I 1 - , , : ST 1T : " :' flgfL ff (SI W iff - . 7? rTiiRER, Edltoiarid JPi-dprletor. V5n iiiTTCIIIWSO, Publisher. I WOULD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN PRESIDENT. Hkhbt Ciay. ni?Diio. f S3.00 I I". f I ' iWiinr )V IS2.00LVADYASCB. OLUME 7. I 1 prlbed JLegislato ,r ITJf . B. CO&WAT. r if .,.irLr,pd and defiled the human heart. ) leanest meanness, and the vilest vile, est baseness, and the deepest guile, t'.fer tinged the conscious cheek with sme'. , A ored character, ur uuiueu uiuc, jimes of crimes is clearly that which I., .r i, from violated trcst 1 Lib trusts are various, (as ah agree,) extent impuu, 'till iho principle invoked in each, rt not wnat uisaones j ivekt fairly, delegated trust . . ntnallv behfcveu, uch imparted, and " sucn ki., pit? of all the arguments mai scruples from the conscience of a knave, ever deep in subtle tactics skilled,) ID BK IJf TBCTH AND HOUJCSTT F CITILMD I a ; the doctrine Equity proclaims, lined by learned and venerated names, this the doctrine to wnicn iruiu uas broad, approving seal of righteous Hea- J'thiJ sacred principle and then, justice dwell amang me eoas ci men i beace and order nere consent to aweiix w,l no' Earth itself become a nell I "iL'the tru3ts which can to men be giv'n, i to include the Ministry of Heaven,) , trusts are clearly greatest which relate can considered in his social state ; it public tecsts, which always mast em brace or woe, of thousands of hi3 race ;e trusts are truly sacred, and as such, uptions Tile, contaminating touch . dnnt wit ri Atit cnfOoHIn rr til noi pervert iucw, ' w MC nd the basest purpose oi cis win : ils&h3'. which in their scope muBt urge r dire ejects to the remotest verge :t lociety through which they spread, bitter waters from a fountain head. Legislator who receives a bribe. i-.'-or indirect though all the tribe jistic euibblers ehould unite ( deepest skill "to prove that black is white" legislator violates hi3 trusi, a-'st'eedv and ceases to be lust ! 3 trie, ho man Can deem it very strange a mere opiniont undergo a change : irien opinions plainly manifest ."acts and PKisciPLEs on which they rest, rscsTs are th-s confided clearly, then ons test the honestt uf men! : true, the bribed apostate may proclaim ;t of facts to palliate his shame, i. well prepared, to meet his wrenched case, -- - - - mitigate he horrors of disgrace. he mar provt-Hr try, in vain, to prove, scruples rose, reluctantly, to move truest mina wnicn naa r-aiasi 10 strive nst the fact that two and two maXe five! ! to ''conclusions" he was "forced" to come, iarkly wrote his artful letters home ; ore his conscience :s not mad of flint, :ods a slv oreliminarv hint: .:v.t3 his "doubts," which finally prevail, n he halts, in "matters of detail:" :tjrecates the spirit of the times, !peak?7 "party" as be should of crimes; modifies his motions, day by day, jr a total change he paves the way ; itous still to justify his views, Etill dfftnds himself, thoiigh none accuse ; when he hears the bitine-. taualinc iibes. )nt(ti'e recipient of bribes rts and plunges deeper in the toils, proudly bears his infamy and spoils Jre h'ch hearen h nlva hi frftntlf." V i r J pranks, rs corruption.' and supports the Banks ! j for "democracfr" he rants and raves. '.of hypocrites ! and worst of knaves Us to his onstitntntt !" ah why? iwconSrm his damning infamy! 'bat base man detestable appears, -ornthe orphans' cries and widows' tears impression from whose callous heart 7i of pity, or remorse, can start; 'burly cheats the mute, confiding dead, or:ves the orphans forth to beg their bread, tow and tn wretchedness to roam. f .e'ibyTBArD from happiness and home 1 ;raud like this mu3t ever be desnLsed. peater frauds though artfully disguised, ij9 detested? Ies3 abhorred ? because rorld mavViA j: that base man the guiltiest of men, 1 flres some cottatre in i v fe not baser, Equity exclaims, ...