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BY W. LEWIS.
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THE SLAVErt*,QUESTION
We have seen nothing in refutation of The
slavery opinions of the , Republicans and their
co-fanatics, the Americans, so able, eloquent
and conclusive as the address recently put
forth by the New Y3rk (soft shell) Demo . cracy.
That wing of the party has been extensively
'charged with freesoi I prOclivities—but if there
has, at any time heretofore, been ground for
the charge, their admirable address, if a clear
reflection of their present views, demonstrates
that they have purged their party of the fan
.atics who, in times past, created their senti
ments, and places them, now, conspicuously
-on the National Democratic platform. The
Republicans of New York, being the, most
Anti-slavery party in that State, that portion
-of the address which we shall'quote is direct
ed to them, but is equally applicable, id this
State, to all the parties opposed to Democracy,
no matter under what cognomen they may
ehopse to appear before the people. .The
following extract, though somewhat lengthy,
is full of sound argument and illustration, and
-cannot be read but with profit by, all seekers
-after truth :
"Let us (says the address) give these men
- the-benefit of their disclaimers. Let us - ad
.mit that they do: not:propose to interfere with
slavery now in either of the old . thirteen
States; that they intend no insult to their
brethren in those states, while branding theni
as objects of governmental distrust and ab
horrence;. that they are athirst for peace and
tranquility, while invoking the demon of dis
cord and strife; that they venerate the Union
while denmincing the wisdom which - framed it
as 4 treason against human rights;' and that
they hope to perpetuate its blessings by join
ins hands with them who hate and curse it
and pray
,for its overthrow; grant that all of
them do not see the tendency of their actions,
or the inevitable end of their career, and that
they.are doing this evil with a vague expecta
tion that some possible good may come at last;
still, the question is, not what they intend .or
ultimately expect, but what course should
others take whose sense of duty is yet unsub
dued by the phrensy of fanaticism or the lust
•of power ? Is-it wise, is it just, -is it right in
any conceivable view—nay, is it not, oath
absurd and criminal—to countenance the
theories which now, for the first time in our
national history, this motley throng of politi
cians claim shall be enforced, 'in every case
and throughout all hazards,'_ by direct govern
mental action,?
"We have assumed that they are not vet
-so far gone in , delusion as -to meditate any
present assault upon slavery in the old thir
teen States; though even this is but an infer
ence—perhaps an unwarranted one—from
their silence.":' . In the strange document cal
led their 'platform of principles,' drawn up by
a professed- abolitionist, - and .unanimously
, adopted as the permanent , basis of their orga
nization, we find the folloWing distinct avow
als, which show hoW wide a field of agitation
they mean ultimately to occupy, and how
little they are disposed to restrict it out of
deferende to. the constitution :
'Resolved, That the federal government be
ing one of defined anti limited powers, &e.,
we most earnestly deny its right to establish,
uphold, or tolerate slavery in any portion of
the publie'domain; or .to connive at its exis
,tence in the federal
,territory by any means
tever.
'Resolved, That since there can be no legal
slavery in The territories of the Union, there
van be 210 slave States legally formed out of
.such territorieh!;&e.
'The powers' of.the general government •in
' Tespoct to slavery are the' same to-day' that
they were when the Union was formed; and
if they have not been- exceeded heretofore by
the admission of slave States, they cannot be
hereafter. in other words, if Congress has
no powerlo adinit new slave states now, as
- these theorists broadly affirm, it has had none
at any, time, and every act of that nature,
Whether pas t or:futere, may be treated a mere
ursurpation mit obligatory upon any one.—
Suppose the cardinal doctrines inculcated by
the resolutiOns we haVe quoted to'be ndopted
as an elemental portion of our, national poli
cy, and to have become, what, their authors
mean they shall be, "the creed of political
faith, the text of civic instruction, the “touch
stone by which to try_ the services of - those
we trustat once the prompter and the
:guider ofindividual inty and public action
everything-hitherto done• under which new
slave States' have been formed out of territo
ry once constituting part• of the public do
main must be then deemed unconstitutional;
and therefore absolutely invalid for any .prac
tical end. Louisiana, Missouri, and all other
S
.States received into the Union in violation of
.the dogma on which alone resistance for the
future is to be based, have none of the rights
-of States under the confederacy it they are
considered members of it for any purpose, they
hold their position by sufferance only, not in
virtue of the onstitution ! They are not enti-
tied to be represented in the councils of the na
tion, nor to have its aid in suppressing domes
tic insurrection, or in repelling foreign inva
sion; andevery faithful believer in this new
creed is bound to say so by his votes, in Con
gress and out of it! Indeed , we, are told that
they have not a "republican form of govern
ment;" that they are uncongenial, and there
fore unfit associates for the' free States; that
they are mere "aristocracies," which, "in ev
ery case and throughout all hazards, must be
abhorred and avoided ) " and so they should be
-thrust from the Union, or compelled to change
their domestic policy! Such, fellow-citizens,
are some of the teachings of anti-slavery re
publicanism,; such the 'broad and dismal
field of agitation, which it opens to our view,
and on which it urges government to enter.
