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"i rKEBV Editor ana Proprietor.
m HUTCH IXSOxX Inhllsher.
3LUME 7.
I WOULD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN PRESIDENT. Hen rt Clay.
t TRiis s.eo vizi! Axrevisi.
I IX ADVASCE.
EBENSBURG, PA.; THURSDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1866
NUMBER . 50,
Ur OF POST OFFICES.
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it in charge. Rev. J. Persuing, Ae
Preaching every alternate Sabbath
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r' ' . W.l -a
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at 7 o'clock.
t independent Rev Ll. R. Powell,
-rrcaching every Sabbath morning at
!,ck and in the evening at C o'clock,
h School at 1 o'clock, P. M. Prayer
J0 the first Monday evening of each
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t'eveuiug, excelling the first week in
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-'reaching every Sabbath evening at
abbath School at U o'clock,
flayer ni-eeting every Friday evening,
ioik. Society every Tuesday evening
rlock.
plfgUEv. W. Lloyd, Pastor. rreach
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Preaching every t-aubatti evening ai
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mhtry fJco. C. K. Zahm. .
r and Recorder James Gritlin.
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urns. Joseidi Dailev.
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i )F SUBSCRIPTION
"HE ALLEGIIANIAN :''
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FroJi the Philadelphia North American.
1'arties, Issues ami Men.
rr Twrifn flip
The time is fast approachin
people of Pennsylvania will be called
upon to make their decision at the polls
upon the momentous issues now in agita
tion. It is scarcely conceivable that,
alter all the discussion that has occurred,
there can be much ignorance concerning
the positions of political parties and men ;
but to aid in forming a judgment for
those whoso attention is engrossed by
other affairs, we deem it necessary to
state concisely what we understand to bo
the most important points in the pending
canvass in this commonwealth, and upon
theso .we confidently appeal to all our
readers, of whatever political" bias, for a
verdict in favor of the candidates and
principles of the llepublican party. AVe
ask the attention of independent and
unprejudiced men to this statement, be
cause of tho misrepresentations so wide
spread as to the character, objects and
candidates of this great organization, and
because we arc satisfied that many candid
and independent men have heretofore
suffered themselves to be misled by sheer
fabrications and abuse launched against
us by our enemies. To all such we beg
to say that the emergencies of the country
at the present time imperatively demand
of every citizen that he shall consult the
best interests of the nation in making a
decision as to the disposition of his vote
ct the ensuing election, since an electoral
verdict now may be fraught with very
grave consequences, according as it shall
be proper or otherwise.
At the outset, then, we may remark
that, although there arc other political
organizations contesting the field, the
Republican parly is the only one distinct
ly recognizable as a well-defined party,
with a previous record by which to judge
it, and with principles applicable to the
present troubles. The great national
Democratic party, demoralized by the
misconduct of its leaders, and rendered
hopeless by it3 course during the war,
gave . up tho ghost at the Philadelphia
National Convention, and the nondescript
organization which takes its place has eo
many names that no one cau toll what it
should be rightfully called, while its
principles are only claimed by the fraracrs
of its platform to be the defunct Repub
lican issues of 1864. . The Republican
party points to its glorious achievements,
the proudest in the history of tho republic,
whereby the mightiest of rebellious was
crushed and slavery obliterated. On
coining into national executive power for
the first time, it found the Union one
wide scene of anarchy, and it restored
order and rendered disunion impo?3ible.
After such a work as this it has no special
need of tacking on to its name tho words
National Union. The party, by e"vcry act
of its career, is universally kcowa to be
identified only with Union and nationality.
It is, too, the only orgauized party in the
nation really devoted to the maintenance
of the freedom of the enfranchised, the
great principle of equality before the law,
and tho still more vital principle of the
right of the majority to govern.
