the American Secretary ofieState." The Her
aid asserts it was proposed to the Govern
ment through Me,e'Cramptorr, and not -objec
ted to; It , also states that;' at the trial in
Philadelphia; an attempt' was made to impli
cate Mr. Crampton; "too gross- even' for a
Yankeeecourt sof .justice:”- The:- Attorney-
General Is charged With - "grossness," "vul
garity," "daring assertion," "inconclusive
ness;" and certain, members of the Govern
ment are charged' with- laying "this plot to
implicate our officials."
Notwithstanding "struggles for notoriety,
malignacy of, the southern andehe inextin
guishable- hatred ofehe Irish;" ' and though
"the Yankee may - bluster and rave," - the
Herald predictsohat it will all end in nothe
ing.
Now, sir,'this precious diatribe is only im
portant, as an indication of the papules feel
ingin England. Here is one of the great
London newspapers, printed within sound of
Bow-bells, abounding in the most ridiculous
specimens of nonsense and- malignity, it is
possible to compress within such a space, is
sued, and read, and believed, and -enjoyed in ,
the land of all the DECENCY. There is noth
ing too grosi for the English palate, in rela
tion to our country. I - must confess, as a
western man, who crossed the Ohio when a
lad, and spent a large portion of his, life con
tending with the obstacles of a new country,
and upon the very verge of civilization,, that
my .self-love is a little wounded at the classi
fication, by' the writer ,in the Herald, of the
people of the United States; recognizing none
but Southerners, and Irishmen, and Yankees
thus ignoring the great West, with its six
millions of people, exceeding in population
more than half of the kingdoms . of Europe.—
, However, ,t console myself I,v ith the reflection,
that we shall be heard of by-and-by, and that
in . the mean time, this ignorance is not
strange in a region where, it is said, that won
der is often expressed at finding, that an
American is white, and speaks the English
language. The same arrival, that brought
the Morning Herald, brought also this most
acceptable piece of information,. that "the
report which recently prevailed, that the Uni
ted States had made a treaty with the Shale
of Persia, guarantying the territory. on the
Persian Gulf, had proved erroneous." Great
relief this must have afforded in England !
"How little wisdom"-- 7 said Swedish states;
man. to his son—"how little wisdom does it
take to .govern the world!'? How little com
mon sense, we mayexclaim, is exhibited in
Europe on the subject, of American affairs,
We have had many difficulties with Eng
land, from the time she ref - used to surrender
the western posts, under the treaty of peace
0f.1783, to this day; and I will not say all,
but almost a11,,0f them resultedfrom her con
duct,towards us, and were causes of corn
plaint on
,our part. _
; Why . . this never-ceasing injustice?. Why
sods, notonly to, injure, but, to degrade us, in
the eyes of, the
; world? I have, often , sought
the reason,. andscan only
.find it in, hostility.
to our institutions, and jealousy of ,the ad-.
vane; we. haee
_merle in all the elements of
power and prosperity, and still More at the
wonderful carees- before us. Time brings no
relaxation of ,this unfriendly feeling. It
brings profession enough, but Tittle corres
pending action. And the - Operation of the
feeling lies evident et this day, as at any
former period of our intercourse. So Tar, as
we know, the conduct of the Ministry has
called forth no - token of public disepprobe
tion.
Mr. President, we had a short discussion
the other day upon the subject of the oft-de
bated Monroe doctrine. I propose very briefly
to re-examine it ; and I shall do so with the
more confidence, because I have just refresh
ed my recollection by a conversation with the
person, who, of all living men, has the-most
right to. speak authoritatively upon this mat
ter. I refer to Mr. Rush, whose name is
well and favorably knovv‘ 'n to tbe whole coun
try, which he has served with honor and
ability in various high capacities, at home
and abroad, and who was our • Minister in
England, when this doctrine was first broach.
ed. I have already expressed the pleasure I
felt at the progress this great American prin
ciple had made, And at the hold it had obtain
ed upon the public 'mind, and especially at
the adhesion to it, whiCh had been pronoun 7
ced here by two able and distinguished Sea
atoms. It has grown in favor, rapidly but
firmly ; for the tenth year has not yet passed
away, since l addressed the Senate upon the
subject, and they 'refused even to refer it to"
the Committee on Foreign Relations for ekam
ination. t Mr; Buchanan said. well and truly,
in oneel his mites to Lord Clarendon, that,
" when first announced, more than thirty
years ago, it 'was hailed with 'enthusiastic ;Ap
probation by the American people; and since
that period, different PreSidents of the United
States have repeated it in their messages to .
Congress, and 'always with unmistakeable in'-
dications of public approbation:"
When this subject was befOre us, in one of
its almost periodical visits, some years since,
I said : "But these resolutions, (resolutions
recognizing the doctrine,) or equivalent ones,
embodying the same principles, will pais the
Legislature of the United States. Their pas
sage is but a question of time. They may
fail to-day, and they makfail again. Timid
ity, or imbecility, may overrule that firm sa
gacity which befits our Condition.. It is just
as certain, that these principles themselves
will be permanently engrafted into the Amer
ican policy, and in the most imposing form,
as that they
. are now engrafted in the hearts
of the American people."
