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KrtiiiltEn Editor and Proprietor.
UUf CMIWSOIt, rubllslier.
I WOCLD RAtf fiER BE RIGPr THAK PRESIDENT Hikst Cut.
OLTJME 7.
EBENSBURG. PA., THURSDAY, MAY 24, 1866.
15 RSI'S: fS.OOPER AKUM.
U'2.00IMADfAKCE.
.jriF. Foat'Afttttert. Utttrtett.
'Laiaeb, "A Q. Crooks j
T-l
Liibarg. Joan mompsonj
-i3 I .UUia.
Wm Tilej, Jr.,
E. Roberts,
ii. Adlesberger,
A. Durbin,
M. J. Piatt,
Stan. Wharton,
George Berkey,
A. Shoemaker,
B. F. Slick,
Wm. M'Connell,
3. K.. Shryock,
.tito,
.ster,
.faille,
Anistine,
.'ptevei,
m&a,
merhm,
Imote,
Ch'est
Taylor.
Washint'n.
Ebensburg.
White.
Stisq'han.
Gallitzin.
Washt'n.
Johnst'wn.
Loretto.
Monster.
Sasq'ban.
Clearfield.
Richland.
Washt'n.
Croyle.
Washt'n.
S'merhill.
'retbyterian-Rtr. T. M- wilsok, rutor.
ichinr every HaDDaiu morning i, auj
3ck and in tne evening m o nuts..
i, School at 9 o'clock, A. M. Prayer meet-
.rerv Thursday evening at t o ciocit.
tlhodittLpitcopalvnurcn hit. a.
icher in charge. Kev. J. rinamsu, .
at Preaching every alternate Sabbath
ninVi at 10J o'clock. Sabbath School tB
n A. 31. rrayer meeting every mcuu
ptaing, at i o ciock.
i Independent Rev- Ll. R. Pot"
arPrcaehing every saDDatn mor)""8
j'clock, and in the evening at 6
bath Sckool at 1 o'clock, P. ll. Prayer
etinson tue nr. muj "r J 7 " " 7
nth; and on every Tuesaay, iuu5U,.u
lav evening, excepting the first week in
ialriniitte Jlettotf.Jr kev. aiuu- .
tor.rreRcbins every Sabbath evening at
d 6 o'clock. Sabbath School at V o'clock,
V. Priyer meeting every tnuj c.m,
f o'clock. Society every i uesaay e euiuB
T o'clock. ,
,'),K-Riv. W. Lloyd, Pastor. Preach-
tvery aaooain morning .
Vficur Baptitti Rev. David Evakb,
n t O W n V. ar.ninir M.t
:or rreacninp every . ' " , .
lock. Sabbath School at at I o'clock tr. m.
ioir Rev. R. C. Christt, Pastor. -res
every Sabbath morning at 10 J o'clock
respera at 4 o'clock in the evening.
EDEXSllIJItG MAItS.
MAILS ARRIVE.
:ern, daily, t 9.55 o'clock, A. M.
.wn, " at id.uu ociui-l m..-m.
MAILS CLOSE.
ern. dally, at 8 o clock, f. 31.
;errii ll ftt O CIOCK, r. .u.
.The mails from Grant, Carrolltown,
m r 1 IT aJ.mJmi anil
rrira rn M An Q ft V- U CUUCSUUT va
v of aeV MTPrk. at 3 O clock, r. 31.
leave fcbenBbutr on Tuesdays, Thursdays
batardays, at 0 o clocK, A
Reconstruction.
M.
K 4lXnbt SCHEDULE.
CltESSON STATION,
it Halt. Exnivsa leaves at 8.55 A
Phila. Express
Fast Line
Mail Train
Altoona Acc'om
'-rhila. Express
Fi3t Line
Day Eipres3
Cincinnati Ex.
Altoona Accotn.
ii
ii
u
ii
ii
!
II
II
M.
9.55 A. M.
10.33 P. M.
9.02 P. M.
4.32 P. M.
BAO P. M.
2.20 A. M.
E.41 A. M.
1.55 P. M.
1.21 P. M.
COtTf Y OFFICEItS.
ditt of the Courtt President Hob. Geo.
flor, Huntingdon ; Associates, George W.
iiey, ifenry C. Devine.
rothonotarji Geo. C. K. Zahm.
giiter and Recorder James Griffiri.
viff JadPs Mters.