It is upon this basis that cur candidates
for Toogress stand throughout the length
and breadth of this commonwealth. The
principles enunciated in the constitutional
amendment, submitted to the States for
ratification by the last session of Congress
aro not controverted by any one in the
pending canvass, nor cau they be success
fully. These are, briefly, that all persons
born or naturalized in the United States
arc citizens of the republic and of the
State in which they reside j that no State
shall mako or enforco any law which shall
abridge the privileges or immunities of
citizens of the republic; nor shall any
State deprive any person of life, liberty or
property, without due process of law, nor
deny to any person within its jurisdiction
the equal protection of the laws; that the
basis of representation in Congress shall
bo alike lor all sections and all States ;
that perjured military or civil officers ot
the republic who participated in tho
rebellion shall not again be eligible to
national office without being relieved of
the disability by a vote of two-thirds of
both Houses of Congress; that the valid
ity of tho Udioo war debts shall not be
questioned, and that the rebel war debts,
claims, obligations, etc., shall forever be
illegal and void. Upon such a platform
as this the Republican Congressmen of
Pennsylvania ought to be re-elected. It
is such a declaration as cannot be rejected
without grave injury to the best interests
of the nation.
Taking the two candidates for Govern
or of Pennsylvania, we have a fair test of
tho real character of the Republican
party on the one hand and tho nonde
script opposition on the other. As the
candidate of tho Republicans, wo have
Major General John W. Geary, who, un
til the breaking out of the civil war, was
all his life a Democrat, but who, disgusted
with the conduct of that party during the
war; sustained the Republican policy, and
is now their chosen standard-bearer. " This
brave soldier comes before tho people with
a moat honorable record in two great wars,
that in Mexico and that against the
southern rebellion. Into the former he
went as a captain, and for his gallantry
and services rose to tho rank of a colonel.
Into the latter he went as a colonel, and
by his heroism and achievements became
a major general. Roth in tho east and in
the west General Geary was always in
activo service, always in tho van of the
conflict, and deserves the proud distinc
tion of being the especial representative of
Pennsylvania in the triumphant and im
mortal army of Sherman in its marvel
lous campaign through Georgia and the
Carolinas. On the other hand we have
Jlcister CJymcr, a renegade Whig, who
during the whole of tho civil war never
once raised his voice to cheer on our
armies struggling in battle for tho old
flag of tho Union ; who never once voted
in such a way as to give aid or comfort to
the national government, or to sustain the
Union cause, though all that time he was
a member of the Pennsylvania Senate.
We find him denouncing Andrew J ohnson
then as a Federal hireling and mercenary,
because he accepted the position of Mili
tary Governor of Tennessee. We find
him refusing even to let Johnson speak in
the Capitol of Pennsylvania, and imputing
to him the basest and most dishonorable
motives, whereas he now, without apolo
gizing for his words and vote, seeks to
get himself elected Governor by using
Johnson's name as a cover. We find him
voting against allowing the soldiers in the
field to vote at the elections in which they
had so great a stake. In fact we find him
from the beginning to the end of the war
in active sympathy with the rebellion and
in open hostility to the Union cause, bo
far as speech and vote3 could constitute
hostility. Here is the contrast a Union
soldier and hero of Sherman's army
against a rebel sympathizer and sower cf
dissension among our own people during
a war in which harmony was so essential.
Coming next to the contest for mem
bers of the State Legislature, we find that
it is quite as important as the Congres
sional struggle. We have now before us
a constitutional amendment, ot which we
have given the pith above, that requires
to be ratified by two-thirds-of the States,
and without the assent of Pennsylvania
the attainment of that result is impossible.
Tho nondescript Opposition stands openly
committed against ratification. It follows
the President in all his rabid denuncia
tions of Congress, and his bitter hostility J
to the amendment, bhould a majority in
tho Legislature be opposed to the Repub
licans, that amendment cannot bo ratified
by Pennsylvania, while if the Republicans
have a majority, every man.stands pledged
to vote for ratification. Here, then, i3 a
broad and unmistakable issue, and all who
favor peace and reconstruction upon a safe,
legal and durablo basis should contribute
their "share toward it by voting for the
Republican candidates for the Legislature.