" The anti-slavery republican party admit
that the constitution tolerates slavery, and
that, while it provides for the , return of fugi
tive slaves, it is impreelsively Tilent as to the
admission of new slave States, and imposes
no express duty to interfere with the subject
anywhere or in ,any form. They admit, in
deed, that it treats slavery as an affair of
local sovereignty, which the people of each
of-the original States, at least; may deal with
as they please, irrespective of the views and
wishes of the people of other States. And
though they rail against its compromises,
they admit, too—for they cannot' falsify his
tory—that the Union could not have existed
if their spirit, instead of the spirit of peace,
had' prevailed. No one, mureover, will prob
ably deny that, had some prophet rent the
veilof the future, and-revealed the time when
Congress was to act in accordance with the
new theories now proposed,. every southern
State would have refused to join the confed
eracy. And suppose even that the power to
enforce these theories could be found in some
ambiguous clause of the constitution, and
that, if exercised, an astute legal philologist
might be able to maintain it; still the ques
tion is not one of law alone, nor of philology
nor metaphysics, but of practical statesman
ship, of wise governmental expediency, of
crop& faith, honesty, and fair dealing. And
we put it to you as such, and ask you again,
ought the power to be exercised? * * *
"Anti-slavery republicanism abhors con
ciliation. It disdains peace; it calls back
the spirit of discord; it will have nothing to
do with local sovereignty of any kind, and,
least of all, with that which looks for its war
rant to the consent or choice of the people;
it invokes the arm of the nation, and pro
claims congressional• war—war without truce
or relenting, and, for aught we see, war with
out end ! And so salimated are its theories
that its adherents cannot advance one argu
ment for their adoption founded on the plain
principles of the-constitution; nor any argu
ment, indeed, except such as proves, if it
proves anything, that slavery should be as
sailed .everywhere, and at all times in spite of
constitutions "and compacts. We invite you'
to consider not merely the outward form of
their creed, but its inner life and irrepressible
practical tendencies. They ask for congres
sional intervention on the assumed ground
that slaveholding, under all circumstances,
is incompatible with religion as well as re
publican principles; so much so, indeed,
that government cannot innocently.; let it
alone ! And when •told that the constitution
was fashioned upon a different theory, they
admit and lament the fact, exalt themselves
above the constitution, above the government,
and appeal to a "higher law !" The light
by which our fathers walked and toiled will
not do for them. They seek the pure empy
rean ! In the language of Mr. Webster,
they are 'above ordinances.' They pant for
absolute perfection, and will countenance
nothing which falls short of it ! On other
subjects of public concern, however, they
are modest in their pretensions, peaceable
like other men, and far less exacting. They
believe in governmental jobs and steamships,
and high tariffs and lavish expenditures, and
mortgages of revenue and vast public debts,
and ;it the fraudulent contrivances by which
'the few are enabled to prosper at the expense•
of the many. These they can countenance
and tolerate—nay, lobby, advocate, and prac
tise—notwithstanding all their specious cant
about duty and human rights, and govern
mental perfection ! They economise in their
zeal for public purity, and would confine its
benefits wholly to the-colored race!