Mriet Attorney. Jobh F. Barnesi
tfy Commititonert Joan Campbell, Ka
il Glass. E. R. D'anneean.
k (o Coniutort?r William H. Sech-
mrer Barnabas M'Dermlt;
Yi to Treasurer-iJ ohn Lloyd.
Twlfoute Dirtctort George M'CullOugb,
It Orris. Joseph Dailey.
F . it rr ... nH.. P IT 7a hm
".ftfort Frah. P. Tierney, Jco. A. Ken-
Bwanuxl Braille r.
tinfy Surveyor. Henry Scanlan.
roner . - -T illiatn Flattery.
fcontt'le Appr&iur John Cox.
P t. o Common -?eAoo J. F. Condon.
Essuvim non. OFFicHits.
AT 1 k o r. m
('urgesi James A. Moore,
o Me Ptace-Harrison Kinkead,
. aund J. Waters.
. A.Moore,
William M.
Moo Director, V. W. Evans, J
pel J. Davis, David J. Jones,
f-?J, R. Jones, jr.
F-mC. Treasurer Geo. W. Oatman.
Vto Coa'T1' Saml. Sineleton.
'"?ft Qonmi..ionr Pavid Davis.
EAST WAR?-
Council A. Y. JnnM 7.:hn O. Evans,
Fl Davis, Charles Owens. R. Jo:e9 j'-
i nomas Todd.
't "f Election Wm. D. Davis.'
vpecioTt David E. Evans, Datil. J. Davis.
MiorThmas J. Davis.
WEST WARD.
Council John L.'oyd, Samuel StileS,
f,r:ia Kinkead, John. E. tf-anlan, George
: -ydle Barnaba3 M'Dertnit.
"f Election. John D. Thoruas.
Retort. William H. Sechler, George W.
"'"or Joshua D. Parrish.
societTes, &c.
r. J.Summit Lodge No. 312 A. Y. M.
'in Masonic Jlall, Ebensburg, on the
j - -" u.wuku, ui j u
F Highland Lodge No. 428 I. O.
ffieeta in Oiia Fpllnoro' lion n i
l. ftetfaesdav even ncr. -
yf" u'gbland Division No. 84 Sons of
'"nce meeta in Tpmntrm Ti.n tk
every Saturday evening.
tiMs 0?SCBSCRIPTION
TO
'TIIE ALLEGILANIAN ,.
?2.00 IN ADVANCE,
5 CO IF NOT PAID IN ADVANCE.
SPEECH OF HON. GLENNI W. SCOFIELD,
OF, PENNSYLVANIA, IN THE HOUSE
OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASH- -INGTON,
"APRIL 28th, 1866.
Concluded. -I
do not wish to disguise the fact that
while he approves the two amendments
and believes the power exists to require
their adoption as conditions of return, he
thinks it unnecessary to nsist upon any
terms additional to those imposed by him
self. It is in this opinion that his old
persecutors, the defeated enemies oi the
Union, the foiled plotters of his assassin
ation, have" taken heart, and with cruel
malice conspired with northern sympathi
zers to pursue him with their unrelenting
friendship. Their last hope for the des
truction of this country lies in the seduc
tion of its friends. War failed them,
they resort to diplomacy. The President
was not much moved by their threats,
will he be seduced by their flattery? It
so, let me assure those of our friends who
are disposed to suppress their own convic
tions in hope to detain him and his pat
ronage in a little select court party, that
they might as well exercise a reasonable
liberty of opinion. For if he ever deter
mines :o trust hi3 political future to any
body besides the great, earnest, triumphant
Union -organization that elected him, ho
will have sense enough to put them aside
as mere nonodies in popular strenetn,
heartless friends and harmless enemies,
as courtiers always are, and push straight
for the "southern brotheredj rebel-led
opponents of a permanent and peaceful
UDion. In that event his children and
friends may well rejoice that the past, at
least, is secure, ills patriotic thoughts
of the past five years will etill live,
although only to reprove him.
Again, it is said by way of excuse, "why
not admit such Uniou men as Fowler,
Stokes, and Maynard," of Tennessee?"