Our opponents admit that this is the po
cition of parties, and for this reason' they
opposed the calling of a special session of
the State Legislatures in the loyal States
to ratify the amendment soon after its
passage by Congress, as Gov. Curtin pro
posed at the tiuao.
It should not be forgotten, too, that at
tho present time the hopes of the free
traders, as well as their cupidity, have been
again awakcued, and that they are aiming,
through tho means of a triumph of the
reactionaries, to overthrow the great sys
tem of protection to American industry,
and to establish upon its ruins British free
trade. All the emissaries of reaction
clamor against Congress expressly because
it strovo by judicious measures to render
protection the permanent basis of our tar
iff policy, and they everywhere avow the
intention of overturning this and lowering
all the duties to a free trade standard.
Not content with this, they seek to keep
the burdens of internal taxation as high
as possible, in order that the revenue
likely to be lost by free trade may be
squeezed out of the toiling masses
and the suffering manufactures of
the republic A large part of the
reproaches east upon Congress come from
this Eource, and have for their object the
election of men favorable to a different
tariff policy from that of which tho present
Congress is the exponent. On. this sub
ject Pennsylvania should speak in no
doubtful tone, and yet just at this time
the reactionaries are trying to elect a
free trader to the United States Senate.
"Why Grant went to Chicago.
Tho following letter from Gen. Grant,
which wo find in a Southern newspaper,
will settle the vexed question why he
wont with the President on his stumping
tour to Chicago. It will be seen that Gen.
Grant went "by the desire of the Presi
dent." The "desire of a President," like
that of a King, is a polite way of putting
a command, which the General as a sub
ordinate officer, was bound to obey :
"Headquarters Armies of tlie U. S.,
WasJiington, Aug. 25, 18C6 .Francis II.
Smith, Esq. .-Dear Sir : It being the
desire of the President that -I should
accompany him on his trip to Chicago,
which will ifeepme absent from this city
until after the 10th of September, I will
not be able to be prosentan the occasion
of the inauguration of the statute of
Washington, at tho Military. lnstituqof
rirginia. ': .v.. .... . '
"Please express my regrets to the Board
of Visitors, who were so kind as to extend
to mo an invitation to bo their guest on
the occasion, for not being Ttblq to comply
with my former partial acceptance. r
, . 4Your obedient servant, . U. 9.:Ghasi.".
Unpublished Speech of Presi
dent "Lincoln.
On Tuosday night of last week, in
National Hall, Philadelphia, Col. John
Wr. Forney delivered a thrilling bpecch.
After referring to the attempt of Presi
dent Johnson, in his Philadelphia speech,
to cast odium on the . Union League,
which he insinuated was an organization
formed for the subversion of the Consti
tution of the United States, he said :
"As I read over his maudlin phrases, I
remembered an occasion early in 18G4,
when, as member of a committee, or
rather accompanying the committee, for
tlien T was officially resident in Washing
ton, wc waited upon Mr. Lincoln for the
purpose of presenting to him certain
resolutions which had been unanimous
adopted by the Union League of Phila
delphia, demanding at the hands of the
National Convention hi3 renomination for
the Presidency. It was a peculiar occa
sion. "I shall never forget the earnestness
with which Mr. M'Michael, the Chairman
of tha Committee, presented the resolu
tions, and the quaint and singular manner
with which Mr. Lineoln responded to tho
request of tho League. Mr. Lincoln
himself, on that occasion, presentod so
peculiar a contrast to the speeches of
Andrew Johnson, and particularly to the
one to which I have referred, that I turn
ed to the notes which I took on that
occasion, and was fortunate enough to find
the original speech, as it had been taken
down by the reporter, but never yet pub
lished. I have that speech in my hand
now, and will read it, that you maydraw
the contrast between it and the incoherent,
blasphemous, conceited and raving ha
rangues which have fallen from the Presi
dent of the United States, made his
successor by the bullet of John Wilkes
Ro-jth. 31r. M'Michael, in his peculiarly
graceful way, had presented the resolu
tions of the League. Mr. Lincol n desired
us to remain seated, and said bo would
make his reply in his own familiar way.
