protest, and therefore, it is unjust to deprive them
of transportation facilities at any time. We have
discussed this phase of the labor question for the
purpose of showing the injury which one organized
labor element by such power as thecase in question
illustrates; and while the referred to strike has set
many people against organized labor, it is well it
occurred just as it did ; for in view of this turn
ing of public sentiment, what would have been
the result had it been postponed to the time in
tended by Mr. Powderly, when the whole country
would be affected ? It is well, we repeat, that the
strike was hastened, as it will probably open the
eyes of the labor leaders, and the finale of the
strike on the Central ought to influence them to
abandon the proposed plan of a general tie-up.
By no means are we hostile to organized labor.
We are non-concurring with any movement that
has a tendency to retard the progress of working
men toward the good that is in sight. We like
to see a man standing upon his own feet—not at
the mercy of a few men who lose nothing compar
atively if their dictations injure the men who fol
low them.
Close upon the report that the labor organiza
tions are being strengthened for a consolidated
attack, comes the statement that the capitalists of
this country, a portion of them at least, are per
fecting arrangements whereby they are to organ
ize for protection against strikes, and in this way:
When the organized workingmen in any one of
the factories connected with the combine strike,
all the rest of the factories in the agreement will
be shut down until the trouble is adjusted between
the strikers and their employer. Thus you will
sje that should one hundred men strike in a fac
tory connected with an association of capitalists
employing say two hundred men, the entire num
ber would be thrown out of employment until the
one hundred strikers settled their trouble.
This action would probably diminish strikes,
and it would undoubtedly accomplish the main
object of labor agitation—to secure legislation
that would eventually insure a more harmonious
THE FREE LANCE.
relation between capital and labor.
To that source labor must look for its reward.
Success in life is the goal toward which man is
struggling. But two adjectives describe his pro
gress, successful and unsuccessful. Some have good
motives, some have bad ones, and men of both
classes are sanguine with the expectation of at
taining their objects. It is reasonable to leave
out entirely those of the latter class. Although
some men have good motives, and are little criti
cised by the world, yet these may not be a means
of attaining to true success. Let us look at this.
Surely man was placed on this earth for a purpose;
if then he fulfils that purpose, has he not made
life a success to its fullest extent? Here then is
the key to the whole matter; that is, to find our
missions. The measure of our success depends,
then, on how fortunate we are in choosing our
places, and how well we succeed in filling them.
In the first place, one must cultivate himself
to right thinking and right actions, before he can
expect to see clearly and choose successfully. Let
not your aspirations mislead you. Consider where
you can be of the most use to the world and not
to yourself. There is where you will find the
best success, and not elsewhere. Do not think
that riches, pleasure, or fame, are the indications
of success; they may be in part only, or not at
all. A man may gain enormous wealth, and you
say he has been successful. He may have been
successful in business, but has he necessarily been
a successful man? Unless he has been of use to the
world, I say that he has not, but on the contrary
he has been a hindrance to progress.
Suppose, at the battle of Gettysburg, each union
soldier had looked to his own safety, what would
have been the result of that battle?—A wholesale
and useless loss of life and property. But they
forgot, as it were, their personal sefety, and stood
firm for the nation, and, by their standing thus,
THE MEASURE OF SUCCESS.
c. d. s.