Because it is not a question about men.
Shall a disloyal district, while it is still
in a disloyal spirit, be declared entitled to
representation with only half a3 many
represented peoplo in it as we require for
a district in the North ? That is the
question. Captain Semmes ran up the
Union flag when he wished to decoy an
unarmed merchant vessel under the power
of his guns, but replaced it with the
pirate emblem when he had secured his
victim. The names of these patriots are
hung out to-day to secure representation
to a rebel constituency behind them, but
they will be hauled down at the first election
and rebels nut up in their stead. You may
think you are only recognizing the Union
flag, but when it is too late you will find
yourselves alongside the Alabama aud in
the power of its pirate crew.
Hut it is said in reply : "We will not
admit disloyal men even if elected."
How can you help yourselves ? If a whole
delegation from South Carolina, for in
stance, present themselves to the Clerk of
the last House and ask to be placed on the
roll, prior to organization, and tender him
the certificate of their election signed by
the Governor and sealed with the great
seal of that most sovereign State, shall
the Clerk say which is loyal and which
not ? I suppose not. After the organ i
ration, in which all have participated, and
all have been qualified and taken their
seats, will you get up an inquisitorial
committee to explore the secret recesses
of their consciences and be father confes
sors to their sins ? "No, but the Iron-clad
oath will exclude them.' Do you not
know, sir, that almost every man who is
in favor of admitting these States without
conditions is also in favor of repealing
that oath ? They already denounce it as
all odious and unconstitutional test. The
Secretary of the Treasury and the Post
master General, backed up by a message
from tho President, ask its repeal so far
as regards their Departments, thus making
rebels as eligible as Union soldiers to
appointments here, and under such lead
I expect to see it swept away, and so do
most of the gentlemen who are now urgiDg
us to lay aside a real safeguard and trust
to this cobweb of a morning.
But suppose we could in this way con
trive to dictate to these people who they
should and who they should not elect,
whit kind of representation would that
be ? e say to them, "you are free to
select your representatives, bat mind that
you select such as suit us, not yourselves'
You call that representation? I call it
obedience. We propose to extract the
envenomed fang of the serpent before he
23 uncaged, and you to bind him with test
oaths afterward. Suppose, again, you
couid sanagC to exclude in this way those
who had beeS enged in he rebellion,
do you not know that a re W X
could find a fit representation ouu.io tnat
list, and all the more dangerous CU . tbat
account ? If they had none at home they
could colonize from the North, i
; Again, magnanimity is invoked as a
shield of desertion. A great nation, it is
said, can afford to be magnanimous. Of
course it cin ; but let us see how this is.
For four years these people made war up
on us without cause or even plausible
excuse. Before they began it; we begged
them in great, humility to withhold from
tho country this terrible desolation., In
tears we warned them of the punishment
that must follow.: Our entreaties and
warnings were received in the rebel cap
ital, bo their telegraph informed us, "with
peals of laughter." They fired upon.. us
while we were yet upon our knees begging
for peace and union. The contest once
begun, was conducted ion our part with
great forbearance and within the strictest
military; law. We even returned ' for
awhile their, fugitive slaves. On their
part it. was conducted not only within the
condemned system of cruel guerrilla and
piratical warfare, : but with fire poison,
yellow! fever, and assassination . The
estates of Union men within their power
were confiscated, and have never yet been
restored, . and Union men were hung for
treason to their pretended government; -
You tell us they have suffered. So
have we. Peace has come at last ; busi
ness prosperity will return; the insignia
of mourning will be laid aside ; but in the
heart of every family there is an unspoken
sorrow that will sadden life even to the
grave. Now, we are admonished to be
magnanimous to the authors of all this
suffering. I accept the admonition, but
I submit that we are so already. The law
condemned them to death, and we have
pardoned them. Their estates-were for
feited, and we have restored them. Not
a traitor has been hung ; not one convic
ted ; not one tried ; not a dozen arrested ;
but many have been honored as rulers in
States they only failed to ruin. The
high-EOunding eloquence of the gentleman
from New York, (Mr. Raymond,) calling
upon us to admire the "courage and devo
tion" with which these bad men prosecu
ted a cruel war against our kindred, our
homes, and our country for four years,
has scarcely subsided when our tears are
invoked over their self-inflicted sufferings.