"Congress is one of the mere agents of
government. Its powers are' derived from
the constitution,. and it has no right to act
'upon theories'which that instrument repudi
ates, whether they are good or bad. Eilery
attempt thus far to extend its' control over
the subject of slavery, however guarded and
conciliatory, has been fraught with danger. •
Angry sectional controversies, alienated feel=
ing, enfeebled patriotism, havenniformly, re
sulted from such measures. , And if this new
experiment upon the public tranquility shall
thrive, and all the powers. of government_ be
surrendered• to anti-slavery republicanisin i
who can tell what the future has in store for
us? When one-half the - people of the Union
shall be taught to curse it as• irreligious and
anti republican, and the other half to tie
nounce it as a fraud on their 'rights, en open
enemy to their Statelmlicy, their interest and
their homes, who shall answer •for its fate 'I"
After' quoting from a speeeh of . Silas Wright,
and front the Farewell Address , of.
,General
Jackson, in which She-American people are
cautioned against the rnischievotis results of
abolition Agitation, the
. add address - closes dis
.cussien of the , subject as follows :
"Let us heed these impresSive lessons of
patriotism, and oppnse. those - who invite us
to engage with them in this new anti-slave
ry crusade. Reject with abhorrence the trea
sonable fallacy that sectional strife is either
wise, patriotic, Or necessary. Leave the pea
ple of the Territories to settle their own poli
cy in regard'rto slavery.. Extend to them ev
ery needed protection for the free and fair ex
ercise of their choice, but go no further.—
All rational men concede—even anti-slavery
_republicanism hesitates to deny—that, when
they are admitted as States, their right to es
tablish or abolish the institution will become
perfect, and no power on earth can queition
their decision. If they are admitted to-day
HU - I\ -- TINGDON, FEBRUARY 6, 1856.
=I
=I
I=
IS
El
=
I=l
SI
CI
with an anti-slavery constitution; they may
change it to-morrow without consulting- our
wishes; and should Congress prevent their
doing so, it would be an , invasion of sover
eignty, which might be lawfully resisted' by
force of arms. Or should they come into the
Union with a constitution which .prescribes
no line of policy on this subject, but leaves it
to be settled by State legislation afterwards,
the result will be the same. And so 'they •
will have their own way at last, as we have
had ours. Why not, then, abstain at once
from inter meddling, and stop useless agita
tion 1 We believe ihe people are tired a it,
and desire peace. It promises no good, none
whatever, but only evil, and that continually
—evil in our national councils, in the differ
ent States, in churches, and eVerywhere.
Other and direr forms of evil will follow if
we persist in urging Congress to act on the
ories at war alik with the constitution and
common sense., Can we not afford to rely
on the unwritten but steady laws of popula
tion in the disposition of questions of this
kind Have we travelled so far • away from
deinocracy that we dare not trust the people
of the Territories with - the management of
any of their own affairs? Is no faith to be
placed in the instincts and interest§ of intel
ligent men, or in any thing except the coer
cive powers of government 1 Or do we real
ly believe that all good men must come to us,
'it at all, through acts of Congress; and that
duties have no existence or validity until pre
scribed by statute 1 •This is the creed of anti
slavery republicanism, not of the democratic
party."
Having heard much of the magnificence
and grandeur of the Metropolitan gambling
houses, I, with several Cleveland friends,
paid • one a visit the other night. The en
trance was through a narrow, lighted way,
opening from-the Avenue, just east of the
National. A pair of stairs at the, further end
of the hall brings you abruptly against a
smallldoor i fastened on the inside; a colored
servant looks through a latticed panel, to see
that all is right. If he discovers a well
known customer or a frequent visitor of such
places, the whole party is admitted; on the
principle of course "that a person is known
by the company he keeps." Gamblers un
derstand human nature better than anybody
else, and they know this old adage is -as true
in bell as it is out. We wersadmitted first in
to a room beautiful carpeted, frac° painted,
with chairs, sofas, lounges, &c., of rosewood,
a larg centre table, ori .vvhich were the lead
ing newspapers of the, country, and around
which sat several ell dressed
r gentlemen,
leisurely reading aiscussing the news of
the day. This was Nit the half of a double
parlor; the reception, ,room, or as Milton
would say ; "the vestibule of hell."