What, sir, is the Monroe - doctrine? Let
Mr. Monroe answer the question. 'ln his
annual message to Congress, in 1823,- he an
nounced his views upon two important sub
jects. They are as follows, and are to' be
fourid in different 'parts of the - message: .
" 1. That it was impossible for the Allied'
Powers to extend their political 'system to
any part of America, :without endangering
our peace' and happiness, and equally impos
sible, therefore, that we should behold such
interference with indifference."
"2. That the occasion had .been judged
proper for asserting, as a principle, in which
the rights and interests of the : United States
were involved, that the American continents,
by the free and independent condition, which
they had assumed and maintained, were
henceforth not to bo considered as subjects
for future 'colonization,- by any European .
Power:"
iris extraordinary, sir, that any one could
suppose, that_these declarations had reference,
( only, to the peculiar position of 'the' Spanish
colonies. The first had, but the second was
addressed' to all
. nations, and. was, intended
to operate during all time: It was the annun
ciation of a new line of policy. On what
was it founded 1 On — the situation of our
country, - and .of the
,various States of this
continent, whichdemanded a systern—as Mr.
Jefferson said, "separate and apart frout,Eu
rope." For ages after the discovery; the col
onies, planted in this hemisphere, sere the
mere appendageS of the mother countries;
used 'for 'the purposes of trade, and without
the slightest view'-to the establishment of any
enlarged policy for 'their prosperity or-'in
crease. They were Useful in peace fer 'the
purposes of commerce; and in war, to aid in
its,prosecution. When the successful result
our Revolution estahlisliedan independent
"power on this side . of the Atlantic, it began
to be perceived, that nevi interesis,hadarisen,
. which
,Would necessarily lead 'to great.
changes. And ,when - the' Spanish' cokinies
took the same position; as sovereign State's,
it became evident; that the time had arrived
for some decisive action upon the' subjeot. : -- -
It was impossible for the, United States to
permit, if they could prevenf it, the recoliini
zation of those countries, - 'or:the. establish
ment pf new colonies. They could not suffer
a State of things, which would forever con
nect those vast regions with European Pow
ers, making them parties.to distant wars—
dynastic; ambitions, and What not—in which
they had no concern ; and thus endangering
our safety and our interests—placed as they ,
were on 'our very, borders, keeping us inper-,
petual alarm. The great code of public law
is not a rigid, unbending one. It accommo=
dates itself to the'advancing condition of the
world; of which power of adaptation many,
examples are oh record, as in the case of the'
principle'of the right of occupation, resulting
from discovery, and the abrogationn — of ta
claim-of dominion over What was called the
narrow seas, - Many other instances are to
be found, but I shall - not - stop to seek them.
The qUestiOn is, well,tottched by Mr. Canning,
who said to Mr.
"It concerned"the United States, under aS
pects andintereSts,'its - immediate and command..
ing, as it did or could any of the States-of Eu=-
rope. They were the first-Power on that conti
nent, and confessedly the leading Power;' They
- were connected With Spanish America by their
position, as-with Europe by their, yelations.; and
they also stood connected with'those new States.J
by. political ,relations. Was it possible. they
'could sec with indhrcrencc their fate decided
only by Europe? Could. Europe expect such
indifference 7 Bad not a new epoch arrived in
the 'relative position of the
. United States to- ,
wards Europe, which_ Europe must acknowl
edge - Were the great political' and Coalmen.
cial interests, which hung.:upinn the - destinies of
the new continent, to be canvassed - and 'itdjosted
in . this hemisphere; ''(l.F;urope;) Without the co.
operation,
,or
,even knowledge, of the United
States ?" '
And to the same purport speaks Mr. Ever
ett in one of the most admirable letters to be
found in the whole history Of diplomacy.—
He said, speaking of the infiner.ce of the
United States: •
"But a new clement of incalculable import.'
ance in reference to territorial arrangementh is
henceforth to be recognized in America."
This principle of European non-interference
in the affaits of this continent has been ad
vocated, and brought before Congress and
the country, by three Presidents of the United
States at different- intervals, and under cir
cumstances, calling for action. In Europe,
such a line of policy might well be marked
out by the executive authority, as that de-
VOL. 11, NO. 85,
partment of the governnient possesses the
power to enforce it, being 'vested with the
right to 'make war. - But here "the Executive
'occupies a very different position; and he'eari
establish authoritatively no. such princiPle s
without the co-operation of Congress. - - He
may recommend, but the Legislature alone
Can sanction and enforce his views: We
ought, sir, years ago, by congressional inter ,
position, to have made this system of policy
an American system by a solemn declaration ;"
and, if we had done so, we should have spa
red ourselves muchlrouhle, and no little mot. ,
tification. But we let the time pass by, with ,
'out' appreciating our high' responsibilities,
leaving,important interests to be the sport of
'circumstances. And why this; indifference
to a measure, urged upon us by so many grave
considerations ?- .The honorable Senator from
New York ( Mr. Sewaidi said, the other day s ,
that this.doctrine.was an abstraction, and had
therefore found no favor with Congress.. Sir,
it was never an abstraction. There never
was a moment, when- its resolute confirma°
tion by Congress would not have been of the
highest importance to the honor, the interest s
and the safety of our country. The legisla
tive confirmation would have been no more
an abstract declaration, than the executive
recommendation. Both the one and the other
were demanded 'by the gravest considerations.