Thus at this end of the avenue we are
alternately called upon to admire and pity
them, while at the- other the green seal is
kept hot with its work of clemency
clemency often unsolicited, sometimes
contemned. We have even ordered his
toric inscriptions to be erased from cap
tured cannon at West Point, that the
boys educated at the expense of a govern
ment that their fathers could not quite
destroy mizht not be irritated. What
more can we do? What more can gen
tlemen ask in the name of magnanimity ?
"Give to this one-seventh, cf your popula
tion more than one-third of your political
power?" Is that what you ask, and call
it only magnanimity to the false men of
the country f Call it rather treachery to
the faithful, or if that sounds tco harsh,
..a a mm m,
call it submission, surrender, wnat you
like, but for the sake of truth let no one
call betrayal of country and friend mag
nanimity to enemies.
Again, sir, the effort to cut off the
excess of this unpatriotic and sectional
representation is ascribed to party motives
Is notthe Opposition exposed to the same
charge ? Is not the Democratic party
as anxious to secure friends as we are to
avoid enemies ? For the last five years
they have been beaten everywhere. Every
election has proven to them that they
were growing small by large degrees.
"Would to God that night or the rebels
would come" has been their daily prayer
Does their haste to embrace the misguided
brethren come solely from pure love and
affection ? Is it not possible that their
passion is somewhat like that of
"The immortal Captain Wottle,
Who was all for love and a little for the bottle?
Is it not possible that they look a little
to party) too? That they long not only
tor the alliance but the leadership of the
South? They must remember that this
leadership was generally able and always
consistent, however unwise. It was not
under that lead that they proclaimed both
secession and Coercion unconstitutional
that the war for the Union was constitu
tional, but there was no constitutions
mode of conducting it: that an army
should be raised, but volunteering was
impracticable and drafting unconstitution
al j that it was right to raise money, but
wrong to tax or borrow that they were
opposed to emancipation, but not in favor
of slaverv. It was not under tnat lead
that Andrew Johnson was denounced as
Lincoln's satrap when he consented tobe
provisonal governor of a State from which
the old Governor and LegislatUte had run
away; and was cheered as a patriot when
he drove out the Governors and Legis
latures of half a dozen States and supplied
their places with appointees of his own
Tr it not rjrobable that, tired of their
contradictory and hypocritical position
they crave the undissembling leadership
of Breckinridge and Hunter, Davis and
Toombs, as much as we can possibly dread
it? .
As another excuse ' for opposition ' to
this plan of restoration it is said there are
other inequalities in representation that
mmtit tr, hft removed as well as this. " An
honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania
complains that the six Eastern States
v two Senators, while New York
-a ;!r lare States have no moTe.
U r,,. 'iVt of the -Urn .a.es f e
small; but the Constitution piyy-v-
pnh State, whether large or sma h. .
have two Senators ; and it further provides
that while that instrument may De amen
ded in other respects, with the assent of
three-fourths of the States, in. this respect
it shall not be amended without the asdent
of all the States. But why point only
the eastern Stales' to illustrate the me-
quality ot senatorial representation ? The
DeBt illustration ot it is not to be found
there. The population of these States in
3,135,223. In the South you can find a
smaller : population with a . larger repre
sentation in the Senate. The population i
of Arkansas, Texas, Florida, South Caro-1
i:. Tir . ir: nr i n
iu, fcai Virginia, luaryiaua and Dela
ware is only 3,032,761. Here are seven
btates with more than 100.000 less dod-
ulation than the six eastern States, one-
tnira oi nat Deing negroes, with fourteen
Senators, two more than New England.
vYhv did. not the gentleman make his
point on these States? Was it because
the eastern States are free and loyal, and
the others were slaveholding, and in part
disloyal I And why, just m this connec-
. ! J 1 i r ..
uuu, uues ue compiain mat counties are
paid for catching fish ? . He never com
plained when higher bounties were paid
lor catcmng men ana women tor the
Southern market. These are the old
complaints of tho South, warmed over, in
anticipation of its return, groundless, no
doubt, but if ever so just, furnishing no
good excuse for allowing to the complain
ants a. two-fold representation in this
House.
Once more we are reminded that taxa
tion and representation should go togeth
er, lrue, sir, but tnat would not entitle
them to a double representation, nor
deprive Congress of a reasonable time for
deliberation as to the extent of the right
and the best mode of securing it. But if
it is meant that they are entitled on the
seore of taxation to instantaneous, uncon
ditional, and disproportionate representa
tion, I must beg leave to inquire, where
are the immense taxes paid by them, upon
which to base such extraordinary claims :
The loyal people of tho country have been
paving burdensome taxes, a mi. lion per
day, imposed by their misconduct, but
when and where, have they paid taxes t
For the last five years they have paid none,
and the amount they, are just now begin
ning to pay is too trifling for argument
If the right of representation could be
acquired by imposing taxes upon others
or by robbery of the Government, their
claim would be indisputable. They robbed
thepoUthern post-offices of money, stamps,
and mails ; the arsenals and miHtary and
naval depots of ammunition, arms, and
clothing; the cu3tom houses and sub
treasuries of goods, bonds, and money;
and the New Orleans mint of 600,000 in
gold, and have never made restitution.
But they have paid very tew taxes, and
long beforo they will be called upon to do
so a fair and adequate representation will
be accorded them.
But, they have still another argument
the one relied upon when all others
fail, i their refuge from discomfiture in
every other field of debate and that is
what they call the constitutional argument.
When they find themselves unable to
maintain in discussion the propriety of
allowing the disloyal population a twofold
representation, the half to represent them
selves and the other half to misrepresent
the loyal people, white and black, in their
midst; when they can no longer screen
themselves behind the "President s poll
cy," words of indefinite meaning; when
their aspersion upon our motives is re
pelled by showing that they have ss strong
party interest in forming an alliance with
the rebels as we possibly can have in
trying to prevent it ; when their taxation
theory is demolished by a report from the
Secretary of the Treasury, they fall back
upon the constitutional rights or estates
in representation. They win retreat no
further. This is their last ditch in debate
And here,
- "In Dixie's land
They take their stand,
To live or die for Dixie."
Mr. Sneaker, we are In an anomalous
condition. The Constitution does not es
neciallv provide for tho difficulties with
wniph we are surrounded. Our fathers
could not believe that so large a portion
of the American people could be so bar
barized by slavery as to undertake such
stupendous crime. They did not provide
for what they could not foresee. There
are no precedents on file to guide us.
This is thehrst disunion rebellion, uurs
will be the first precedent in reconstruc
tion, and the last onlv if it is justly and
wisely made. There are objections, piau
sible or otherwise, to every theory tb
has been or can be advanced as to the
status of these States. My colleague Mr.
Stevens suggested that their present po
sition was very much like that of Califor
nia after the Mexican war. A score or
more of speeches have been made to show
that there are objections to thi3 theory.
The gentleman from Ohio Mr. Shella
berger suggested that these State govern
ments had perished in the rebellion, and
that cow new ones, republican in form,
should be originated by Congress. Tho
gentleman from New York Mr. Raymond
suggeeted that new governments must be
originated and proper guarantees and
conditions could be imposed, but these
things should be done by the Commahder-in-chief
of the Army and Navy as the
terms of surrender. Objections have been
raised to that' theory also. . Others still
take the- position that masmncn as new
Annatitntions and new governments have
been established in these States, origma-fino-iin:
an irregular or' revolutionary
manner, that it is the duty of Congress,
under the fourth article and fourth section
of the Constitution, to' see that they are
republican in form, and in the discharge
of that duty, require such conditions or
guarantees as the safety of the Union, in
their judgment, demands. This, too, is
objected tOi
An honorable gentleman from Pennsyl
vania at the other end of the Capitol, with
some self-conceit, as it seems to me, sets
down all these reconstruction suggestions
or theories as mere whimsies. He has a
plan of his own to restore the Union aud
get rid of traitors. It is simple in theorv
and cheap in execution. He will execute
ii minsei;, witn only tne aid ot a consta
ble. Whenever a rebel shows his head,
be and bis constable will rjounsa nnnn
him like a Buchanan marshal on a flying
negro, lie will put him where no rebel
ever went before with his coosentin the
old Capitol Prison. If the hororable
gentleman really thinks that hjs pau is
practicable, why does he not set aboxt its
execution ? His intended victims swarm
through the Capital and the "White Hotse.
and two or three dozen of them are asking
admission to Congress. There are objec
tions to this theory. Indeed, it has been
tried it was Jiucnanan s plan tor sup
pressing the rebellion, but it failed.
Now, sir, the theory of the Opposition.
based upon the second and third sections
of the first article of the Constitution.
under which members from the rebel
States are to be admitted to these Halls
without our leave, is that the right of a
State to representation cannot be forfeited
or lost so long as these two sections remain
unaltered. Is there no objection to this
theory ? Why, it concedes the light of
representation during the whole. War.
Their members could have entered thia
Capitol at any time and voted as the inter
est of the confederacy required. If the
war had lasted fifty.years instead of four,
tne right would have run through all that
time. Nor would it have ceased if our
armies had been overpowered and the
confederacv left unmolested. After one
hundred years of separation, they 'might
still vote for President and send members
to Congress. Unless you admit the doc
trine of forfeiture, you cannot avoid this
conclusion. Aside from this doctrine,
nothing but an amendment of the Consti
tution could deprive them of this right.
But the Constitution could not be amen
ded, because these eleven States'are more
than one-fourth of the whole, and the
assent of some of them would be necessary
for any amendment; and to deprive them
of Senators, the assent of every one would
be necessary.
The advocates of this theory, to avoid
this result, concede that the right of rep
resentation would be forfeited by success.
But how ? The Constitution is not chan
ged by the result of a battle. . There it is,
just as it was before. If they lost nothing
by defeat, would they by success ? They
lost nothing by secession and unsuccessful
war, you say, because these were uncon
stitutional. Can they lose anything, then,
by victory ? Would not that be uncon
stitutional also? "But We Would acqui
esce." Well, suppose we should; would
not acquiescence be unconstitutional and
void ? Where in the Constitution are we
authorized to acquiesce in a division of
the Republic? If their ordinance of se
cession was void, would not our consent
to it be equally void ? If the ordinance
was void, can it be rendered more so by
defeat or less so by victory ? Some of the
advocates of this theory to avoid this
reasoning, concede that the right of rep
resentation is forfeited or suspended du
riner contumacv. This cruel word to
characterize the great rebellion is not
original with me. It is the word mail
ciously chosen by our conservative friends
who are determined to , make treason
odious. I wish the printer to inclose it
with inverted commas, that such severity
of language may not be ascribed to me.
But who is to decide when the suspension
begins and when it ends ? The State 7
If so, that is no suspension at all. A right
that can be taken up and laid down at
pleasure cannot be said to be suspended.
Is Congress the judge ? Then I submit
that by secession from the United States,
by the formation of a new confederacy, by
four years of terrible war and 4ve of
scornful refusal, these States would be
come a little contumacious, and Congress
would be justified in suspending their
rights until the legislation necespafy to
make representation fair attd equal coUla
be agreed upon and passed. And that is
all that anybody here proposes to do.
This appeal to the Constitution for au
thority to hand the Government dver tt
the unrepentant plotters of its destruction
is but a continuation of the policy ptifsued
by the Opposition for the last five years.
During that period, they have raised a
cry about the Constitution many times,
but always in opposition to good measures
or in advocacy of bad ones. Whed it was
first proposed to coerce the rebellion find
save the Union, and at every following
step toward apparent success, they cried,
"unconstitutional." It was unconstitu
tional to raise an army or march it into
the sacred soil of the South. It was un
constitutional to issue bills of credit to
meet the expenses. It was unconstitu
tional to close a rebel port or arrest a rebel
Bpyf to proclaim martial law in a rebel
country, or to appoint a provisional gov
ernor for conquered Louisiana or aban
dond Tennessee. Look back through
NUMBER 32.
the debates of the Opposition ; there is
nothing constitutional but slavery and
rebellion, nothing so unconstitutional as
coercion aud emancipation. Judging from
th ese debates, tbe Constitution was espe
cially framed to repress liberty, punish
fidelity to the Union, shield oppression,
and honor treachery and great crime
1 uese war measures are all constitutional
now. Great light is thrown upon the
Constitution by the surrender of Lee. The
gleam of successful bayonets illumines the
dark understanding of pro-slavery quib
blers. But alas I the light of success
shines only on the past. All the future
a a. ..a uuwusuiuiiuuii, me - UnCQOSll-
tutional, disunion, abolition war" is reu
dered constitutional by tho victory of our
soldiers, but the effort to secure to tbo
country the fruits of that victory by ap
propriate legislation is as unconstitutional
as ever.
Here I. close my defense of the Repub
lican policy of restoration. Shall that
policy be adopted ? Not by this Con
gress, it is said, because enough conserva
tive Republicans will unite with the
Opposition to defeat it. Then, by falsely
charging upon the Union party non-action
and lack of purpose, it is hoped that a
Congress can be elected ne'xt fall which
will repeal the test oath and admit the
rebel States without guarantees or condi
tions of any. kind, and with a representa
tion always excessive and now enlarged by
emancipation. Without the enlargement
(which will not be attained until ifter tha
next census), the eleven Confederate
States will have eighty votes in the Elec
toral College, controlled entirely by tha
late insurgents, namely :
Alabama 4tl...it.. ..t 8
Mississippi T
Arkansas i 5
Texas...... 6
Louis'
Florida .'. 3
Georgia 9
North Carolina 9
South Carolina...;. 6
Virginia ..it..... ....u.i...i.i...i.ii4wlO
Tennessee... ; m. ....10
They will need seventy-seven more to
elect a President. Kentucky, Missouri.
Maryland, and Delaware, States with
strong Confederate proclivities, will, it is
claimed, furnish thirty-one, while tha
other forty-six can be made up by the
Democrats of New Jersey, New lork, and
Connecticut. The classification ot votes
by which the President would thus be
elected would stand confederates 80.
semi-confederates 31, Democratic 46
This Presidential scheme will undoubtedly
fail, and yet it is the only one that has tha
slightest chance of success. If the Union
party can be beaten at all, it must be by
this or some similar combination. Sup
pose it successful, then, what would bo the
character of the new Admioistration ?
Four members of the Cabinet would be
long to the eighty confederate votes and
the other three to the seventy-seven from
the northern and border States. All
Presidential appointments at home and
abroad mut be made on the same line of
division.
- If, as is alleged, this combination could
also carry a majority of Congress, the con;
federates would hav a majority of that
majority, and in caucus (giving their allies
the Clerk) would demand the Speaker and
a majority of all committees, such as the
Ways and Means, Claims, and Pensions,
to which their peculiar interests might be
referred. Pensions must then be surren
dered or divided with Confederate claim
ants ; service in the Union army would be
an impediment to political success, and
the Trsasury, supplied by the industry
and economy of the North, would ba
steadily absorbed in confederate damages.
Theu your creditors might count their
worthless bonds and learn exactly how
much it Cost them to reclaim their fugi
tive masters. Then the pensionless wid
ows and orphans of our valiant dead might
bemoan in poverty and neglect the ingrat
itude of a Republic saved by a husband's
and a father's blood. Aud then our sur
viving soldiers must conceal their honora
ble stars td-save a humble position in tho
capital they helped to preserve for tho
1 n. ..111,1 r
enemy, men, sir, we win an see, ieei,
and realize what the Opposition, iu differ
ent phraseology, constantly assert, that
the object, of the war was to force the reb
els to become our rulers.
The CdsxuME iif wnicn Davis was
Arrested. The Chicago Republican
edited by Charles A. Dana, who was Assis
tant Secretary of War at the time Jeff.
Davis was Capturedsays of the toggery
worn by the rebel chiettan upon tnat
memorable occasion':
"When caught he was entirely enveloped
in a large and ample aqua scutum cloak.'
btlonglug to his wife, which tell to his
heels, and was buttoned up to his neck in
front) having its hood spread over bis soft
felt hat so as altogether to conceal his
face. In external appearance this disguise
made him seem to be a woman, and that
It wan assumed in the hope that he might .
thus escape, there oan be no question.-
The garment captured with him is safe,
and will, we presume, be produced when
ever necessary to prove the circumstances
of his capture."
. mam'
Fenian James Stevens subscribes
himself "C. O. 1. R.," which letters, in
terpreted, mean "Chief Organixer of tha
Irish .Republic." . , -
4