Our guide, who was 'a well known Wash
ington gentleman, introduced us to the keep
er of the establishment, telling him that we
had never been in such a place before, and
were led by curiosity to explore his infernal
domains. He appeared highly delighted,"and
ediately opened up the "inner temple;".
we I- itered and found the half had not been
tont us—a chandalier costing from three to
four hundred dollars, brilliantly up, flung its
glittering rays on gold papered wails, satin
damask curtains, sofas, &c. In the centre,
and near one end of the room, stood a long
six-legged table, with carved limbs and lion
paws, covered with a richly embroidered
spread, falling in folds nearly to the floor; on
the wall over this tattle hung a massive gilt
frame, and large as life a huge crouching ti
ger, with eyes of glaring fire, lips apart, and
apparently ready for a spring upon his unsus
pecting victim. The cloth being removed
from the table beneath, revealed a 'Faro Bank'
with all the implements of that_ well known
fa.scinsting game—chips, ivory chips, repre
senting $l, $ 5, $25, $250. each, lay pilled
up in one corner, for _ the convenience of
the betters; in a strong box beneath lay piles
of bank bills and heaps of double eagles for
the redemption of these ivory issues. •
It was early in the evening, and the,players
had not got in. The keeper .entertained us
with tales of the table—how foolishly young
men came there as we had, out of curiosity,
•wltieh generally left them out of cash, out of
Character, and out of friends, in the end. We
proposed leaving, when he politely invited
us to stay . to supper; he showed us his bill of
fare, which included soup, roast beef, oysters
in all styles; ducks, venison, quail, fish,
chocolate, coffee, nuts,"and, all the wines and
liquors to be,found in the best restaurants.—
Whoever is admitted to, the room, either as
players or spectators, are also admitted to
these suppers free of charge; don't gamblers
understand human nature? The keeper was
impatient to haire the House organized, so
members could draw theirmileage, and make
his business better (!) This is, but one, of the
many'such institutions in this city, 'and the
Tiger is bound to be fed though the people
starve.—Plain' Dealer.
EFFECT OE TFIECOTTuidktIoN or KARg.—. , .
The capitulation of Kars appears to be a very
great advantage 'gained by •Russia, which
counterbalances in, a great'measure the los
ses in the Crimea. By the possession 'of this
comrhanding'position, Russia has control of
the great highway by ,which the trade of
Western Europe findslts way overland from
Trebizond . to Persia and. the countries of
Central Asia which lie . beyond it. Russia
was begidning to suffer from the • stoppage
of,her commerce, and the consequent drying
up of the supplies required to enable her to
carry on the war. - The.capture of Kars ena
bles her, to stop the current. .of European
commerce through. • Turkey to Central Asia,
and compel the stream to flow across her own
territories; • thus partially neutralizing the
pressure her own trade was beginning to feel,
and enabling her to protract the war. Per
sia itself is placed in a condition of mercan
tile dependence upon Russia, which, with
her evident leaning in the same direction, it
is believed will induce her to pick a quarrel
with„Turkey, for the purpose of extending
her dominions.
g7'"Act well your part.,
A Peep into a Washington Bien.
From the Baltimore Republican.
PRANKLIN PIERCE.
• It has been remarked of the great Napoleon
that he possessed a sagacity which enabled
.him,.on all occasions, to select the "right
Man for the right place." This faculty be
long., indeed, in greater or less degree, to all
heroic minds; and is• but the prescience or
sympathy which enables them to discover
what is great or noble in others. It may also
be,possessed by large bodies or multitudes of
men as well as by individuals nand when be
stowed on a political party - , . is ever the fruit
ful source of wise councils and noble actions.
That this endowment is possessed by the
Democracy of this country,,we verily believe;
for: without it, it could never ha'e so uni
formly adopted both men and measures capa
ble of conducting . the nation through its
greatest perils and darkest periods of its his
tory. Nor can it be said that it has always
waited until the 'world - had recognized the
merit or ability of the men it has selected for
its Champions,' but guided by this instinct,
Democracy has found her Cincinnatus at his
or discovered in the retiring or modest
citizen, whose worth and services had almost
escaped the notice of his countrymen, a
statesman of heroic mould.