You will recollect that a very serious
organization had been prepared to defeat
his ronomination, growing, doubtless, out
of opinions honestly entertained, but tho
effect of which was to arouse the bolici
tude of our people. Then this great body,
our League, which has been to-Philadelphia
not simply . a party affair, but a
benevolence and a charity without parallel,
I venture to say, in the history of civili
zation this great organization responded
to the national demand, and took the lead
in insisting that our illustrious President
should be placed in nomination for a
second term. Mr. Lincoln said :
"'I suppose all men are more or'Iess
selfish, and J dQ not suppose that I am an
exception to the ruler I very freely
acknowledge that this manifestation of
which I heard some time ago, and which
is now formally presented to me of the
confidence of the Union League of Phila
delphia, is very grateful to my feclingB.
If it. should extend to tho presentation of
what is similar to it by the whole Dalion,
it would, by its comparatively greater size,
be etiil more grateful to my foelings.
Whcn thi3 is said, so far as personal and
selfish considerations are concerned, all is
said that is pleasant to mo iu the light of
being here four yoar3 more. It is a
situation which has been to me one of
painful anxiety and toil far beyond
anything I had ever before conceived of.
Having said this much in regard to the
mero selfishness of the matter and the
personality of tho matter, I will state
briefly what I suppose to be tho duty of
every true man in the country, myself
included, and that is to do whatever he
can that will best advance the great cause
of saving our country. .Now, I shall
shrink from nothing that shall appear to
me to be required of mo for that object.
I shall . not shrink from another man's
nomination for the Presidency with any
greater hesitation than I would from my
own. If it shall bo made to appear in any
way that the elements upon which the
salvation of tho country is to depend can
be better combined by dismissing me, the
country can have no difficulty in getting
rid of me. On the contrary, I suppose 1
need not hesitate in saying here that, if
it shall appear to be the best way of con
centrating and consolidating the forcefr
upon which the salvation of the country is to
depend to use me further, I can say I do
not shrink from it. Now, I do not know
that it is best to publish this ; but, after
what has been said to xao, I could not
avoid making it public. It is easy to
say that I am in the field openly for the
Presidency canvassing for it, I hope I
am not. I do not think it is good for the
country that it should be so construed and
understood.- I am sure, here to-night, in
the presence of, you, gentlemen, and the
Almighty, that there is not one act that!
am conseious of having done, lhat looked
to this end for myself, that looked to any
personal end I think a man" should, in
The Soldiers' and Sailors' Plat
Form .
conscious t&atV whatever bfi-'sbaa done in
ims "igu positron, ana cBpeciiuiy j.u muau
extraordinary, difficult timeV, hKiias done
only for the gooobf thecountryVv I am
sure I have ione no more than-this and
I am! sure thdt I will try and Tenrainp;
.This is -not a very; long speech; but I havj
nothing more to say.f:
The following is the eminently sound
platform of principles adopted by the
Soldiers' and Sailors' National Convention
at Pittsburg :
Jicsolvcd, That the action of the pres
ent Congress, in passing the peuding
constitutional amendment, is wise, pru
dent and just. It clearly deBues Ameri
can citizenship, and guarantees aM his
rights to every citizen. It places on a
just and equal basis the right of repre
sentation, making the vote of a man in
one State equally potent with the vote of
another man in any State. It righteous
ly excludes from places of honor and
trust tho chief conspirators and guiltiest
rebels, whose unrepented crimes have
drenched' the land in fraternal blood. It
puts into the frame of our Government
the inviolability of the national debt, and
the nullity forover of all obligations con
tracted in ptrpport of the rebellion.
Resolved, That it is unfortunate for the
country that these propositions have not
been received in the spirit of conciliation,
clemency and fraternal feeling in which
they were offered, as they are the mildest
terms ever granted to subdued rebels.
