THURSDAY, AUGUST 1, 18G7.
REPUBLICAN STATE TICKET.
STPRXMK jcdge :
Henry TV. Williams, of Alleghany co.
Muddled.
We are glad that the radical organs in this
country agree with us in denouncing the
uiurdcr of, Maximilian as a piece of unmiti
gated brutality, and if they were at a differ
ent stand-point from that thej occupy, they
would take precisely he same view of the
Jeff. Davis question. This is the view taken
by the civilized nations of the earth, and
would be the Tiew taken by The AlUghanian
and Tribune, only for the fact that they have
been schooled in vindictive Radicalism.
Freeman.
That's a wonderful piece of English, if
English it is, even for the Freeman, whose
English, like is logic, is very apt to be as
correct when read backwards as in the
usual order. The Freeman is "glad," for
which we congratulate it, and it is glad
because the "radical organs" agree with
it in denouncing the "murder" of Maxi
milian. So far, sooner than part company
with fuch a jolly Jack Bunsby of a com
panion, we might give the assent of si
lence. But the Freeman travels, fast,
and wouldn't deal in quibbles, nor be
bothered with nice distinctions. More
over, the Freeman has something to Eay,
and it must say it. So, for want of some
thing else, it denounces the murder of
Muximilian as an "unmitigated brutality,"
and thereby forces us to part with its
jolly companionship, to our infinite sor
row. A "murder," and a murder that is
an "unmitigated brutality !" How well
that would take with a jury ! They
would be overwhelmed. We advise the
Freeman slightly to change the sentence,
and then commit it to memory, to be
spoken at the next murder trial in which
tho editor of that humorous sheet takes
part, or keep it as it is until he represents
the people in the House at Washington,
or else at Harrisburg, to be used in a
speech on Mexican affairs. But be it
known that tho Freeman denounces this
murder as an unmitigated brutality, which
according to its authority every murder
is not.
But "if they (the radical organs'! were
at a different stand-point from that they
occupy, they would take precisely the
same view of the Je2. Davis question."
That is, if they were at the stand-point of
being, like the Freeman f superlatively
silly, they would have tho samo view of
the Jeff- Davis question as it. Yes, neigh
bor, but through an abundance of grace
we krow of no radical or radical organ
that has reached that stand-point. It
would be an interesting thing for some
debating club to discuss the extent of
silliness to which the human mind must
reach before it "would take precisely the
fame view of the Jeff. Davis question" as
the Freeman does of Maximilian's case.
The Freeman is an enlightened sheet,
and takes an enlightened view of events,
o.-peoially Mexican. It quickly disoerns
parallels, as in the case in hand. It
takes the same view of the Jeff. Davis
question as it does of Maximilian's case,
and its view of the latter is "that the
murder of Maximilian is a pbee of un
mitigated brutality." If somebody would
only murder Jeff. Davis and date it two
weeks back, they would greatly oblige
the Freeman.
But the Freeman is not yet done. It
declares that "this is the view taken by
tho civilized nations of the earth, and
would be the view taken by The Allegha
man and Tribune, only for the fact that
they have been schooled in vindictive
Radicalism." As regards The Alleghan
tan and Tribune (of Johnstown), only
three thiols need concur to make the
Freeman's remarks correct.
1st. That they should become as com
pletely "muddled" as the Freeman.
2nd. That their antecedents should be
on the side of Jeff. Davis, as the Free
man's are.
3d. That Jeff. Davis should bavo been
murdered, or at least executed after trial,
as the Freeman assumes he has been.
We have somo respect for the opinions
of the "civilized nations of the earth,
and as the Freeman seems to be in close
contact with such nations,wethink itought,
ut of love for Jeff? Davis, to dispatch
word that he is not dead but in Canada.
If the Freeman will apply at our office,
'we will give it a copy of first Ussons in
English composition.
TllE formal nomination of Gen. Grant
by the Republicm State Committee o
New York, cannot be over-fated in impor
tance as an influence in the next contest
for President. The Democratic leaders
dare not nominate Grant for the fame
position, nor dare they nominate a man io
run against him. Either position would
be fatal to the Democratic organization
Grant too radical to bo frankly endorsed
by the Democracy, and too popular to bo
regularly opposed by the .same party.
With Grant iu the field, the Democrat
i? par') will be destroyed forever.
Vindictive Radicalism.