This fact was never, perhaps, more signally
illustrated than in the person of our present
'chief magistrate, Franklin Pierce. It will
be remembered that, as in the case of Presi
dent Polk, when it was announced to the
country that Mr. Pierce was nominated by
the Baltimore Convention, the enquiry was
derisively made : " Who is Franklin Pierce I"
It will also be remembered, that when the
messenger conveyed to him the intelligence
that he had been selected to wear the Presi
dential robe, he found him somewhat like the
patriarch of old, "walking and meditating in
the fields at even;'? little suspecting that he
was to be the recipient of so great an honor.
But Mr. Pierce was not even then an obscure
man, and it argued but little -acquaintance
with the history of their country, in those
who professed not to know him. He had
filled and adorned the highest stations 3 he
had been the associate of the great men of
the country, at periods when there were
giants among us, and on many occasions had
displayed administrative-and forensic talents
of a superior order. But above all else, he
possessed that retiring modesty which led
hire to decline distinctions and honors, as
fast as they were thrust upon him 3 and which
is at once the greatest proof and the 'highest
•endowment of a great mind. During his
Senatorial career, ha discovered such profound
political sagacity, such strict and rigid 'senti
ments of " Staten Rights," that he has been
by Some denominated the Calhoun of the
North. We furthermore confidently refer.to
his speeches as perfect models of forensic
diction and eloquence.
These remarks may, it is true, sound
strangely in the ears of those who have ac
customed themselves to listen only to the ti
rades of an opposition press, but we resolutely
appeal from the judgment of such tribunals
to the calmer and more deliberate sentence of
history and truth. We shall be much de
ceived if these stern judges have not reserved
for him their choicest honors and rewards.
But it is chiefly with his acts since his ele
vation to the Presidency that we have to do
in this article, and we fully believe that he
has in this position, in all respects, confirmed
the sagacity that dictated bis selection. Ele
vated to power by the almost unanimous
voice of his countrymen, he has, in no in
stance, forgotten that he was President of the
whole Union, and not of a section. The first
great act of his adminiitrationan act for
which it will be honored by after generations
—was the removal of that black line which
lay across the nation like a belt of enchant
ment, virtually - dividing the States into hos
tile and rival sovereignties. For -more than
thirty years the greatest and best"of our
statesmen had seen and acknowledged the
evil effects of the Missouri line, but no ad
ministration had yet felt itself strong enough
or possessing the moral courage .or patriotism
to support its repeal.• But the period had at
last arrived when the great work could no
longer be postponed, without serious and
pernicious consequences to the entire coun
try, and fortunate for us has it been that that
period found the destinies of the government
in the hands of its present rulers: Posterity
will most assuredly do justice to Mr. Pierce
and his government for the patriotism dis
playel in the repeal of the Missouri compro
mise, and the enactment of the Nebraska bill,
although some of the present age may refuse
it, or even censure and condemn them.
Again, for several years preceding the
present government, the rights and persons
of American citizens in' foreign countries,
were assailed with an impunity'that had be
come proverbial. In the Inaugural •of the
President, we saw the flash of, indignation
with which he had beheld this state ofthings,
and we obtained his assurance' that under his
administration it should cease. Most faith
fully has he kept his word. Whether in the
harbor of Smyrna, protecting the person of
an humble and 'inchoate - citizen, or beneath
the eye of the eagle of France. defending the
rights of our ambassador. Whether it was
to demand a properrespecteo the flag of, the
nation in the waters of the 'Gulf' or protec
ting the pioperty of our citizens from the
depredations of the freebooters of Greytown
—the present government has resolutely. up
held the dignity and charaCter of the' Repub
lic. The result is that all 'outrage / whether
against our flag or our citizens has entirely'
ceased and we may repose in confidence that
none will be again offered while thiS govern
ment.enduies, without bringing on tbi3 heads
of its perpetrators, whoever they May beea
Speedy and condign punishment.
The greatest and crowning act; however,
of the President in his late message. It is
here that all those virtues, all that high saga
city and
.patriotism, which we have attribu
ted to him,' have culminated; and which will,
unless we have greatly misread the signs of
times, eventually elevate him amongst the
greatest sages and benefactors of the nation.
