PRESIDENT'S - MESSAGE.
Allow-citizens of the Senate and of the House of
Representatives:
The constitution of the United States provides
that Congress shall assemble annually on the
first Monday of December, and it has been usual
for the President to make no communication of
n public character to the Senate and House of
Representatives until advised of their readiness
to receive it. I have deferred to this usage until
the close of the first month of the session, but
my convictions of duty will not permit me longer
to postpone the discharge of the obligation en
joined by the constitution upon the -President
"to give to the Congress information of the
state of the Union, and recommend to their con
sideration such measures as he shall judge ne
cessary and expedient."
It is matter of congratulation that the Repub
lic is tranquilly advancing in a career of pros
perity and peace.
roulaax RELATIONS.-CENTRAL AMERICA
Whilst relations of amity contimze to exist be
tween the United States and all foreign powers,
with some of them grave questions are depend
• ing, which may require the consideration of
Congress.
• Of such questions, the most important is that
which has arisen out of the negotiations with
Great Britain in reference to Central America.
By the convention concluded between the two
e 19th of April, 1850, both
parties covenantee, --..4l‘a r will ever"
4 , occupy, or fortify, or colonize, crr
exercise any dominion over Nicaragua, Costa
Rica, the Mosquito coast, or any part of Central
America."
It was the undoubted understanding of the
United States, in making this treaty, that all the
present States of the former republic of Central
America, and the entire territory of each, would
thenceforth enjoy complete independence; and
that both contracting parties engaged equally,
and to.the same extent, for the present and for
the future, that if either then had any claim of
tight in Central America, such claim, and all
occupation or authority under it, were unreserv
edly relinquished by the stipulations of the con
vention; and that no dominion was thereafter
to be exercised or assumed in any part of Cen
tral America, by. Great Britain or the United
States.
- This government consented to restrictions in
regard to a region of country, wherein we had
specific and peculiar interests, only. upon the
conviction that the like restrictions were in the
same sense obligatory on Great Britain. But for
• this understanding of the force and effect of the
convention, it would never have been concluded
. by us.
• So clear was this understanding on the part
of the United States, that, in correspondence
cotemporaneous with the ratification of the con
vention; it was distinctly expressed, that the
mutual covenants of -non-occupation were not
intended to apply to the British establishment at
the Balize. This qualification is to be ascribed
to the fact, that, in virtue of successive treaties
with previous sovereigns of the country, Great
Britain had obtained a concession of the right
to cut mahogany or dye-woods at the Balize, but
with positive exclusion of all domain or sove
reignty; and thus it confirms the natural con
struction and understood import of the treaty as
to all the rest of the region to which the stipu
lations applied. -
It, however, became apparent, at an early day
'after entering upon the discharge of my present
functions, that Great Britain still continued •in
the exorcise or assertion of large authority in all
that part of Central America commonly called
'the Mosquito coast, and covering the entire
length of 'the State of Nicaragua, and a part of
Costa Rica ; that she regarded the Balize as her
abiolute domain, and was gradually extending
its limits at the expense of the State of Hondu
ras; and that she had formally colonized a con
siderable insular group known as the Bay Isl
ands, and-belonging, of right, to that State.
All these acts or pretensions of Great Britain,
being contrary to the rights of the States of Cen
tral America, and to the manifest tenor of her
stipulations with the United States, as under
stood by this governnaeut, have been made the
subject of negotiation through the American
Minister in London. I transmit herewith the in
structions to him on the-subject, and the corres
pondence between him and the British Secretary
for For.ign Affairs, by which you will perceive
that the two governments differ widely and irre
concileably as to the construction of the conven
tion, and its effect on their respective relations
to Central America.
Great Britain so construes the convention, as
to maintain unchanged all her previous preten
sions over the Mosquito coast, and in different
parts of Central America. These pretensions,
as to the - Mosquito coast., are founded on the as
sumption of political relation between Great Bri
tain and - the remnant of a tribe of Indians on
the coast, entered into at a time when the whole
country was a colonial possession of Spain. it
cannot be successfully controverted, that, by the
public law of Europe and America. no possible
act of such Indians or their predecessors could
confer on Great Britain any-political rights.