The theory of enlightened governments
has been that when insurrections or revolu
tions are ended, and peace restored, a mag
nanimous course towards the conquered is not
only more politic, but more in accordance
with the intelligence and Christianity of the
age. Freeman.
Such is the language used by the
Freeman in connection with what it calls
'vindictive Radicaliom." -In 1849 or '50,
when the Christian government of Austria
conquered the Christian people of- Hun
gary, hundreds of the latter had to flee
n order that they might escape tho dun
geon or the halter. Afterwards, when
the Christian government of England
conquered the rebellion of the Sepoys in
ndia, that government ordered its officers
o the innocent amusement of blowing the
rebels to pieces from the mouths of cannon.
Ages ago, when Ireland became a con
quered nation under British rule, she had
heaped on her shoulders wrongs by reason
of which there has scarcely been an hour
since when the cries of her oppressed
children have not been heard upon the
earth. Eight years ago, when John Brown
made his wicked and foolish raid upon
IIarper3 Ferry, Ya., and met that defeat
which a well-balanced mind would have
foreseen,-the State of Virginia brought
him to trial, whilo his wounds kept him
prostrate upon his couch, and scorning a
"magnanimous course," hung him when
he could scarcely stand; yet what pro
slavery Democrat denounced his execution
as "murder," or as cruelty ? They, like
the Freeman, reserved their mercy for
their former companion and leader, Jeff.
Davis. Of these facts, tho Freeman is
well aware, and hence we say, almost in
its own word?, ''Let it adhere to the truth
hereafter, and it may escape such puerile
articles as that coutained in its last
issue."
A Radical Congress, in the darkest year
of the war, at a time of general gloom
caused by defeat and disaster (in 1862),
changed the punishment of treason from
death to imprisonment for years, and the
law so remains to this day. Such an act
cf moderation is an honor that few nations
can claim. It is not in the power of the
Freeman to put its finirer upon the
facts that will prove Radicalism to bo
vindictive, in Congress or out of it.
That body has pot only refused to confis
cate the property of rebels, but has voted
them food to the amount, if we mistake
not, of millions.. Its steady and worthy
aim has been the uplifting of all, -the
oppression of none.
A Contrast.
Three of the nationalities of North Amer
ica, the United States, Mexico, and Hajti,
have within a few years past been rent with
attempted revolution. In each instance, the
attempt has been signally disastrous. In
two of them, do other punishment has been
visited upon the criminal parties, who
sought to overturn righteous government,
than the disappointment consequent on
blasted hepe. In the other instance, no
severity has been too great in the judg
ment of the victors to inflict upon the
vanquished. Tb.9 two nations that; thus
deal in mercv are the Anlo-saxona of
the United States and the African-Amer
icans of Haytl. The latter people, of
purely African blood, after suppressing a
formidable rebellion, choose one of their
successful generals for a ruler, re-establish
law and order, and then grant amnesty to
all offenders, saving one. Mexico, on the
other hand, whose ruling class is of the
Latin race, the same as inhabits Spain,
France and Italy, begins on tho moment
of her triumph, a career of blood that
appalls the world. Not content with ta
king the life of a European prince, she
sheds the blood of her own sons, shooting
one, General Mcjia, while his wife, after
just giving birth to a child, and with it
clasped in her arm?, is rushing frantically
through tho streets in search of her hus
band, who is aware of her condition.
When this carnival of blood will stop,
II aven and Mexico alone know. Were
the negroes of II ay ti thus cruel, the Dem
ocratic press of this country would never
tire of making political capital of their
folly.
In the Surrnlt trial 'the Court" rules
out the most important testimony for the
prisoner. "The Court" evidently thinks it
self a military commission. Freeman.
When we-made some remarks concern
ing a late trial in our County Court, the
Freeman seemed to be horrified. That
paper appears to have a liking for suspi
cious characters, and in order to benefit
them is "anything by turns and nothing
long."
The All'ghanian has concluded to leave
the Freeman "in its own slough." Dreadful I
Let The AlUghanian adhere to the truth here
after and it will escape such puerile articles
as that contained in it last issue. Freeman.
Tho old story of the wolf and tho mud
dy stream. The Freeman is such a stran
ger to truth, and handles it so awkwardly,
that it might adhere to it and still be
puerile.
Address oft lie Republican State
Central Committee.
Committee Rooms, )
Harrisburq, July 20, 1867. j
To the People of Pennsylvania.