It is, indeed, fortunate for the country, that
at an emergency like the present—a period
in the estimation of many statesmen and'
1:1
patriots . ,- fraught with more real danger to
the Union than any through which it has yet
been called to pass—when the storms of fac
tion and fanaticism are let louse, and with a
fiercer and wider sweep than heretofore;
'when the legislation of thirty years, on the
vexed question of slavery, has been found to
have but " skin'd and filmed the ulcerous
parts," and when the country is at last com
pelled to look its great istemsis in the 'face,
without veil or coveringit is, we say, for
tunate in the highest degree ) that through the
remarkable prescience of the Democracy, the
nation is blessed with such a ruler as Frank
lin - Pierce. It is the first time in the history
of the country, that the black dragon of fanat
icism has beer. throttled in the White House;
nor were the weapons of the President either
" - steel or poison," but the simple power of
truth, as conceived and expressed by a heroic
mind. With this single weapon, he has al
ready more than half achieved the battle for
the Constitution and the Union and- though
his enemies may essay to disguise it, we be
lieve that he' will nobly triumph °per all his
own and his - country's dangers.
Military Ccinveation.
Pursuant to notice, the delegates elected by
the different military divisions of the Com
monwealth, met at the Capitol on the 21st
ult. At 5 o'clock, on mot ion of Major Hodg
son, the Convention was temporarily organi
zed by calling General George Cadwallader
to the chair.
Col. R. M. Lee nominated Major Hodgson,
Secretary.
On motion of Major J. C Innis, of Blair,
the following were appointed a committee to
receive and examine credentials, viz :
Maj. J. C. Innis, Gen. A. Diller, General
R. McGill and Capt. J. M. Eyster.
On motion, Col. R. M. Lee, Maj. McFar
land, Maj. Raymond, Gen. McGill and Capt.
Eyster, were appointed a committee to repots
officers for the permanent organization of the
Convention.
After a short absence, Col. Lee, chairman
of the committee, reported the following:
President—GEN. GEO. CAD WALADER,
of Philadelphia.
Vice Presidents—Generals W. H.
Perry; David Wherry, Cumberland; Geo.
Wynkoop, Schuylkill; John C. Watson, 14th
Division; E. C. 'Williams, Dauphin; R. C.
Magill, Huntingdon; Col. Andrew Gregg,
Centre; Maj. J. C. Innis, Blair; Maj. MAl
henny, Allegheny.
Secretaries—Major J. Hodgson, Chester;
Col. J. P. Weaver, Philadelphia; Major Ray
mond,Blair; Major Dare, Huntingdon.
The report was unanimously adopted. -
Gen. Cadwallader, on taking the chair,
made an appropriate and in teresting address.
On motion, Gea. Bowman was added as
Vice President.
The committee on credentials reported
. the
following as delegates;
Philadelphia—Generals George Cad wal la
der, Wm. M. Riley; Cols. Conroy, R. M. Lee,
J. P. Weaver and Capt. Sickel.
Chester—Gen. Bell, Major J. Hodgson.
Lancaster—Generals D. Miller, Cross, Dil
ler; Cols. Reinhold, Righart, Lightner; Ma
jors Amweg, Herr, Sample r Gormley, Hoff
man; Captains Duchman, Somers, Warden,
Hitzelberger, Musser, Blikensderfer, Charles,
Young, Hambright, ,Trissler, Voigt, Cohan,
Fraler, Leonard, Weaver.
Juniata—Lieuteuants David. R. Zuloff and
McClelland.
Lehigh—Lieut. Col. Weiser, Major Fry.
Berks, Lebanon and Dauphin—Lieutenants
J. H. Schenk, .11. B. Penn; Gen. Williams,
Major Wright,.Captain Byster; Lieutenants
Black, Schaffer, Lyons, Amwig, Loudensla
ger. Sehminkey, Long.
Armstrong—Capt. Gann, Cols. Stokes and
S. F. Bowman.
.
Sek uylkill—Gem 6. Wynkoop and .Mai.
Mortimer. ..
,
~
Cumberlanct—Colonel S. Cropp,; , Major.