Great Britain does not allege the assent of
Spain as the origin of - her claims on the Mos
quito coast. She has, on the contrary, by fe
peated and successive treaties, renounced and
relinquished all pretensions of her own, and re
cognised the full and sovereign rights of Spain
in the most unequivocal terms. Yet these pre
tensions, so without solid foundation in the be
ginning, and thus repeatedly abjured, were, at
a recent period, revived by Great Britain against
the Central American States, the legitimate suc
cessors to all the ancient jurisdiction of Spain in
that region. They were first applied only to a
defined part of the coast of Nicaragua, after
wards to the whole of its Atlantic coast, and
lastly to a part of the coast of Costa Rica; and
they are now reasserted to this extent, notwith
at-nding engagements to the United States.
On the easteru coast of Nicaragua and Costa
Rica, tlie interference of treat Britain, though
exerted at one time in the form of military,ocanr
pation of the pcgt9f,,glan tipproprlate
au
-I.ll4ifiee the Central American States, is now
;presented by her as the rightful exercise of a
protectorship over the Mosquito tribe of In
dians.
But the establishment at the Baliza, now
reaching far beyond its treaty limits into the
State of Honduras, and that of the Bay Islands,
appertaining of right to the same State, are as
distinctly colonial governments as those of Ja
maica or Canada, and therefore contrary to the
very latteras well as the spirit of the convention:
with the United States, as it was at the time of
ratification, and now is, understood by this gov
ernment
The interpretation which the British govern
_xnent,,thus assertion and act, persists in as
•
character. While it "held - Sias all' mit' obligaz'
Lions, it in a great measure releases Great Bri
tain frOm those which constituted the conside
ration of this government for entering into the
convention. It is impossible, in my judgment,
for the United States to acquiesce in such a con
struction of the respective relations of the two
governments to Central America.
To a renewed call by this government upon
Great Britain, to abide by, and carry into effect,
the etipttlations of the convention according, to
its obvious import, by withdrawing from the
possession or colonization of portions of the Cen
tral American States of Honduras, Nicaragua,
and Costa Rica, the British government has at
length replied. affirming that the operation of
the treaty is prospective only, and did not re-
quire Great Britain to abandon or contract any
- possessions held by her in Central America at
the date of its Conclusion.
This reply substitutes s. partial: issue, in the
place of the general one presented by tho Uni
ted States. The British goverrunent passes over
t he question of the rights of Great Britain, real
or supposed, in Cent' al America, and assumes
that she had such rights at tho date of the
treaty, and that those rights comprehended the
protectorship of the Mosquito Indians, the ex
tended jurisdiction and Emits of the Belize, and
the colony of the Bay Isi ,nds, and thereupon
proceeds ley implication to infer, that, if the
stipulations of the treaty be merely future in
eff ec t, Great Britain may still continue to hold
the contested portions of Central America. The
United States cannot admit either the inference
or the premises. We steadily deny, that, at the
ddto of the treaty, Great Britain had tiny pos
sessions there, other than the limited and pecu
liar establishment at the 13alize, and maintain
that, if she had any, they were surrendered by
the convention.
This government, recognizing the obligations
of the treaty, has of course desired to see it ex
ecuted in good faith by both parties, and in the
discussion, therefore, has not looked to rights,
which we might assert, independently of the
treaty, in consideration of our geographical po
sition and of other circumstances, which create
for us relations to the Central American States,
different from those of any government of Eu
rope.
The British government, in its last communi
cation, although well knowing the views of the
'United States, still declares that it sees no rea
son why a conciliatory spirit may not enable the
two governments to overcome all obstacles to a
satisfactory adjustment of the subject.
Assured of the correctness of the construction
of the treaty constantly adhered to by this gov
ernment, and resolved to insist on the rights of
the United States, yet actuated also by the same
desire, which is avowed by the British govern
ment, to remove all causes of serious misunder
standing between two nations associated by-so
many ties of interest and kindred, it has appear
ed to me proper not to consider an amicable so
lution of the controversy hopeless.
