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M.civlex Ret. W. Lloyd, Pastor. Prcacli-
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COF.YTl' OFFICE US.
Judges of the Court President, Hun. Geo.
vylor, Huntingdon; Associates, George W.
nler, Henry (3. Dcvine.
rrothnnotirif--ituo C K. Zaiim.
Kegifter anil Ilecorder James Grilfin.
Sheriff James Myers.
District Attorn;. John F Barnej.
County Commissioners John Campbell, Ed-
rd Giass, E. R. Dunncgan.
Treasurer Barnabas M'Oermit.
"oor House Directors George M'Cullough.
orge Orrii, Joseph Dailey.
roor House Treasurer George C. K. Zahm.
AuUtors Fran. P. Herner, Jno. A. Kcn-
Kmanul Brallier.
fouuft Purveyor. Henry Scanlan.
foro ner. William Flattery.
.Vfrennfife Appraiser John Cox.
Sup't. of Common Schools J. F. Condon.
CBE.YSIU'RG IIOR. OFFICERS.
AT LARGK.
Lurgess James A. Moore.
Jvtt'crs of the Peace Harrison Kinkead,
imund J. Waters.
Schnol Directors D. W. Evans, J. A.Moore,
niel J. Davis. David J. Jones. 'Villiam M.
Ves, R. Jones, jr.
I ,rntmh TruixurrT flon W. Ofltm.in.
rkrTc to Council Saml. Singleton.
Street Commissioner David Davis.
east ward.
Toim Council A. V. Jones, ohn O. Evans,
emuel Davi?. Charles Owens, R. Jones, jr.
Constable Thomas Todd.
Judge of Election Wm. D. D'ivis.
lnf,ertors David E. Evan, Danl. J. Davis.
Attestor Thomas J. Davis.
WKST WARD.
Town Council John Lloyd, Samnel Stiles,
'arrison Kinkead, John E. Scanlan, George
'Jrley.
Constable Barnabas M'Dermit.
Judge Election. John D. Thomas.
Inspectors. William 11. Sechler, George W.
Hown.
.4for--JosIiua D. Tarrish.
SOCIETIES, &.C.
A. r .V. Sommit T,ntA Vn 3l A V M.
Pets in Masonic Hall, Ebensburg, on the
"nn luesday or each month, at 7 o clock,
I- O. O. F. Hifrhlflnri T.m. V AOa T O
V F. meets in Odd Fellows' Hall, Ebensburg,
L-7 " eaasdny evening.
of T. Hicthland Division Kn. R'4 Rnn nf
f reraece meets in Temperance. Hall, Eb
L very Saturday evening.
rpEUMS OF SUBSCRIPTION
TO
"TUX AIXtaHANlAN
- r.risrijrtrxifce.
fFrom the Atlantic Monthly for September.
THE JOHNSON PARTY.
The Prei-ident of he United States has
po pinmtlar a combination of defects for
the office ot a coDof itutio'ial magistrate,
that hf could have obtained the opportu
nity to misrule the ua'in onl- by a vi i
tation of I'ruYid'nce. Iti-incere ad well as
stubborn, cunning a well as unrea oualIe,
vain h well an ill tempered, irredy of
pnpuiarify a4? well as arbitrary in dip .M-
t ion. veeni.t; in hn tuinu as well as hxed
in h"s wi!l, he nnites in his character the
seemingly opposite qualii:"a of demaiiotrut
und autocrat, ar.d converts the Presiden
tial chair into a stump or a throne, accor
ding as the impulse seizes him to cajole
or to cuiimand. Doubtless much of the
evil developed in him is due to his mis
fortune in having heen lilted by events to
a position which he lacked the elevatio.i
and breadth of intelligence adequately to
fill. He was cursed with the possession
ot a power and authority which no man
of narrow mind, bitter prejudices, and
inordinate elf-esf imaf ion can exetci-e
wii hout depraving himself a well a mju
riuir the nation. Kotistic to the poi'it
of mrnta! disease, he resented the direct
ad nisitily oppusition of a statesmaii to
his. opinions and miods as a Deroual
affro'tt, and descended to the last decree
of littlenei in a political leader that of
bcMvini; hi party, in order to gratify
his spi'o He of course became the prey
ot intriguers and sjcophants ; of prrsous
who understand the art of managinr
minds which arc at. onco arbitrary and
wenk, by allowing them to retain unity o
will amid the most palpable inconsisten
cies of opinion, so that inconstancy to
principle shall not weaken force of pur
pope, tior the emphasis bj at all abated
with which they may bles to-day what
yesterday they cursed. Thus the abhorrer
of traitors has now become their tool.
Thus the denouueer of t'opperhoads ha-,
now sunk into dependence on their support
Thus the impb-er of conditions of recon
struction has now become the foremost
friend of the unconditioned return of the
rebel States. 'Jhus the furious Union
lit-publican, vhase harang'us against his
political opponents almost scared his
politic'il friends by their violence, has now
become the shameless betrayer of the
people who trusted him. And in all
these chaoses of base ho has appeared
Miprcmely conscious, in his own mind,
of playimr an independent, a consistent
and especially a conscientious part.
Indeed. Mr John -on' character wonM
be imperfectly described if some attention
were not paid to his conscience, the puri'y
of which is a favorite subject of his own
discourse, and the pcrversiiy of which is
th wonder of the rest of mankind. A
a public man, his real position is similar
to that of a commander of an army, who
diould pass over to the ranks of the
enemy lie was comniiioDed to fight, and
then plead his individual convictions of
duty as a ju-ti&cation of his treachery.
In truth, Mr. Johnson's consc encc is,
like hi- understanding, a mere form of
expression f his will. The will of or
dinary men is addressed through their
understanding and conscience. Mr.
Johnson's understanding and conscience
can be addressed dnly through his will
He puts intellectual principle- and the
moral law in the po-esive case, thinks
he pay them a compliment and adds to
their authority whdn h makes them ih
adjuncts of his petted pronoun "my j"
and thin to him are reasonable and
right, not from any quality inherent in
themselves, but hrc-tuse they are made so
by his determinations. Indeed, he sees
hardly anything as it i. but almost every
thing as colored by his own dominant
eoiistn. Tints ho is never weary of
asscrtiii" that the people are on his side;
yet this lncthod of learning ;he wishes of
the people is to scrutinize his own, and,
when actin out his own passionate im
pulses, he ever in-ists that he i obey in r
public sentiment. Of aM the wilful men
who, by strange chance, have found them
selves at the head of a constitutional
government, he most re.emhles the last
Stuart Kin of Ivigland, James II. ; and
the likeness, is inert aed fioni the circum
stance that the American James has, in
his supple and plausible Secretary of
State, one lully competent to play the part
of Sunderland.'
The party which, tinder the ironical
designation of the National Union Party,
now proposes to take the policy aud
character of Mr. Johnson under its charge,
iscouipo?ed chiefly id' Democrats defeated
at the polls, and Democrat! defeated on
the field of battle. The few apostate
Republicans, who have joined its ranks
while sceniirg to lead irs organization,
are of small account. Its great strength
is in it Southern supporters, and, -if it
comes into power, it must obey a rebel
direction. y th treachery ot the Pres
ident, it will have tlie Executive patronage
on its side, for Mr. Johnson's "conscience"
is of that peculiar kind which finds satis
faction iu arraying the interest of otheis
against their conviction ; and having
rims the power to purchase support, it'
will not fail of those means ot dividing
the North which come from corrupting it.
The party under which the war tor the
Union was conducted is to be denounced
and proscribed as the party ot disunion,
ftt?tf rd to be edified by addrwseJ on
I WOULD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN PRESIDENT. Henry Clat.
EBENSBURG . PA. , THURSDAY, AUGUST 30,I8CG.
the indissoluble unity of the nation by
secessionists, who have hardly yet had
time to wash from their hands the stains
of Union blood. The leading proposition
on which this conspiracy against the
country is to he conducted is the monstrous
absurdity' that the rebel States have an
inherent, "continuous,"' unconditioned.
Constitutional rljht to form a part ot the
Federal Government, when they have
once acknowledged the fact of the defeat
of their inhabitants in an ar.ned attempt
to overthrow and subvert it a proposition
which implies that victory paralyzes-the
powers of the victors ; that ruiu begins
when succcs- is assured ; that the only
effect of heating a Southern rebel Wiethe
field is to exalt him into a maker of laws
tor his antagonist.
In the minority report of the Congres
sional Joint Committee on Reconstruction,
which is designed to supply the new party
with constitutional law, this theory of
State rights is most eltbofately presented.
The tround is taken, that during the
rebellion the States iu which it prevailed
were as "completely competent States of
the United States as they were before the
rebel'ion, and were bound by all the obli
gations which the Constitution imposed,
and entitled to all its privileges ;" and that
the rebellion coii-tstcd merely in a series
of "illegal acs of th citizens of such
States." On this theory it is uifficulf to
find where theguikof rebellion lies The
S'ates are iunoceut because the rebellion
was a ri-ing of individuals ; the individu
als cannot be very criminal, lor it is on
their votes that the committee chiefly
rely to build up the National Union
Party. Again, we are informed that, iu
respect to the admission of representatives
from "such States," Congress has no right
or power to ask more tha-i two questions.
These are : "Have these States organized
governments republican iu form ?" The
committee proceed to aj : 44 How they
were formed, under what auspices they
were formed, are inquiries with which
Congress has no concern. The right of
the people to form a government for
theai-elves has never been questioned."
O i this principle, President Johnson's
labors in organizing State govsrnments
w-re works of supererogation. At the
close of active hostilities the rebel States
had organized, though disloyal, govern
ments as republican in form as they were
before the war broke out. The only
thing, therefore, they were required to do
was to feud their Senators and Represen
tatives to Washington Congress could
not have rightfully refused to receive
them, because all questions as to their
being loyal or di-loyal, and as to the
changes which the war had wrought in
the relations of the States they represented
to the Union, were inquiries with which
Cii;r!Ms had uu concern ! And here
again we have the ever-recurring difficulty
respecting the "individuals" who were
alouo guilty of the acts of rebellion. "The
right of the people,", we are assured, 4to
form a government for themselves has
never been questioned." Rut it happens
that "the people" here indicated are the
very individuals who were before poinred
out as alone responsible for the rebellion.
In the exercise of their right "to form a
goyeinmeut for themselves," they re
helled ; and now, it seems, by the exercise
ot the satii" right, they can unconditionally
return. There is no wrong anywhere ; it
is all "right." The people are" first made
criminals, in order to exculpate the States,
and then the innocence of the States is
used to exculpate the people. When we
see such outrages on ommnn sense grave
ly perpetrated by so eminent a lawyer as
the one who drew up the , committee's
report, ouc is ahridst inclined to define
minds as nf two kinds, the legal mind and
the human mind, and to doubt it ther3 is
any possible connection in reason between
the two. To the human mind it appears
that the Federal Government has spent
thirty fie hundred millions of dollars,
and sacrificed three hundred thousand
lives, ;u a -iontest which the leiral-mind
di-solves into a mere mist of unsubstantial
phrases; aud by skill in the trick of sub
stituting words for things, and definitions
for events, the legal mind proceeds to
show that these words and definitions,
though scrupulously shielded from any
contact with realities, are sufficient to
prevent the nation from taking ordinary
precaution against the recurrence of
calamities fresh in its bitter experience.
The phrase "State Rights," translated
from legal into human language, is found J
to mean the power to commit wrongs on
individuals whom States may desire to
oppress, or the power 10 protect the inhab
itants of States from the consequences of
their own crimes. The minority of the
committee, indeed, seem to have forgotten
that tf.ere has Deen any real war, and
bring to mind the Converted Australian
savage whom the missionary could uot i
make penitent for a murder committed
the day before, because the trifling occur
rence had altogether passed from his rec
ollection In fact, all attempts to discriminate be
tween rebels and rebf-1 States, to the ad- J
vantage of the latter, are done in defiance of
notorious facts. It the rebellion had been
merely a rising of individual citizens of
State-, it would have been uu insurrection
against the Stites, as well as against the
Federal government, and might have been
easily put down. - la that case, there would
hav2 been no withdrawal of Southern
Senators and Repre-entativca from Con
gress, and therefore no question as to
their inherent right to return. In Mis
souri and Kentucky, for example, there
was civil war, waged by inhabitants of
thosse States aga'nst their local govern
ments, as well asagainst the United States;
and nobody contends that the right and
privileges of thoseStates were forfeited by
the criminal acts nf-their citizens. ut
the real strength of the rebellion consisted
i" this, that it was not a rebellion njuinst
States, but a rebellion by States. No
loose assemblage of individuals, though
numbering hundreds of thousands, could
long have resisted the pressure of the
Federal power and the power of the State
governments. They would have had no
means of subsistence except those derived
by plunder and voluntary contribution,
a.id they would have lacked the military
organization by which uiohs are trans
formed into formidable armies. Rut. the
rebellion being one of States, being virtu
ally decreed by the people of States as
sembled in convention, was sustained by
the two tremendous goveruuiuntal p wers
of taxatio-i and conscription. The willing
and the unwilling were thus equally placed
at the disposition of a strong government.
The population and weatlh of the whole
immense regi.m ot country in which the
rebellion prevailed were at the service of
this Government. So completely was if
a rebellioo ot States, that the universal
excuse of the minority of origiual Union
men for entering heartily into the contest
alter it had once begun was, that they
thought it their duty to abide by the de
cision, aud share the I irtunes of their re
spective Sfttfes. Nobody at the Sjuth
believed at the time the war commenced,
or during its progress, that his State p m
iesed any "continuous" right to a partic
ipation in the privi'eges ot the Federal
Constitution, the obligations ot which it
hail repudiated. When coufidcut of suc
cess, the Southerner scjrufully scouted
the mere suspicion of entertaining such a
degrading notion ; when assured of defeat,
his only thought was to "get his State
back into the Uniou on the best terms
tint could be made." The idea of "e n
ditioos cf read mission" was as firmly fixed
in the Southern as in the Northern mind
If the politicians of the South now adopt
the principle that the rebel. States have
uot, as States, ever altered their relations
to the Union, they do it from policy,
fi ling that its adoption will give them
"better terms" than they ever dreamed of
getting before the Presideutot the United
States taught them that it would be more
politic to bully than to plead
In the last analysis, indeed, the theory
of the minority - of the Reconstruction
Committee reduces the rebel States to
mere abstractions. It is plaiu that a State,
iu the concrete, is .constituted by that por
tiou of the inhabitants who form its legal
people ; and that, iu passing back of its
government and constitution, we roach a
eonveutiou ot the legal people as its ulti
mate expression. Ry such couventious
the acts ot secessiou were passoJ ; and, as
far as the people of the rebel States coulJ
do it, they destroyed their S?ates consid
ered as organized c iuimuuities forming a
part of the United States. The claim ot
the United States to authority over the
territory and inhabitants was, of cour-e,
uot affected by these acts ; but iu what
condition did they placo the pe p!e ?
Plainly in the condition of rebels, engaged
iu an attempt to overturn the Constitution
aud Govcrmiieut of the United Srates.
As the whole force of the people in each
of the rebel c jniiuunities was e.igaged in
this work, the whole ot the people were
rebels and public enemies. Nothing was
left, in each case, bur an abstract State,
without any external body, aud as desti
tute of people having a right to enjoy the
privileges of the Constitution as if the
territory had been swept cleau of 'opula
tion by a pestilence. It is, theu, only
this abstract State which has a right to
representation iu Congress. Rut ho c m
there be a right to representation when
there is nobody to be represented ' All
this may appear puerile, but the puerility
is in the picuii-e as well as in the logical
deductions ; aud the premises are la:d
down as indisputable constitutional priu
ciples by the emiueut juri-ts who supply
ideas tor the National Union party.
The doctrine of the unconditional right
of the rebel States to representation being
thus a demonstrated absurdry, th only
question relates to the conditions which
Congress proposes to impose.- Certainly
these conditions, as embodied iu the c in
stitutional amendment which has parsed
both Houses by such overwhelming ma
jorities, are the mihle-t ever -x icted of
defeated enemies by a victorious nati-iu
There is not a distinctly 'radical" idea iu
the wholeamendmcnt nothing that Pres
ident Johnson has not himsett, within a
comparatively recent period, stamped with
his high approbatuti. Does it ordain
uuiversal suffrage 't No. Does it ordain
impartial suffrage ? No. D es it pro
scribe, disfranchise or expatriate the re
ceut armed enemies of the couutry, or
confiscate their property ? No It sim
ply ordains that the national debt shall be
paid and the rebel debt repudiated ; that
tho civil rights of all persons thall be
maintained; that rebels who have added
perjury to treason shall be disqualified for
oflioe; and that the rebel States ebali not
hare their political power in the Union
increased by the presence on their ioi! of
per-ons to whom they deny political rights,
but that representation shall be based'
throughout the Republic oc voters, ad
not on population. The pith of the whole
amendment is in the last clause; and is
there anything in that to which reasona
ble objection can be made?'. Would it
uot be a curium result cf the war against
rebellion, that it should end in c inferring !
on a rebel voter in So.tMi Carolina a pow
er eqcal ic national aifjirs, to that of two
loyal voters in Ne-.7 York? Ciu ar.y
Democrat h ive the face to assert that the
South should have, through its disfran
chised negro freemen alone, a poer in
the Electoral College and ic the national
House of Representatives equal to tha of
the States of Ohio and Indiana combined?
Yet thce conditions, so conciliatory,
moderate, lenient, almost timid, an 1 which,
by the omission cf impartiil suffrage, fall
very far below the requirements ot the
average sentiment of thejoyal nation, are
still denounced by the new party of
Union" as .the work of furiou Rilicils,
benf on destroying the rights of theS'ate
Thus Governor James Ii. Orr, of Suth
Carolina, a leading rebel, pardnel into a
Johnftoniar; Union tain, implores the
people of that region to send delegates to
the Philadelphia Convention, on the
ground that its purpose is to organize
conservative" men of ail sections and
parties, 4to drive from power that R Ile
al party who are daily trampling u-ider
toot the Const itution, and fast converting
a constitutional Republic into a c in-olid i
ted despotism." The terms to which
S uth Carolina is aked to submit, before
she can be made the cqml of O Vi or
New York in the Union, are utate I to be
,4foo degrading and huuiiliiting to 13 en
tertained by a freeman for a single in
stant." When we consider that tlu
"Radical party" constitutes nearly four
fiths of tho leal Legislature of the nation,
tii.it it was tho pirty which s ived the
country from disuidmberrneut while Mr.
Orr and his frieu 1 were uotofio nly en
gaged iu "trampling the Constitution
under foot," and that the mm who de
nounces it owes his forfeited life to its
clemency, the astou-iding insolence of the
impeachment touches the sublime. Here
is confessed treason inveighing against,
tried loyalty, in the name of the -onti-tution
it lias violated and the lav; it has
brokeu ! Rut why doas Mr Orr think
the terms of South Carolina's restored re
lations to the Union "too degrading and
humiliating to be entertained by a free
mau for a single instant ?" Is it beciuss
lie wishes to have the rebel debt paid ?
Is it because he desires to have the Fed
eral debt repudiiited ? Is it because he
thinks it intolerable that a negro should
have civil rights? Is it because be
resents the idea that breakers ot oaths
like himself, should be disqualified from
having another opportunity of forswearing
themselves? Is it because he considers
that a white rebel freeman of South
Carolina has a natural right to eaercise
double the political power of a white loyal
frieman of Massachu etts ? He ni ist re
turn an affirma'ive answer to all th'se
q-Uestious in order to make it out tint his
S ate will be degraded and humiliated by
ratifying the amendment; and the neca
sity of the measure is therefore proved by
the motives kuowu to prompt the attacks
of its viliacrs.
The insolence of Mr. Orr is not merely
individual, but representative. It is the
result of Mr. Johnson's attempt 44ro pri
duce harmony between the two 'sections.'
by betraying the section to which ho ow
ed his sclecri. n. II 1 it not been for his
treachery, there wju'.d hare beu littl-i
difficulty in settling the terms ot peae. ao
as to avoid ail causes for future war ; bur,
frjru he time he quarrelled with Con
gress, he has been the groat slitrer-up of
disaffection at thj S i:ih, an 1 the vir
tual leader of the Souih-;rn reactionary
party. Every man at tne S.mth who was
promineut in the rebellion, every mm in
the North who was prominent in aiding
the rebellion, is no openly or cvertU
his partisan , an 1 by i'awnin on hint earns
i he rinht to tL'lame the representatives ot
the people by whom the rebIliou wis put
dawn. Am nig traitors and C ippjrhejd
the. f.ar of puuisnuu'Tii hi bien .succor la 1
by the hope of revnge ; elation is on f icjs
which the d iwufall of R.chni i 1 overcast;
and a return to tae old times, when
a united S-mth ru'ed the contry by
means of a divided N nrth, is coufi lently
expected by tho whole crew of political
bullies and political sycophants whose
profit is iu the abiseuiint of the nation.
It is even sj'hi that, it the maj irity nf the
Ramp" Congre-s emu it b overcom by
fair mem-, ,t will be by foul; an 1 there
are mi-y pirlisans of tne President wh i
assert that he has i him a Com vjllian
cipacity for dealing with legislative as
semolies whoe notims of the pub'dogoid
clash with his own. In short, we are
promised, on the assembling ot the next
Congress, a ?mp d'etit.
Garret Davis, ,t Keutucky. was, we
believe, the first to announce this execu
tive remeJy for the "radical" disease of
the State, and it has since been often pre
scribed by Democratic politicians as a
sovereign panacea. General M'Clernand,
indeed, proposed a scheme, simpler even
than that ot Executive recognition, by
which tha Southern Saaatori and Repre
TERMS:3'00 PER AXflll'M.
IS-2.00 IN ADVANCE.
NUMBER 45.
sentatives might effect a lodgment in
Congress. Thev should, according 1 1 him,
have gone to Washington, entered tha
halls of legislation, and proceeded to oc
cupy their aeata. "peaceably ii' they could,
forcibly if they must;" but the record of
General M'Clernaud, as a military man,
was not such as to give to his advice on a
question of carrying po-itious by assault
high decree of ituth iri'y, and there being
s.,mc natural hcsita'.i iu following his
c nins-1, the golden opportunity was lost.
Mr. Montgomery RUir, who professes hi .
willingness to act with any men, "rebels
or any one else," to put. down the radicals,
is never weary of talking to conservative
c 1'iventious of "two Presidents and two
Congresses." There can be no d iubt that
the project of a coup if eftt has bee itua
dangerously familiar to the "con-ervative"
mind, and that the eminent legal gentle
men of the North who are publishing
opiuiou3 affirming the right o; the excludt
ed Southern representatives to their seat,
are playing into the hands of the desper
ate gang of unscrupulous politicians who
arc determined to have th right estab
lished by fore. It is cmpu:ed tint the
gain, in the approaching elections, of
twenty five districts now represented by
Union Republic ins. will give the Johnson
party, iu the next Congress, a majority of
the ilonse or Representatives, should the
Smthern delegations be con -ted ; aud it
is propised that the Johnsju members
legally c it'nRl to scats should einbiofj
with ' the Southern pretenders to seats,
organize at the Il ia.e of R "preventatives
of tne Uui'ed States, 'and apply to the
President for recognition. - Should tho
PresiJeui omply, he would be impeached
by an UHrecouizjtl House before ao "in
couplete" Senate, and, it convicted,
would deny iho validity of the proceeding.
The result would be civil war, in which
the nanu ot the Federal Government
would be on the side of revclu:ion:sts.
Such is tha programme which is freely
discussed by partisans of he Prc-idenr,
c nisi dcred to In high in his favor; and
the scnetue, it is contended, is the logical
result of the pisition he has assumed as to
the rigfits ot the excluled States to rep
resentation. It is certaiu that the present
Congress is as much tho Congress of
the United States as he is President of
the United Slates ; but it is well
known that he considers himself to
represent the whole c .untry, while ho
thinks that Congress only represents a
portio:: of it; and he has iu his character
just that combination nf qualities, aud is
placed in just those anomalous circum
stances, which lead men to che commi-sioa
ot great political crimes. The mere hint
ot the possibility of his attempting a oup
d'r.tat is received by some Republicans
with a look of incredulous surprise ; yet
what has his administration been to such
persons but a Miccessiou of surprises ?
But whatever view may be taken of the
President's design, there can be ao doubt that
the safety, peace, interest and honor of the
country dvpend on the success of the Uuion
Republicans iu the approaching elections.
The loval nttion must see to it that the For
tieth Congress shall le as competent to over
ride Executive vetoes .t3 the Thin -ninth, and
be eqn illy removed from the peril of being
expelled for oae rajre in h irni i.iy wttn
Executive i Ic.is. The Siim? eariiedtf.ess, eu
er.'y, patriotism and intelligence which gave
success o the w ir, must uo4 be exertod to
reap its frdits and prevent its recurre-.ee. l'iie
only dinger i that iu soms representative
districts the people ia ly bes ria llel by plau
sibilities fcnd respectabilities ; for whea, ia
political contests, any villainy is coutemola
ted, there are always found .soma eminently
respectable mar., with a Sxel uipit.l of cer
tain eminently conerv.i re phrases, inuo
cently rj.ly to far.;ish th wolves of pilitics
.with abundant supplies of sheep's clothiag.
These li i fied du;as are more tii..u uu illy
.ictiv; at the. prts"iit t'rnij; and the j.-avity
of th sir speech is as e lifiu its cuptiness.
Im norsed iu wirds,anl wit h no cle ir percep
tion of t'liii-jj, th ay tui?tik? conspiracy for
conservatism. Their pel horror is the teroi
radical;" t 3ic ideal of heroic patriotism,
the spi-ctacle cf a great nitioa which allows
itself to be ruined with decorum, and dies
rather than com nit the slig'ituit breach of
constitutional etiquette. This iuseusibility
to ficts and blindness to the tendency of
events, tb.eycill vr.sJjai nu-i moderation.
llohiud these politic t1 dummies are the real
forces of th Ja'imoa party, mei of insolent
spirit, resolute will, embittered teuipe- and
unscrupulous ourposa wbo clearly know what "
they are after, und will hesitnte a, no "infor
m ility" in the attempt tj obtain it. To give
th'se persons poiitic.il power will be to sur
render the results of the wu by placing the
GiveninuiU practically in the bauds of those
ii.iiust whom the war wm wagel. No smooth
words a'onut ' tho eqaality of the States,"
4-the necessity of con-iIiation," the wicked
ness of section il c nfl cts," will Iter tbe fact
thit, in refusing to support -oujre33, the
people w ul i set a reward on treachery and
place a bounty on treason. ' f be rsouth,"
says a Mr. Hill, of Georgia, in a letter favor
ing the Philadelphia Joa veation, 'jia!;lit to
s ive the Constitution oat cf the Union. She
filled. Let her now bring her diminished
an d shattered, but un ted and earnest counsels
and energies to save the t'oustitutioc in the
Uaion." The sort of Constitution the South
sought to save by warrii.j against the Gov
ernment s the Uonstitutian which she rfow
proposes to save by ndoaiaislering it ! Is this
the tone of pardoned and penitent treason" t
Is 'his the spirit to build up a "Nat?ot .
Uaion part ?" No ; but it is the tOtfe. "',
sp rit now fashionable in tne defeated . .
btates, aud will not be chang-d until tjj0 a
tumu el-ctions shall have proved tat tj,
have as little to expect front tire n--xl yoare3'j,
as ftom the present, and that iuey musi'iva
securities for their future coo duct before tuey
can be relieved from thd penalties iacarred.
by their past. . " ....
ir