McFarland, J. W. Vanderbelt, Captains Mes
singer; Mowry ; Anderson ; Woodburn ; Schri
ver, Hull, General Wherry, Captain Romp.
Perry-General Miller, Captain Vander
ling, Major Iseti. ,
,
Pittsburg—Major J. H. Mllhenny, Captain
Nag 4, Colonel Hultz, Captain Large, General
Snodgrass, Captain M'Master, Lieut. Foster,
Colonel Bit Clintock. • ,
Blair—General Campbell, Major). C. In-:
nis, Jacob Higgins, Major Raymond, Lieuts.
Cassaday, Piper, Ale, Rennar, Gibboney, M'-
Intosh, Ingram i Funk, Hamer, Hoover, Con
nard, O'Conner, Shultz.
Centre—Colonel A. Gregg,, Colonel A. G.
Curtin.
.Huntingdon—Generals Watson, M'Gill;
Majors Everhart, Dare, Crostly, Garretson,
Colonel Wintrode; Captants Harrison, Stett,
Dull,, Sharer and Thomas.
Northumberland—Major J. Zimmerman.
Jefferson—Major J. Wright, COlonel A.
Long.
F;ette—ColOne . l J. R. Smith.
Washington—Major W. S. Millinger; Da
vid Riddle, Captain G. Miller.
On motion of Gen. Diller, the following
were appointed a committee to _prepare busiz
ness for the consideration of ' the conventicio.
Generals Diller ; Cad vrallader; Colonels Curtin,
Crop, Weaver; Majors Mortimer, Hodgson;
Millinger, Zimmerman, Barron, Wright, Ivo
ry, M'llhenny, and Captains Higgins, Zieg
ler, Yanderling and Miller. , .
Adjourned till 7 o'clock, P. M.
At the hour appointed, the committee repor
ted the following: which were read and Vnanz
imously adopted
Whereas, It is generally conceded,• that in
the absence of a standing army; which is at
♦ariatrcil with the genius of a republican forin
of government; the citizens soldier is the na
tural bulwark of our national defence; and
whereas, the law that 110 W e*ists in this
State is inefficient and calchlated to depress
and enervate, by making the duties of the
volunteer onerous and expensive; and where
as the Legislature, by the act of 1849 re
pealed the act of 1822, "entitled an act rela
ting to the militia of the Commonwealth,',
without providing any sufficient substitute,
and recommended "that the Legislature at its
next session pass a law for the re-organization
of the militia of the Commonwealth," which
VOL. 11, NO. 83,
has never been carried into effect, and that
therefore, in the opinion of this convention,
the Legislature should, during the preseut ses
sion, pass a law regulatinci the militia of the
Common Wealth in accodance with said
commendation.
Resolved, That We feCOmtnerid the re-or
-ganization of the military department of the
Btateto . increase its efficiency, enlarge its
powers, and provide reasonable pay for its
officers. That in the opinion of this woven
titan it should be made a separate and inde
pendent bureau of the executive branch of the
Common wealth. •
Resolved, That in the opinion of this ion=
vention, the military tax should not be less
than one dollar for 'each citizen taxable for
Military purposes. • That-a board of field MR
cers,• selected in each Brigade, for that .pttf
pose, be emptiweted to make lists of persons
taxable—appoint, collector's, and treasurers,
and disburse the fund - raised in payment of
the expenses of the Brigade, and that all col
lecting, receiving and disbursing officers be
required to give security ) to , be approved by
said board, for the faithful performance of
their-duties. -
'On motion of Col. -Lee, Resolved, That a
Committee of six, in conjunction with the
Chairman of the Convention, be constituted
for the purpose of drawing and urging -upon
the attention of the legislature,an act embody
ing the sense of this- Convention, and that
they also be a permanent Committee, with
power to call subsequent conventions, when
ever it may be deemed necessary. The Con.
vention appointed Col. Lee, Generals Cad
wallader and Bowman, Major Hudgeon, Col.
Gregg, and Capte. Ziegler and Eyster, said
Committee.
On motion, Resolved, That the thanks of
this Convention are hereby tendered to Gen ,
era! Cadwallader, for the able manner in
which he has presided over its deliberations.