Resolved, That the President, as an
Executive officer, has no right to a policy
as against the Legislative Department of
the Government That his attempt to
fasten his scheme of reconstruction upon
the country is as dangerous as it is un
wise; his acts in sustaining it have re
tarded the restoration of peace and unity ;
they have converted conquered rebels
into impudent claimants to rights whioh
they have forfeited, and places which
they have desecrated. If consummated,
it would render the sacrifices of the nation
useless, the loss of the'lives of our buried
comrades vain, and the war, in which we
have so gloriously triumphed, what his
present friends at Chicago, in 1SG4, de
clared to be a failure.
Resolved, That the rights of the con
queror to legislate for the conquered has
been recognized by the public law of all
civilized nations ; by the operation of that
law for the conservation of the good of
tho whole country, Congress ha3 tho un
doubted right to establish measures for
the conduct of the rovolted States, and to
all acts of legislation that are necessary
for the complete restoration of the Union.
Resolved, That when the President
claims that by the aid of the army and
navy he might have made himself dictator,
he insulted every soldier and sailor in the
Republic; he ought distinctly to under
stand that the tried patriots of this nation
can never be used to overthrow civil lib
erty or popular government.
Resolved, Thzt the neutrality laws should
be so amended as to give the fullest lib
erty to the citizen consistent with tho
national faith ; that the great Union
Republicau party is pledged to sustain
liberty and equality of rights everywhere,
and, therefore, we tender to all people
struggling for freedom our sympathy and
cordial co-operation.
Resolved, That the Union men of the
South, without distinction of race or color,
are entitled to the gratitude of every loyal
soldier and sailor who tcrved his country
i:i suppressing the rebellion, aud that in
their present dark hour of trial when they
are being persecuted by thousands solely
because they are now and have been true
to tho Government, we -will not prove
recreant to our obligations, but will stand
by and protect with our lives, if necessary,
those brave men who remain true to U3
when all around are false and faithless.
Resolved, That in reorganizing the army,
justice to the volunteer officers and sol
diers demands that faithful and efficient
service in the field ought ever to have
place in the army or navy of tho Union.
Booth a Hero. The entire accuracy
of the following dispatch is vouched for
by the editor of the Bedford Inquirer. It
wa3 transmitted to the Associated Press :
"Bedford, Pa., Sept. 24. At a Dem
ocratic meeting held in the court house
on Saturday evening, the president of the
meeting, on motion of B. I'. Myers, tho
Democratic candidate for Senator, ad
dressed the meeting. During his remarks
he said the name of Booth would live.
He, like Winklericd, had laid down his
life for his country. That Switzerland
had her Winklericd, Scotland her Bruce,
and America her Booth, and that the time
would come when a monument would be
erected to Booth higher than that erected
to Liucoln. These sentiments wero re
ceived without marks of disapprobation."
-The Coppcrhead.3 howl "millions of
dollars for the nigger Bureau !" Geueral
Wager Swayne reports officially that two
dollars have been expended from the Bu
reau fund for the poor .Southern whites,
where ono is paid for the Freedmen.-
Thousands of poor white Democrats in the
South have been saved from starvation
limes aiceineseao xcea nirnsenf- Q Mjr.- ?J4f-v
Facts for (government landholders.
y--rh PjoKHJb'uhfczZ suggests -that.
rhcna1kingal)but winging round the
Circle' President Johnson no doubt
means that he began by voting for Breck
inridge and has swung back to that point.
, Montgomery Blair has been nomina
ted for tho Vth CougKcssional District of
sefvatives.v
: fsMaryland by the Cbnsefvs
In 1SGI eleven Statc.? seceded ; and
twenty-three only sincq that time have
been represented in Congress.
All the United States'Bonds 5-20s, 7
30s and lQ-10a--all tho greenbacks and
all tho National Banks were created by
this Congress of twenty-three States.
President Johnson says it ii an "assum
ed Connrczi" thcrcforo not leal. His
supporters and friends call it a "l-ump
congress, a "usurping Congress, there
fore not a lawful Congress; and they aro
trying to elect Congressmen in the North,
and admit enough from tho rebel States
to enforce this "Rollcy."
li a Congress of twenty-three States is
not a laicful Congress, every United
States Bond you own, and your greenbacks
aud Bank notes, are worth nothing;
becauso an unlawful Congres3 could not
make a lawid Bond or lawful money
aud your money is as worthless as your
Bonds.
If Johnson's "Policy" succeeds, it brings
into Congress ninety-four Congressmen
from tho rebel States, instead of eighty
fivc-ras befcTC the .var tlius tiiey gain
nine Congressmen by their treason. The
Northern State3 lose nine Congressmen by
their victory over treason.
If the rebels get their ninety-four Con
gressmen, and the Johnson "iWtcy" men
elect onough in the North to give them a
majority, United States Bonds will be
held illegal, and United States Bondhold
ers will lose principal and intcreit.
If you want .to prove Congress illegal,
and the Bonds illegal, vote to elect Cop-per-Joh
nson-Natiocal-Rebel-Union Con
gressmen, who oppose the Constitutional
Amendment, so that the National debt
may bo repudiated when they get into
power.
If you want to prove Congress legal,
vote to sustain it the party that created
the Bonds the party thatought and won
the .icar that says Congress represents
the people that is pledged to Jccep Jailh
with the Bondholders and thus secure tho
adoption of the Constitutional Amend
ment, and forever prevent repudiation.
Remember also our Loans are depreci
ated in Europe by the London Times,
which defends Johnson's Policy, hoping
to get rebels back into Congress, and by
their vot33 Io what they could not do
with their arin3.
Congressional The Tariff
I Iollida ysburo, Sept. 22d, 18CC.
11. L. Johnston, Esq., Dear Sir :
As you are a candidate for Congress, the
undersigned citizens of Blair county, be
leave to address you upon a subject which
deeply concerns our District and tho
State at large. We allude to the Bubject
of a Tariff to protect American Manufac
tures and American Industry from for
eign competition.
Other topics involved in tho present
contest may be of higher importance, and
upon these topic3 there may be a diversi
ty of opiuion, yet upon the subject of a
Tariff, broad enough and high enough to
pTopcny ucveiope or reopen sources,
there Is but ono opinion.
Wc ask your views upon this subject
so that the people may vote intelligently,
aud we hopo that your response will coin
cide with the universal sentiment of our
community. Yours, &c,
II. L. Pattkfsom, .Sasiiel Isett,
S. P.. MTadoex,
J. D. Rea,
U. F. Ii ELL,
J. C. KvERIIAKT,
J. It. M 'Farlanb,
JAS. LOWTllER,
Wm. Jack,
J.o. Hell,
W. Anderson,
J. II." Patterson,
Wm. Stose,
Dr. J. D. Txiomps ox.
ErenoEvuo, Sept. 21, 1S60.
Gentlemen : Yours on the subjecfe
of protection to American Industry has
just been received. I can only say, in
reply, that I have always been in favor ot
that protection which would develope tho
great Mining and Manufacturing interests
of Pennsylvania ; and especially tho coal
mines and iron manufactories of my own
district.
I shall vote, if elected, as did tha
members from Pennsylvania, Democrats
and Radicals, in favor of a Protective
Tariff; and, if necessary, raise my voico
in Contra m in favor ot that policy.
At the same time, I may state, that I
believe the benefits of protection can
never be fully realized until the Union of
the States is fully restored..
Respectfully Your3,
R. L. JOHNSTON.
To H. L. Patterson and others.
The President having made himself
the law-making power as well as the
Executive of the law, as far as recon
struction is concerned, now calls upon the
people toendorse. his usurpations, and lot
all the rebels and Democrat are sustain
ing him I The friends of popular govern
ment propose to rebuke his' course in Oc
tober and November. Look out for
earthquakes! " - X
"I have been, generallyconsidered a
Judical," aid Mr. Johnson in a senatorial
speech delivered In 1860. 'I go for en
actments by Congress and for amendments
to the Constitution upon the principle that
they are right, and upon no other ground."
As Mr. Johnson "never. doserted a prin
ciple," wo suppose Congrc3s has becoma
entirely too Conservative for him.