Fellow-Citizens : The official term
of Geo. W. Woodward. Chief Justice of
the Supreme Court of the State, is about
to expire ; and under the Constitution his
successor will oe elected ou the second
Tuesday of October next. This election
is every way important, and the more so,
because of the great principles and issues
involved, and of the fact that the term is
for fifteen years.
All the powers of our Governments.
both National and State, are divided into
three classes : the Legislative. Executive.
and J udieial. The people are the source
of all power; and our Constitutions pro
vide the manner in which all offices shall
be filled, and the terms for which they
shall be held. The National Judi ciarv
being for life, and that of the State Judi
ciary fifteen years, changes in these tri
bunals are wrought more slowly than in
the other branches of the Government;
and hence should be made with frpatpr
caution and wisdom; for nothing is of
greater public importance than a wise
and patriotic judiciary. .Our past history
shows a constant tendency in these several
departments to enlarge their respective
jurisdictions, and occasionally to encroach
on each other; and especially 13 this true
of the judiciary. It is but recently the
Supreme Court of the.United States, in
the interests of slavery, gravely undertook
to overturn the foundations of the Gov
ernment on that question, and to nullify
and destroy acts of Congress enacted by
the men who made the Constitution. The
Dred. Scott decision virtually legalized
and extended slavery over all the Terri
tories of the Union, in defiance of Con
gress and the people; and laid down
principles, which, but for subsequent
events, would have extended slavery and
made, it lawful in all the States. And
after the recent civil war was inaugurated,
our State judiciary, by a denial of the
constitutional powers of Congress and of
our State Legislature, in measures abso
lutely necessary to carry on the war and
save the nation, so imperiled our cause as
to make intelligent patriots everywhere
tremble for the issue of the contest.
True, these fake theories did not prevail.
But it is equally true the continued' asser
tion of them paralyzed the arms ot both
the National and State Governments, dis
tracted and disheartened our people, gave
aid and comfort to the enemy, prolonged
the war, and added immeasurably, to our
sacrifices of blood and treasure. Hence
it is, "That warned by past misfortunes,
we ask that the Supreme Court of the
State be placed in harmony with the
political opinions of the majority of the
people, to the end that the . Court may
never again, by unjust decisions, seek to
set aside laws vital to the nation,"
Who, then, aro Henry W. Williams
and George Soars wood, the candidates for
this vacant scat upon the Supreme bench ?
What are their past records, and where
do they stand, in these eventful times and
on these momentous issues 1 The weal
or woe of the Commonwealth, and perhaps
01 me nation, is involved in these ques
tions ; and it benoo7e3
every patriotic
voter in
the State to
examine them with
care.
Of Judge Williams, the Union Repub
lican candidate, we here propose to. give
no extended biography. He is a high-
toned Christian gentleman, about forty-six
years of age, a ripe scholar, and a learned
and eminent lawyer, with fifteen yearn'
judicial experience, on the bench of the
District Court of Allegheny couuty. ne
was first elected judge in 1851, when he
ran over one thousand votes ahead of his
ticket, and was re-elected in 1SG1, by the
unanimous vote of all parties. Tho fol-
lowiu z extract from an editorial in the
Pittsburg Fosl (the principal Democratic
paper ot the westj, suowS me estimation
in which he is held by political adversa
ries : .
''The nomination of the Hon. Henry
W. Williams as a candidate for Judge of
the Supreme Court is a good one. He
was the best man named before the Repub
lican Convention, and possesses legal and
moral qualifications for . the responsible
position to which he has been nominated."
He is one of the Webster; and Clay
school of politics, and during, the recent
civil war, from the beginning to the end,
did everything in his power, through his
means, his voice, and his votes, to strength
en the hands and encourage the hearts of
the loyal people in the struggle to main
tain the Union. .
Who, and what Judge Sharswood i?, as
a public man, will appear from what fol
lows :
Early in the history of this nation
political sentiment became divided on the
powers of the National and State Govern
ments, aud their truo relations to each
other. On theso divisions two great par
tics 'were subsequently founded. The
one, known atbe State Rights party, had
John C. Calhoun for its champion ; and
the other, for its recognized leader, had
the great expounder of. the Constitution,
Daniel Webster. The former held free
trade, and the right of nullification and
secession, as cardinal doctrines, denying
the constitutional power of Congress to
impose duties for protection, and claiming
nullification and secession as inherent
rights of a State. The latter denied these
assumptions, and between these conflicting
principles and - parties there baa been
perpetual warfare. In the main, the old
Whig party ranged itself under the ban
ner of Webster, and the Democratic party
under that of Calhoun. One o! the legit
imate fruits of the State rights doctrine
was the rebellion of 1833, in South Caro
lina ; the avowed object of which was to
nullify tho protective tariff law of Con
gress, enaoted in 1828. "The country at
that time was saved from a 'disastrous
civil war by the firmness of President
Jackson, the wisdom of Congress, and the
patriotism ot General bcott. That effort
at rebellion and civil war failed; and the
principle on which it was based was re
pudiated. But in 1860 and 1861- South
Carolina, and other rebel States, again
endeavored to put in force their State
rights doctrine of secession. The sympa
thy, imbecility, and connivance of Presi
dent Buchanan,- and his advisers, so
contributed to the success of the effort,
that its consummation could only be pre
vented by a long, desperate, and bloody
civil war. In the end, and after fearful
sacrifices of life and treasure, the rights
and power of the National. Government
were again vindicated and the Calhoun
doctrine of secession was again overthrown.
Such at least has been the popular con
viction, and cause for rejoicing ; and even
the worst of Southern rebels have . been
compelled to confess it, and for two years
past have been weeping over their "lost
cause. Strange, sad, and incredible as
it may seem, we are already called upon
to fight these, great issues over again !
The Democratic party, with Judge Shars
wood for its leader, and with Free Trade,
State Rights and Secession upon its
banner, is again marshaling its hosts, and
now summoning us to the field of political
combat, on these same issues ! That
party, at their National Conventions in
1856 and 1860, readopted what are known
as the Virginia and Kentucky re30utions
of 1798 and 1799, as part of their plat
forms. Theso resolutions are known as
the embodiment of the old State rights
and Calhoun doctrines. They do not
regard the relations of the States or peo
ple thereof to the United States as consti
tuting a government, in the ordinary and
proper sense of the term, but declare
them to be merely a compact, and that
llas in all other cases of compact among
parties having no common judge, each party
has an equal right to judge for itself, as
well of infractions, as of the mode and
measure of redress."
Under this free Democratic charter for
rebellion, the lawful election of Abraham
Lioooln as President of the United States
was claimed by the people of the rebel
States as an "infraction" ot the "compact;"
and they chose secession and civil war
as the "mode," and the destruction of the
Union and State independence as "the
measures of redress." The Democratic
party at its last National Convention
proclaimed the war a failure ; and it has
now put in the field a life long Free Trade
and State Rights candidate, whom Judge
Black endorses as one who "will stand by
the Constitution and give pure law"
vis : who will stand by the Constitution
as the State Rights party construe it, and
give us such "pure law" as Judge Black
has given President Buchanan and An
drew Johnson.
Judge Sharswood and his party friends
have not only deuied the lawful power of
the JNational Government to coerce a
rebellious State, to make and enforce a
draft, to make paper money a legal tender,
to emancipate and arm negroeB, to punish
rebels and traitors by disfranchisement, to
suspend the writ of habeas corpus in time
of rebellion, or to arrest and try offenders
in time ot war by court martial ; but they
hold that all these things, though actually
dane, were illegally and wrongfully done,
and therefore settled nothing I Or, as the
Democratic organ (the Philadelphia Age),
in a recent elaborate editorial on the
Republican State platform, thus expresses
the same idea: "We put it to the sober
thoughts of the people of Pennsylvania,
whether they would not have all these
grave pending questions decided according
to law, and not according to war, just, id
fact, as they would have been decided had
they arisen eight years ago, or had no war
taken place.
Is, then, the "lost causo" not lost ?
Has the late dreadful war decided noth
ing 1 Is the right of secession an open
question 1 Has slavery not been abol
ished ? Are not the four millions -ot
boudmen free? Has our national debt
no legal exiarfnee r xiavo tne. victors no
r tho vanaU.'sbed ' Have the
rehel States and neuTJiO lost HO rights by
reKol linn
. J. 1 V V . MM.'. BMW. -
. . . o 1
and treasure oeen made in vain r rt:'ow-
citizens weigh well these solemn questions,
and answer them at the ballot-box on the
second Tuesday. of October next.
Having concluded to reserve for a fu
ture occasion some remarks on party
organization, and other topics, this address
might here properly close. But, it may
be asked by some, is Judge Sharswood,
indeed, the political heretic herein set
forth ? "A man is known by the compa
ny he keepf," says the old adage. We
have the right to assume, and have
assumed, that the Judge is of tho same
political faith as his party, and the public
will hold him responsible for all the
guilty acts and omissions of his party.
There can be no mistaking the true posi
tion of the man who recently delivered an
elaborate opinion denying the constitu
tional power of Congress to make paper
money a legal tender. (See the case of
Borie vs. Trott, Legal Intelligencer of
March 18th, 1864, page 92.) And when
we go further back, and examino his early
history, we find ample justification for all
we have written and more. So long ago
as April, 1834, he appeared as "The Ora
tor of the Day," at a meeting of a State
Rights Association, in Philadelphia. We
here copy some of the proceedings of that in
teresting convocation from " The Examiner
and Journal of Political Economy, Devoted
to the Advancement of the Cause of State
Riuhts and Free Trade" Vol. 1, p. 309.
The orator on that occasion delivered a
long and carefully prepared vindication
and eulogy of the State Rights Virginia
and Kentucky resolutions, herein before
cited ; ana summed up his elaborate
endorsements thereof as follows :
"Wo comb back to our starting place,
and finding nothing in the Constitution
establishing any final judge of the enu
mcrated powers, prohibitions, and reserv
ed rights, it must rest upon the admitted
principles ot general law, in cases of com
pact between, parties having no common
superior. Each State ha the right to judge
for itself of the infractions of the compact.
and to chose for itself the most proper and
ejicieni remeaies."
The better to exhibit still further, if
possible, the true character of that meet
ing and its distinguished orator, the fol
lowing toasts are copied from the oroceed-ings.-
(Same vol., p. 312.)
Toast : "John C. Calh oun The first
to throw himself into the breach aeainst
Federal usurpation. May he live to see
his principles predominant throughout the
world."-
Toast : "The PafrioU, otherwise called
Nullifiera pf South Carolina their mem
ories will be cherished when the advocates
of the Force Bill are forgotten, or re
membered with execration."
Toast: "The State cf South Carolina
as her principles are cherished, tee need not
fear usurpation, either in the Legislative,
Judicial, or Executive departments of the
v w w v a J ju v, u a.
The Hon. John C.Calhoun was among
those invited to this meeting by Judgo
Sharswood and others : but declined in a
published letter of sympathy.
He thus submit, as briefly as possible,
the record of the Democratic candidate.
and of the partv which nlaced him in
nomination. Wo feel that no added com
ments could do justico to the subject; and
only ask you, fellow-citizens, to examine
the whole record with care, aud under a
sense of your solemn responsibilities to
your country, render your verdict at the
ensuing election.
By order of the Committee.
F. JORDAN, Chairman
Geo. W. Hamersly,
J. ROBLET DUNQLISON
Sec'ys.
N,
Important.
- The Tribune has published an abstract
of the returns ot all tho armies of the
Confederacy for nearly every month from
the beginning of 18G2 down to the be
ginning of 1865 the entire active peri
od of the war, save a few weeks at the
close. According to this statement, the
number of troops at the 'East and West
was throughout nearly equal, and no con
siderable body of soldiers was ever trans
ported from one army to the other. The
greatest number actually borne at any one
time on their muster rolls was 550,000 ;
and this was only when, by "robbing tho
cradle and the grave," every male from
17 to 50 was enrolled in the army. Half
a million is the utmost nominally enrol
led at any other period. The greatest
number present for duty at any one time;
and that only for a brief period, -as300,-000
; to which should probably bo added
a few thousand rangers, partizans and
bushwhackers. There were not three
periods of a month when they had 250,000.
The Army of Northern Virginia, under
Lee, was the great strength of .the Con
federacy. At only "three periods did it
for a month number 100,000 men present
for duty. A study of these reports, com
pared with the known strength ot the
Union army of the Potomac, will furnish
materials for a more severe criticism on
the conduct of the war in this department,
and the military merits of the different
commanders, than any man has yet dared
to write. Thus, in October, 1861, when
M'Clellan, with 147,000 men "fit for da
ty, 1 eared to advance toward Manassas,
supposing that the enemy had not lees
than 150,000, their actual force was less
than 40,000; and ic December they had
only 54,000. Again, when at the begin
ning of April, 1862, the "Unready"
reached the Peninsula with not fewer than
100,000 men, he was a fortnight held in
check by Magruder with barely 15,000,
who, beside holding Yorktown, had to
guard a line of a dozen miles. When,
after digging away at Yorktown for a
fortnight, M'Clellan was ready to assail
that fortification, held, as he supposed, by
at least 100,000 men he having as he
says, 85,000 the Confederates actually
had on the whole Peninsula less than 50,
000. And when he finally reached the
Chickahominy with about 110,000 effect
ive men, the enemy had at Richmond but
47 i00, increased at tho close cf May to
67,00u, sijk 2nd well, prohaDiy about OU,
000 effective mcD- .Meade's success at
Gettysburg was so decideu, and of such
vital moment, that the feebleness of his
subsequent campaign in Virginia has peeu
overlooked. When at the close ot July,
ho had reached the Rappahannock, he
had fully 80,000 men. The figures will
show that Lee had now only 41,000.
Yet with this greac preponderance Hal
lcck would uot allow Meade to attempt
any offensive operations. But in October,
when Meade had 70,000 and Lee but 45,
000, the Union General was actually driv
en back almost within sight of Washing
ton. This retreat from Culpepper to
Centreville is utterly inexplicable, for
Hallcck had nothing to do with the move
ment, and Meade knew that he was much
stronger than his enemy. This abortive
campaign showed that Meade, an excel
lent officer when backed up by a stronger
will than his own, was wholly deficient in
the moral courage requisite for the con
duct of a campaign. When Halleck was
displaced from the chief command, and
Grant's firm will directed Meade, the
campaign assumed a wholly different as
pect. "Forward to Richmond," or where
ever else the Rebel strength might be,
became the "war-cry" not only of the na
tion, but the commander of the National
army. These are but few of the points
upon which the Confederate muster rolls,
which are now for the first time published,
furnish occasion for remark.
mam
The President, it is said, will certain
ly relieve Sheridan, but none of the other
district commanders. Jr. Johnson is as
100115Q s ne is oosiinaie. lie has no
enemy in the world whom he oucht to
dread as much as himself.
Q.REAT REDUCTION op PRlclJ
AT TBI
EBENSBVRO HARDWARE
FURNISHING STORE.
I return my sincere thanks to hit
and customers for their liberal patron.?! V1
the past twelve years, during which t 5
have been in business in Ebewburr. 1
now, owing to the extensive busiMiVi4
doing. I take pleasure in informing the
Ready-Pay System !
by means of which there will be a oeiit .
dcctio. in y profits. A continuing J
your patronage wll satisfy you that it 12
be to your advantage to buy for a,1Dl J'
My stock will consist in part toUoyrt.
FOR THE BTJILHER.
Door Locks, Cupboard Locks,
Bolts, Binges,
Window Sp'gs, Shatter Hinges,
Porch Iron, Window Glass, ,.
- Patty, Ac.
Catcb,
FOR THE CARPENTER.
Boring Machines, Angers, Chisels, Brace atj
Bits, Hatchets. Squares, Compasses, Be,
els, Pocket Rules, Try Squ.rei, Lev
els. Jack, Smoothing, and For
Plane?, Panel Ploughs, Bea
ding, Sash, Raising, &
Hatch Planes, Hollow and
Rounds, Guages. Oil Stones,
Saw Sets, Screw Drivers, Bench
Screws, Cross-cut, Panel, Rip, Compan
and Back Saws, Chalk and Chalk Liaes, te.
FOR THE BLACKSMITH.
AnTils, Bellows,
Vices,
Shoe Hammers,
Hnd Hammers,
Riveting Hammers,
Horse Mule Shoes,
Iron,
Buttresses, Pinceri
Screw Plates, '
Wrenches,
Rasps, Files,
Horse Nails,
Cast Steel Shovel
Moulds, ic.
FOR THE SHOEMAKER.
Shoe Lasts, Shank Irons,
Crimping Boards and Irons,
Peg Cutters, Knives, A-wls,
Hammer?, Pincers, Rasps, -
Rubbers, and Bench Toci
in general.
Nails, Tacks, Thread, Wax, Bristles, H
FOR THE SADDLER.
Draw Guagss,
Round Knives,
Chandlers,
Edge Tools,
Punches, Hammers,
Bridle Bits, Buckles,
Rings, Halter Bolts,
Snaps. Stirrups,
Rein Web,
Pincers, Awls,
Rounding Irons,
Iron and Wood Gif
Hames,
Pad Trees,
Trace Hooks, Spots
Ornaments, Rmu,
Tacks,
Girthing, &c.