Resolved, That the different newspapers
published throughout the State be requested
to pnblish the proceedings of the Convention.
Signed by the Officers.
Value of Perseverance'
About ten years age t here was a little news)
boy—:very little of his age, which was -four
teen years—who 'sold papers at the corner
now occupied by the Tribune building an
its adjuncts. This boy, owing to drib cheer
ful countenance, his proverbial integrity,' his
induStrY, in brief, his good qualities generallyi
manufactured friends for himself everywhere,
and particularly among publishers. He did
a ,very good businessas,a newsboy, but his
position did not suit him, as he ore day con
fidentially infOrrried''us, and he . .was deter ,
mined to abandon 'it,
k That 'you can easily do," said we; "gm
• ill on:
into a stnre,"
.
• " I can neither read nor write ) " responded
he mournfully, •
"Apprentice yourself to some trade, then? ,
was our'advice. •
" I think I will," he 'exclaimed, with a
brightening eye - and flushed cheek i "I think
I will," and off he bounded. •
We lost sight'of- him a short time after this
conference was held, and finally forgot that
such a being existed
About a week ago, an athletic, -well cited=
sed young man, With a ferociou - s—regular
brigandish pair of • whiskers; and - a brace'of
merry twinkling optics, that betokened a good
heart and the best of health, stopped us itr
the street, and, extending his hand, called us
by' name.
Not recognizing him, we had recourse to .
the phrase of, "Rally, sir, you have the ad
vantage of me."
"Not knoW ; the little newsboy !'
he cried, 'astonished,
Truly if was our little newsboy. He had
taken nur early advice, and apprenticed- him-
Machinist. • ,
“Where are you 'working .1” we enquired.
"011,'I don't work now t " was hiapitood an.
sWer) "I own a saw-n . Oll on tang. Island i
and aril doing business formyself. 'have
keen my own bass a year now. I bought the
concern 'with the savings of eight years.
have a wife and two_childreni; and my oxivrt
cottage house and garden for them to livEi
and delve in, and am is.happy - iithe day is
long. I can read 'and *write,'..too," he con.
- tinued;:smiling; lant_with an, air;oftriumph,
"'That man will be eomebOdy'besides a boss
yet.. If we dared to tellbia name, hundreds
wbUld'ar Once 'hail - Wit h 'rapture,' the- news of
the good foriunetirTheir 'persevering' little/
friend who once'suppliedlthern with the Sun
and Herald every morning.
Temtiveraizie , —is the grand lever by which
the most astoundingresults , may, accom
pljshe'd. George Barrow, the aittbei of "La
vengro,l!-says; 'Perseveiauce and'a cletemiina
tion,to conquer - all difficulties, will invariably
Make a. rrian of the veriest OIL".
- :Do you, hear that, boyslNo miler how
pool- or .hciw ignorant yet? may be, persever
ance, conjoined-with virtue, Will 'gain you
both wealth and 'education.—Religious
aide - -• . • .
)PROSCRIPTION
Wm. Ewen. of Dalton; New Hampshire, who',
wasnne of the first settlers of that tcwn, and
has . lived•in the • st'ate•iiity-five years—has'
been .a justice Of the. peace sixteen, years,'
treasurer of the county,- selectmail,t &c, was
captain of a Military coMpaiii fifteen years t
and served as inch in:the:4'er of ,18.1-2—atio
has resided an the . sarrie.farm' for the lastfif
ty four years,:ahhoug.6 Tint born in this cowl"
try, vL;asnoti6edby the-Hindoos,of that tewri
that. be. =it procure evidence: . that he is a
citizen of the United States before he can vote
again.! ::,Although -the records of the ecianty
were-accidentally burned y,f i.:s.a.zo, al
ter much trouble and research, p u,fficient evi
dence Ma seen too nd to prevent trie
design _of, disfranchising this patriotic- and
respectable old man who was fighting for his
country before his persecutors were 6orrr.--=
Boston Post.
. .
,
- o:7•That man who is afraid to mall rift
enemy, or is afraid of his enemies when they
come ready made, as come they -w,ill, hi not
made of quite the metal to cut bid way throngli
this world: