PAGE TWO
ditoriat 0 • inio
UN Must Guide Africa
After Independence, Too
As Patrice Lumumba, the uneducated half-savage
who unfortunately holds the power of the ill-prepared
Congo government, pushes his army toward the Katanga
border, the United Nations is confronted with a unique
problem as to its responsibility in the pending intra-Congo
conflict.
The United Nations charter forbids it to interfere in
any "internal conflict." But do the international conse
quences of the secession of the area that holds the economic
base?;:of the Congo nation as established and admitted to
membership remove it from this category?
A few years ago this would have been nothing more
than a remote tribal war probably unmentioned in the
day's press.
But with the Congo being an example of what may
happen in any of the score of African nations that will
gain independence in the next decade, the beat of Lumum
ba's jungle drums is now heard throughout the world.
Without some sort of, continuing control after the
glorious day of independence, terror will run rampant
and these nations making ideological demands far in
excess of their economic and political capabilities will be
engulfed in constant uncontrollable strife.
Regardless of the political status these nations may
attain on the UN docket, the overwhelming majority of
their "citizens" are still ignorant savages, who understand
no political sanctions, whose only law is the "law of the
jungle."
Even those who have traded their spears for rifles and
their nakedness for a military uniform can be easily
incited by insidious whispers of Communist medicine men
to perpetrate heinous crimes such as the recent beating
of the U. S. airmen at Stanleyville.
In spite Of his garrulous boasting, Lumumba has no
control whatever over his troops whose uniform is merely
a license legalizing their crimes.
The stiffest U. S. note of protest will do little. The only
protest Lumumba understands is the kind that grabs
ahold of his lapels and lifts him off his smug untouchable
seat.
The U. N. troops must step in to prevent tribal war in
this country that now must masquerade as "civilized."
And furthermore, the U. N. should set up an organized
council to maintain close political and economic advise
ment to the newly independent countries just as the
Trusteeship Council directs their steps around the pitfalls
before independence.
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K I h RYTHI
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SUMMER COLLEGIAN. STATE COLLEGE. PENNSYLVANIA
Interpreting
Latins Still Fear U.S.
By J. M. ROBERTS
Associated Press News Analyst
The Organization of American
States acted much tougher toward
rightist dictator Rafael Trujillo
than against pro-Communist dic
tator Fidel Castro.
In the case of Trujillo, where
the United States was not a prime
mover, the AOS intervened to cut
off both his diplomatic and eco
nomic water by breaking relations
and applying sanctions according
to the ability of
th e individual
country
In the case of
Castro, wlie r e
the direct con-
flict is between
him and the
United States,
the other coun
tries backed and
all over
the place rather
than go on record as approving
anything which seemed to give
the United States any right to
intervene in a Latin country.
They said they were against
infilitrafion of the hemisphere by
extra-hemisphere politics such as
that of international communism,
and against acceptance of such
infiltration and promises of mili
tary aid by any member. The
resolution was powerful enough to
drive the Cuban delegation out of
the meeting, though not powerful
enough to name the Castro regime
as its objective.
This is being hailed as a vic
tory for the United States, chief
ly, it seems, because it was more
than expected.
Undercurrents of wariness of
the United States, and of habitual
compromise within the OAS were
still evident, however. Take the
chief delegate from Venezuela,
whose action against Trujillo had
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been fully supported by tl; Unit
ed States. He withdrew from the
meeting because he didn't want
to sign even the watered-down
resolution . against Cuba.
In debate, the Latin nations for
the most part repudiated Castro's
attack on the United States. poo
pooing his talk of aggression, past
or future.
But just what did the sessions
on Cuba accomplish?
There were expressions of prin
ciple. The hemisphere is opposed
to international Communist inter
vention. Underneath it is also still
opposed to and afraid of United
States intervention, except when
big piles of dollars are involved,
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STAFF THIS ISSUE: Wire Editor, Dorothy Drasher; Assistants,
John Vander Meer, Mike Powers, Tina Nichols, Ron Connor.
PEANUTS I THINK IT 16'
•
ONLY NATURAL
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FOR LITTLE GIRLS TO LIKE LITTLE
•
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EACH OF OS HAS MANY YEARS
AHEAD OF 10 , AND EACH TUG
WILL MEET MANY DIFFERENT PEOPLE„
TUESDAY, AUGUST 30, 1960
Policy
as they were involved at this
meeting and without which en
dorsement of U.S. principles
might have been even weaker.
The OAS likewise is opposed to
any member accepting such in
tervention.
What does it propose to do about
it, collectively?
Nothing.
Not until the United States can
better document its charge that
the Castro regime is definitely an
advance patrol for international
communism, and not then unless
the U.S. program can be demon
strated as more interested in the
Cuban people than in preserving
business rights in Cuba.
CHESTER LUCIDO
Business Manager
I DON'T 'THINK ANYONE
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