There is, however, reason to apprehend, that,
with Great Britain in the actual occupation of
the disputed territories, and the treaty therefore
practically null, so far as regards our rights,
this international difficulty cannot long remain
undetermined, without involving in seriona 44..1-
lExr - "-.-- friendly relations, which it is the inte
' rest as well as the duty or tooth maul/tries to che
rish and preserve. It will afford me sincere
gratification', if future efforts shall result in the
success anticipated heretofore with more confi
dence than the aspect of the case permits me
now to entertain.
ItgCRtUTMENT
One other subject of discussion between the
United States and Great Britain has grown out
of the attempt, which the exigencies of the war
in which she is engaged with Russia induced her
to make, to draw recruits from the United
States.
It is the traditional and settled policy of the
United States to maintain impartial neutrality
during the wars which, from time to time, occur
among the great powers of the world. Per
forming all the duties of neutrality towards the
respective belligerent states, we may reasonably
expect them not to interfere with oar lawful en
joyment of its benefits. Notwithstanding the
existence of such hostilities, our citizens retain
the individual right to continue all their accus
tomed pursuits, by land or by sea, at home or
abroad, subject only to such restrictions in this
relation as the laws of war, the usage of na
tions, or special treaties, may impose and-it is
our sovereign right that our territory and juris
diction shall not be invaded by either of the bel
ligerent parties, for the transit of their armies,
the operation of their fleets, the levy of troops
for their service, the fitting out of cruisers by or
against either, or any other act or incident of
war. And these undeniable rights of neutrality,
individual or national, the United States will
under no circumstances surrender.
In pursuance of this policy, the laws- of the
'United States do not forbid their citizens to sell
to either of the belligerent powers articles con
traband of war, or to take munitions of war or
soldiers on board their private ships for trans
portation; and although, in so doing,•the indi
vidual citizen exposes his property or person to
some of the hazards of war, his acts do not in
volve any breach of national neutrality, nor of
themselves implicate the government. Thus,
dui ing the progress of the present war in Eu
rope, our citizens have, without national res
ponsibility therefor, sold gunpowder and arms
to all buyers, regardless of the destination of
those articl-s. Our crxerchantrnen have been,
and still continue to be, largely employed by
Great Britain and by Franca, in transporting
troops, provisions, and munitions of war to the
principal seat of military operations, and in
bringing home their sick and wounded soldiers ;
but such use of our mercantile marine is not
interdicted either by the international, or by our
municipal law, and therefore does not compromit
our neutral relations with Russia.
But our municipal law, in accordance with
the law of nations, -peremptorily forbids, not
only foreigners, but our own citizens, to fit out,
within the limits of the United States, a vessel
to commit hostilities against any state with
which the United Stateß are at peace, or to in
crease the force of any foreign armed vessel in
tended for such hostilities against a friendly
state.
Whatever concern may have been felt by
either of the belligerent powers lest private
armed cruisers, or other vessels, in the service
of one, might be fitted out in the ports of this
country to depredate on the property of the
other, all such fears have proved to be utterly
groundless. Our citizens have been withheld
,froth any such act or purpose by good faith.and
by respect for the law.
While the laws of the Union are thus peremp
tory in their prohibition of the equipment or
armament of bblligerent cruisers in our ports,
they provide not less absolutely that no person
shall, within the territory or jurisdiction of the
United States, enlist or enter himself, or hire or
retain another person to enlist or enter himself,
or to go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the
United States with intent to be enlisted or en
tered, in the service of any foreign state, either
as a soldier, or as a marine or seaman on board
of any vessel-of-war, letter of marque, or pri
vateer. And these enactments are also in strict
conformity with the law of nations, which de
clares, that no state has the right to raise troops
for land or sea service in another state without
its consent, and that, whether forbidden by the
municipal law or not, the very attempt to d) it,
without such co:.sent, is an attack on the na
tional sovereignty.
Such being the plate rights and the mon;01-
pal law of the United States, to soltaitua4k— , - - 7
the subject was entwel•-i-ne - British Parliament
missed an act to provide for the enlistment of
foreigners in the military service of Great Bri
tain. Nothing on the face of the act, or in its
public history, indicated that the British gov
ernment proposed to attempt recruitment in the
United States; nor did it ever give intimation of
such intention to this government. It was mat
ter of surprise, therefore, to find, subsequently,
that the engagement of' persons within the Uni
ted States to proceed to Halifax, in the British
province of Nova Scotia, and there enlist in the
service of Great Britain, was going on eaten
sb,ely, with little or no disguise. Ordinary
legal steps were immediately taken to arrest and
punish parties concerned, and so put an end to
acts infringing the municipal law
tory to our sovereignty. Men own _and deroga ,
ile suitable
. • __vv .
represenbitions on the subject - were addressed
TherenpOn it became known, by the admis
sion of the British government itself, that the
attempt to draw recruits from this country ori
ginated with it, or at least had its approval and
sanction; but it also appeared that the public
agents engaged in it had "stringent instruction"
not to violate the municipal law of the United
States.
It is difficult to understand how it amnid have
been supposed that troops could be raised here
by Great Britain, without violation of the muni
cipal law. The unmistakable object of the law
was to prevent every such act, which, if per
formed, must be either in violation of the law,
or in studied evasion of it; end, in either al
ternative, the act done would be alike injurious
to the sovereignty of the United States.
In the meantime, the matter acquired addi
tional importance by the recruitments in the
United States not being discontinued, and the dis
closure of the fact that they were prosecuted
upon a systematic plan devised by official au
thority; that recruiting rendezvous had been
opened in our principal cities, and depots for
the reception of recruits established on our fron
tier; and the whole business conducted under
the supervision and by the regular co-operation
or British officers, civil and military, some in
the North American provinces, and some in the
United States. The complicity of those officers
in an undertaking. which could only be accom
plished by defying our laws, throwing suspicion
over our attitude of neutrality, and disreg•irding
out territorial rightg, is conclusively proved by
the evidence elicited ou the trial of such of
their agents as have been apprehended and con-
Nieted. Some of the officers thus implicated
are of high official position, and many of theft
beyond our jurisdiction, so that legal proceed
ings could not reach the source of the mischief.
These considerations, and the fact, that the
cause of complaint was not a mere casual oc
currence, but a deliberate design, entered upon
with full knowledge of our laws and national
policy, and conducted by responsible public func
tionaries, impelled me to present the case to the
Ilritish government, in order so secure, not only
a cessation of the wrong, but its reparation.
The subject is still unar discussion, the resul
of which will be communicated to you in due
time.
I repeat the recommend 'lion submitted to the
last Congress, that provision be made for the ap
pointment of a commissioner, in connexion with
Great Britain, to survey and establish the boun
dary line, which divides the Territory of Wash
ington from the contiguous British possessions.
By reason of the extent and importance of the
country in dispute, there has been imminent
danger of collision between the subjects of Great
Belden and the citizens of the United States,
including their respective authorities in that
quarter. The prospect of a speedy arrangement
has contributed hitherto to induce on both sides
forbearance to assert by force what each claims
as a right. Continuance of delay on the part
of the two governments to act in the matter will
increase the dangers and difficulties of the con
troversy.
Misunderstanding exists as to the extent,
character, and value of the posses Jory rights of
the filltigAtOra May Cioanaysur aiall Lae property of
the Pu4et's Sound Agricultural Company, re
served in our treaty with, Great Britain relative
to the Territory of Oregon. I have reason to
believe that a cession of the rights of both com
panies to the United States, which would be the
readiest means of terminating all questions, can
be obtained on reasonable terms ; and, with a
view to this end, I present the subject to the at
tention of Congress.
The colony of Newfoundland, having enacted
the laws required by the treaty of the sth of
June, 1854, is now placed on the same footing,
in respect to commercial intercourse with the
United States, as the other British North Ameri
can provinces.
The commission, which that treaty contem
plated,.far determining the rights of fishery in
rivers and months of rivers on the coasts of the
United States and the British North American
provinces, has been- organized and has com
menced its labor; to cmnpleto which there is
needed further appropriations for the service of
another season.