No, sir, it was not the fear of abstractions,
which 'interfered bet Ween Congress and this
good work. It was some undefined appre.;
pension, that, if:we spoke the words, we must
adhere to them ; and that, if we adhered to
them, they would be words of terrible import
to our country. lam happy to-believe, that
timidity is 'giving way to a wise - firmness.
'Mr. SEWARD. Will the tionorai4e-Sena
tor allow- me- to 'ask him a question at this
point by way of elucidating this matter?
Mr." LASS. - Certainly. •
•
Mr.'SEWARD. desire to avail myself
of the honorable Senator's recollection about
the-occasien- when the debate, to which het
alludes, Wok place. Was there at that time
before 'Coneress"a practiCal question of con
flict, or apprehended conflict. in regard to
any portion of the territory of - Cerilral Amer.
tea I ask the question, because I have
quite forgotten the occasion on which the de
bate to which he refers took place. •
Mr. CASS. I beg pardon ; I referred to
the honorable Senator's declaration on the
introduction of the President's message.
Mr. SEWARD. I spoke then of the reason
why it failed upon the occasion's when it-had
been brought forward, referred especially to
an occasion - since I had been a member of
this House, when 'the honorable Senator from
Michigan him Self brought it forward, and I
thought then it Ntras presented without an oc
casion. - • - -
Mr:CASS. ' Mr: President, so far as I know,
the first attempt to procere.the co-operation
of the American Legislattire in this doctrine(
was bri its redeclz..i.ation by Mr. Polk.' He
certainly introduced it in; reference to, the
then peuding difficulties hi iegard to'Oregon.
There was a plain,praCtical point. We = re
fused to say a word, and, I repeat, we refiised
then even to take it (the subject) into consid
eration. Dn the other occasion to which the
honorable Senator 'refers, there was a resolu
tion, I think, introduced by myself; but I do
not tecollect what particular bearing it • had,
except its general bearing; on the welfare of
the country:'
- .Mr. SEWARD. That is w hat I understood;
and therefore I asked the question.
Mr. CA.SS. " The Circumstances connected:
with Mr. Monroe's communication are well
known; and properly called for the consider. ,
atioh and action of Congress ; but it found
neither. When Mr. Polk adopted and renewed
'the declaration; the Oregon-controversy was
pending, 'and' it %.vzs :a peculiarly fitting occa
sion - for a union Of the legislative and exec
utive power's,- in order 'to" bring 'this great
work 'in' its consummation. Still, nothing
was 'done. And, 'now, this subject is again'
brought- , before us by another President, and
with a view to its direct,bearing upon the
discuSsion; in which we nd ourselves zenga
ged with" England. Some-year's since, - as I
have stated, the debate in 'the Senate Was
brought on Irresolutions introduced by my-.
self. -affirming the Concurrence olCongress ,
in the anti-colonialdoctrine.- It was fruitless
'in any tisertil' result; and thni this. Atherican
Principle - has been but 'a barren- '-dicium, 'as
Lord Clarendon calls it, and will never fruc
tify until it, receives the sanction of -the Fed
.eral- Legislature. '•
The honorable Senator froin New Harrip
! shire, (Mr. HALE,) in the remarks he, made..
upon this subject a few days ago, referred to
'the views - etipressed by Mr. Calhoun; in the
Senate, in relation-to 'this:doctrine, and main
tained, that no general' principle of action
was' laid'doWn by Mr:Monroe, but that'his
efforts were limited - to the - preservation of the'
independent States "of 'Spanish' origin from
- the grasp-ot the Holy Alliance, as the- union '
Of various.despotiti powers 'to put clown pop.
ular demonstrations waScalled. The unholy
alliance'would have been its proper designa
tion. - -
There is no doubt, sir, but that the 'threat..;_
ening aspect of affairs in relation to' theie
:'Spanish' States, and th 4 known- project to .
bring them under the dominien of some Boor-_
bon prince, was the prominent cause, which.
led Mr. Monroe to interpose upon that occa
sion: eircumsfanthec do . not create princi-'
pies.' They' call therminto action. Circum
stances occurred, which directed the atten
tion; of the American Government to an ap
proaching Crisis, and it then investigated,:
'not only •its line of-action, but the ground
upon which 'that action could be justified,
and the-result was this well-known declara
tion..
In (Mr 'position, it is one of the great
elements of our strength, and of our means
of self-defense. It is perpetual,' riS . NI , ell in,
its obligations, as in the .security ebrings
with it. It interfered with no existing rights-.
but looked to the future, with a view to guard
that from danger..
Monroe promulgated, what is known
through the world as his doctrine—the .A mer
icon doctrine of American self-preservation.
It is now sought to degrade it to a mere tern,
porary expedient, living while the Holy Alli
ance lived, and dying with the death of that,
unprincipled league. Now, sir, Mr. Monroe