FOR TnE CABINET MAKER & PAINTER
Bench Tools, Table Hinges, Screws, Bsd
Castors, Bedstead Fasteners, Drawer
Locks, Knobs, Coffin Trimmings of all
descriptions, Gold Leaf, Bronzes, Paint,
Sash, and Varnish Brushes, Oils, Ttiots,
Varnishes, Turpentine, Colored P&irts,
dry and ground in oil.
FOR THE SPORTSMAN.
Rifles, Shot Guns, Pistols,
Revolvers, Cartridges,
Hunters' Knives, Caps, Lei,
Powder, Shot, Powder Flasks,
Shot Pouches, Game Bags.
Also, Gun Locks, Mkin Springs, Plot1
Pivots, Double Triggers Hammers, Ac.
FOR THE FARMER.
Plows, Points, Shovels, Forks,
Scjthes and Snathes, Rakes,
Hoes, Spades, Sheep Shears,
Sheep and Cow Bells, Sleigh Bells, Horn
Brushes. Cards, Curry Combs, rtent
Hames, Whips, But, Trace, Breast, Hal
ter, Tongue, Fith Log Chains,
Barn Door Rollers, Sugar Ket
tles, Steelyards, Cutting Boxes.
FOR THE HOUSEKEEPER.
Flour, Tea, Coffee,
Sugar, Molasses,
Hominy, Crackers,
Dried Peaches,
Rice, Cinnamon,
Essences, Bacon,
Fish, Salt,
Alnm, Indigo,
Candles,
Coffee Mills.
Smoothing Irons,
Wash Boards,
Clothes Pins,
Bed Cords,
Cloves, Mace,
Nutmegs, Allspice,
Perner.
Bakmcr a Wash. Soc
Toilet Soap,
FamiJj Dje Color,
Madder, Cudbear,
Cochineal, Logwood
Camwood, Redwooi
Bin Vitiiol,
Solution of Tin,
Clothes Wriogen,
Washing Machiati,
Tnbs,
Jt
t
Bake Pans, Buckets,
Table and Tea SpoCH
Meal Seives, Brooms, Table Cutlery,
Brass Kettles,
Coal Buckets,
Tinned Kettles,
Shovels and Pokers,
Butter Prints,
Butter Ladles,
Stove, Scrub ani
Dusting Brushes,
Enameled Kettles,
Stair Rods,
Japanned Ware
Glassware,
Wooden Ware,
White-irajfl "
Sweeping
Willow Ware,
Carbon Oil Lamps,
Shears,
Scissors, 4c.
Razors,
OILS.
Carbon,
Fish,
Sweet,
Lubricating,
Linseed,
Neat's Foot,
Lari
Bed
TO THE PUBLIC GENERALLY.
Cooking, Parlor, and Heating Swt ort
. 1 . r..:- . t; n t.r,c Shed1-1
th hst manufactories : Tin and Sheet
Ware of every variety, of my own !
. ami llpmn Packinir : Tru"-
Valises : Drugs, Weavers' Reeds, TrF-:
low Augers, uoara .Measuring
Stones and Rollers, Patent Molasse i
ami VeABurincr Fawcets. &c. &c.
loaag
"a
m
?4 th
tow
wc
5taenc
3PeruD
Nay.
? b fil
o ' ' . Jrvl
Odd Stove nates, urates, anu
always on hand to suit Stoves sold w
Well and Lixttrn rumps anu
ufacturers' prices.
Spoutins made, painted, and rut bf,
rates.
Don't Aslt for Credit ?
Sr But remember the rIace i0itl.
save 15 to 20 per cent, on your prc
defy competition in Western
fcWl GEORGE Hr.
v
I
-0
1 !
i
: 4
if
ie
it
Y
u
1
.i:
it
j
!cn
t
jic
Jel,
jla:
pa;
7 1
st
Ifol
C - $
; J60
jvei
ills
tt
38 1
Teii
Ai
itae
:tDt
:d d
lib. 1
arc
trel
:eent
tnt
er.
I
Th
tci b
trs t
ars 1
jt, t
Win
Ihei
ten
$erl
Jfej
"imisi
pie
fee,
W 1
fo
Qfy
tst
to, a
tillr
ject,
ill
cites
! the :
3 'ia.tr
(Mill
taer
j reli