SOUND DUES
In pursuance of the authority, conferred by a
resolution of the Senate of the United States
passed on the Sd of illarchlast, notice wa3 given
to Denmark, on the 14th day of April, of the
intention of this government to avail itself of
the stipulation of the subsisting convention of
friendship, commerce, and navigation between
that Kingdom and the 'United States, whereby
either party might, after ten years, terminate
the same at the expiration of one year from the
date of notice for that purpose.
The considerations *which led me to call the
attention of Congress to -that convention, and in
duced the Senate to adopt the resolutions refer
red to, still continv in full force. The conven
tion contains an article, which, although it does
not directly engage the United States to submit
to the imposition of tolls on the vessels and car
goes of Americans passing into or from the Bal
tic sea, during the continuance of the treaty,
yet may, by possibility, be construed as imply
ing such submission. The exaction of those
tolls not being justified by any principle of in
ternational law, it became the right and the duty
of the United States to relieve themselves from
the implication of engagement on the subject,
sc as to be perfectly free to act in the premises
in such way as their public interests ana - norior
shall demand.
-I remain of the opinion that the United States
ought not to submit to the payment of the sound
dues, not so much because of their amount,
which is a secondary matter, but because it is
in effect the recognition of the right of Denmark
to treat one of the great maritime highways of
nations as a close sea, and the navigation of it
as a privilege for which tribute may be imposed
upon those who have occasion to use it.
This government, on a former occasion not
unlike the preaent, signalized its determination
to maintain the freedom of the seas, and of the
great natural channels of navigation. The Bar
bary States had, for a long time, coerced the
payment of tribute from all nations whose ships
frequented the Mediterranean. To the last de
mand of such payment made by them, the United
States, although suffering less by their depreda
tions than many other nations, returned the ex
plicit answer, that we preferred war to tribute,
and thus opened the way to the relief of the
commerce of the world from an ignominious tax,
so long submitted to by the more powerful na
tions of Europe.
If the manner of payment of the sound dues
differ from that of the tribute formerly conceded
to the Barbary States, still their exaction by
Denmark has no better foundation in right.
Each was, in its origin, nothing but a tax on a
common natural right, extorted by those who
were at that time able to obstruct the free and
secure enjoyment of it, but who no longer pos
seas that power.
Denmark, while resisting our assertion of the
of the Baltic Sound and Belts, has in
dicated a readiness to make some new arrange
ment on the subject, and has invited the govern
meats interested, including the United States, to
be represented in a convention to assemble for
the purpose of receiving and considering a propo
sition which she intends to submit, for the capi
talization of the sound dues, and the distribu- '
tion of the sum to be paid as commutation
among the governments, according to the re
spective proportions of their maritime commerce
to and from the Baltic. I have declined in be
half of the United States to accept this invita
tion, for the most cogent reasons.
- irriptt - ill le
dues. A second is, that, if the convention were
allowed to take cognizance of that particular
question, still it would not be competent to deal
with the great international principle involved,
which affects the right in other cases of naviga 7
tion and commercial freedom, as well as that of
access to the Baltic, Above all, by the express
terms of the proposition it is contemplated, that
the coasideration of the sound dues shall be
commingled witb, and made subordinate to, a
matter wholly extraneous, the balance of power
among the governments of Burope.
While, however, rejecting this proposition,
and insisting on the right of free transit into
and from the Baltic, I have expressed to Den
mark a willingness, on the part of the United
States, to share liberally other powers in
compensating her for any advantages which
Commerce shall hereafter derive from expendi
tures made by her' for the improvement and
safety of tit. no.viisoilon of the 8,0t13:14 of Belts.
I lay before you, herewith, sundry documents
on the subject, in which my views are more fully
disclosed. Should no satisfactory arrangement
be soon concluded, I shall again call your atten
tion to the subject, with recommendation of such
measures as may appear to be required, in order
to assert and secure the rights of the United
States, so far as they are - affected by the preten
sions of Denmark:
FICAN CB.
I announce, with much gratification, that,
since the adjournment of the lust Congress, the
questibn, then existing between this Government
and that of France, respecting the French cor
sul at San Francisco, has been satisfactorily de
termined, and that the relations of the two gov
ernments continue to be of the most friendly
nature.
°Teuton
A question, also, which has been pending for
several. years between the United States and tho
Kingdom of Greece, growing out of the seques
tration, by public authorities of that country, of
property belonging to the present American con
sul at Athens, and which had been the subject
of very earnest discussion heretofore, has re
cently been settled to the satisfaction of the party
interested, and of both governments.
DEM
With Spain, peaceful relations are still main
tained, and some progress has been made in se
curing the redress of wrongs complained of by
this Government. Spain has not only disavowed
and disapproved the conduct of the officers who
illegally seized and detained the steamer Black
Warrior at ITavana, but has also paid the sum
clairned as indemnity for the losl thereby in
flicted on citizens of the United States.
In consequence of a destructive hurricane
which visited Cuba in 1844, the supretne anther. ,
ity of that island issued a decree, permitting
the importation, for the period of six months, of
certain building materials and provisions, free
of duty, but revoked It when about half the pe
riod only had elapsed, to the injury of the citi
zens of the United States, who bad proceeded to
act on the faith of that decree. The Spanish
government refused indemnification to the por
deo aggrieved until recently, when it was as
sented to, payment being promised to be made
so soon as the amount due can be ascertained.
Satisfaction claimed for the arrest and search
of the steamer El Dorado has not yet been ac
corded, but there is reason to believe that it will
be, and that case, with others, continues to be
urged on the attention of the Spanish Govern
ment. Ido not abandon the hope of concluding
with Spain some general arrangement, which, if
it do not 'wholly prevent the recurrence of diffi
culties in Cuba, will render them less frequent,
and whenever they shall occur, facilitate their
more spoedy settlement.
MEXICO.
The interposition of this government has been
invoked by many of its citizens, on account of
injuries done to their parsons and property, for
which the Mexican republic is responsible. The
unhappy situation of that country, for some time
past, has not allowed its government to give due
00.0w*r.tiou to claims of private reparation,
and has appeared to call for and justify some
forbearance in such matters on the part of this
government: l3ut, if the revolutionary move
ments, which have lately occurred in that repub
lic, end in the organization of a stable govern
ment, urgent appeals to its justice will then be
made, and, it may be hoped, with success, for
the redress of all complaints of our citizens.'
CENTRAL AMERICA
In regard to the American Republics, which,
from their proximity and other considerations,
have peculiar relations to this Government, while
it has been my constant aim strictly to observe
all the obligations of political friendship and of
good neighborhood, obstacles to this have arisen
in some of them, from their own insufficient
power to check lawless irruptions, which in effect
throws most of the task on the United States.
Thus it is that the distracted internal condition
of the State of Nicaragua has made it incumbent
on me to appeal to the good faith of our citizens
to abstain from unlawful intervention in its af
fairs, and to adopt preventive measures to the
same end, which, on a similar occasion, had the
best results in reassuring the peace of the Mexi
can States of Sonora and Lower California.
TREATIES
Since the last session of Congress a treaty of
amity, commerce and navigation, and for the
surrender of fugitive criminals, with the king
dom of the Two Sicilies ; a treaty of friendship,
commerce and navigation with Nicaragua; and
a convention of commercial reciprocity with the
Havel - in kingdom, have been negotiated. The
latter kingdom and the State of Nicaragua have
also acceded to a declaration recognising as in
ternational rights the principles contained in the
convention between the United States and Rus
sia of the 22d of July, 1854. These treaties
and conventions will be-laid before the Senate
for ratification.
T3IEASUItr.
The statements made, in my last annual mes
sage, respecting the anticipated receipts and ex
penditures of the Treasury, have been substan
tially verified.
It appears from the report of the Secretary of
the Treasury, that the receipts during the last
fiscal year ending June 30, 1855, from all sources,
were sixty-five million three thousand nine hun
dred and thirty dollars ; and that the public ex
penditures for the same period, exclusive of pay
ments on account of the public debt, amounted
to fifty-six million three hundred and sixty-five
thousand three hundred and ninety-three dol
lars- During the same period, the payments
made in redemption of the public debt, including
interest and premium,
amounted to nine million
eight hundred and forty-four thousand five hun
dred and twenty-eight dollars.
The balance in the Treasury at the beginning
of the present fiscal year, July 1, 1856, was
eighteen million nine hundred and thirty-one
thousand nine hundred and seventy-six dollars;
the receipts for the first quarter, and the esti
mated receipts for the remaining three-quarters,
amount, together, to sixty-seven million nine
hundred and eighteen thousand seven hundred
and thirty-four dollars; thus affording in all, as
the available resources of the current fiscal year,
the sum of eighty-six million eight hundred and
fifty six thousand seven hundred and ten dollars.
If, to the actual expenditures of the first quar
ter of the current fiscal year, be added the pro
bable expenditures for the remaining three quar
ters, as estimated by the Secretary of the Trea
sury, the sum total will be seventy-one million
two hundred and twenty-six thousand eight hun
dred and forty-six dollars, thereby leaving an
estimated balance in the treasury on July 1,
1856, of fifteen million six hundred and twenty
three thousand eight hundred and sixty-three
dollars and forty-one cents.
In the above estimated expenditures of the
present fiscal year are included three million
dollars to meet the last instalment of the ten
millions provided for in the late treaty with
Mexico, and, seven million seven hundred and
fifty thousand dollars appropriated on account of
the debt due to Texas, which two sums make an
aggregate amount of tam million seven hundred
and fifty thousand dollars, and reduce the ex
penditures, actual or estimated, for ordinary ob
jects of the year, to the sum of sixty million
four hundred and seventy-six thousand dollars.
The amount of the public debt, at the com
mencement of the present fiscal year, was forty
million five - hundred and eighty-three thousand
six hundred and thirty-one dollars, and, dedue
kinaliti *, • a •es an orty -
ions dollars
The remnant of certain other government
stocks, amounting to two hundred and forty
three thousand dollars, referred to in my last
message as outstanding, has since been paid.
I am fully persuaded that it would be difficult
to devise a. system superior to that by which
the fiscal business of the government is now
conducted. Notwithstanding the great number
of public agents of collection and disbursement,
it is believed that the checks and guards pro
vided, including the requirement of monthly
returns, render it scarcely possible for any con
siderable fraud bn the part of those agents, or
neglect involving hazard ofa serious public
loss, to. escape detection. I renew, however,
the recommendation, heretofore made by me,
of the enactment of a. law declaring it felony on
the part of public officers to insert false entries
in their books of record or account, or to make
false - returns, and also requiring them on the
terreination of their service to deliver to their
successors all books, records, and other. objects
of a public nature in their custody.
Derived as our public revenue is, in chief
part, from duties on imports, its magnitude
affords ,gratifying evidence of the prosperity,
not only of our commerce, but of the other
great interests upon which that depends.
The principle that all monies not required for
the current expenses of the government should
remain for active employment in the hands of
the people, and the conspicuous fact that the an- •
nual revenue from all sources exceeds, by many
millions of dollars, the amount needed for a.
prudent and economical administration of pith, .
lie affairs, cannot fail to suggest the propriety
of an early revision and reduction of the tariff
of duties on imports. It is now so generally •
conceded that the purpose of revenue alone -
can justify the imposition of duties on imports,
that, in readjusting the impost tables and sched
ules, - which unquestionably require essential
modifications, a departure from the principles of
tho present tariff is not anticipated. •
AIIIIT.
The army, during the past year, has been ac
tively engaged in defending the Indian frontier,-
the state of the service permitting but few and
small garrisons in our permanent fortifications.
The additional regiments ruthorized at the last
session of Congress have been recruited and or
ganized, and a large portion of the troops have
already been sent to the field. All the duties,
which devolve on the military establishment.
have been satisfactorily performed, mid' the
dangers and privations incident to the character