- - ui, m devouring flames ? if jiTCBMAs-who bis guilt can tell. 'tv?rv if,Le?i6idt0r:--If h would .,v !J l,,'.nd couutervailing good, egbelow, OBst wAM "umaQ weal and woe, "si proclaim fho ' se act IVS1,' mo?t cursed, on ?,., .i.' uirecte(l oy ns will, bribed . the Ereatt weight of: ill ; H aPstate, who on States would 5X.cuK-3e9'Mi,a-tbe.foms f iawi rech ?hl? yiUlDJ Sparta baVr lh0USftnd times tea thousand th-tiot this ! in weighing public crimes, Mri-JUr,e otber men in other times! W t lhi9 'with jealousy and fear. t . nuiuuir do err : 3 , ourrow, slavery, ana scorn, 3 freemen's children's children yet nnl -bw p tr-fle3-ut"fl light as air," 'Dlng Bank D rector. ' ,t Vur,flS why did F"dom'8 on, ?ood.' Godhke Washington, - me 10 vigilance and toil. Whose high, and bright, and hallow- flight find a shelter and a home fVc 1 , . v.v a UUIU! ;t u ?, -Tcly v.utae m!eht aPP, fyhere cir nauve be&ron'a nn.i j m uui,ivuuru eace and Order might protection LrQth and .Tn.ti t:v J u dreams, or trifle if :n did Warren bleed on RnnVYrin ? KribV' th Mtirtrftt w don't de- Nor e'en the Editof who takes a bribe j The difference only is, in this brief viewy The evil each within his sphere may do. The principle's the same, 'tis understood,' ; t From libel-suits to gallant Cilley's blood : Pure blood ! by bribes and base corruption spilt. Whilst bribing Bankers flaunt in pride and guilt ! In pride and guilt whilst lo ! the widows tear ! And hark ! the orphans' waitings strike the ear I Ah I who but God can estimate their pain ? They cry to Heaven nor will they cry in, vain ! . ; .The man who takes a bribe would strip the dead, Or rob the orphan of his crust of bread So lost to justice, equity and right, This man would steal the aged widow's mite; Is well prepared for every kind of fraud ; Would sell his country, or betray his God ; Pillage the palace of the King of Kings, Or strip the gilding from an angel's wings) On sad events, now passing, do reflect: Freemen ! be firm, and stern, and circum spect ! Let none be trusted who for office pacta To pamper vulgar, artificial wants. Let every idle, vain, and Vicious drone Live, if he can but trcst not such an one. Remember what Time's faithful record saith, That Carthage fell and fell by "Punic faith I" The man who is unfaithful to a trust, Rti'wever small, is vitally unjust ; And he who is unjust in little things Would be a villain in the courts of kings. Present a bribe and down his virtue falls, In courts, or camps, or legislative halls 1 The bribed apostate ! blot his hateful name From each and every scroll of honest fame. Let no man trust him, none forbear to shed Contempt and deep dishonor on his head. Let Scorn still point her finger and her jibes, And say Behold the conseyuer.ee of bribes ! Let guileless children, as he passes by, Shrink from his touch, and shudder at his eye. Let lovely women loath him with disgust, And shun him like the reptile in the dust. And whilst he lives, let Infamy alone Claim the bf ibed legislator as her own ; Until he dies and sinks into the grave, To poison worms that feed upon the knave. There 'midst the storms let hideous Furies foul Hold nightly revels and in concert howl ; Let hissing serpents make that spot their home, And be the watchful guardians of his tomb ; And when he goes to hell, let devils stare, And ask him who the devil sent him there 1 And feel the insult, deep, severe, and keen, To see a fiend pre-eminently mean, 'Midst better devils rudely ushered in A foul, appalling prodigy of sin 1 nd in helTs fiercest hottest "-furnace cram med, Let him be damned superlatively damned t And why not damned for such transcendent crimes ? Tea damned eternal!y ten thousand iimesi Ebensburg, Pa., March 28, 1833. "Why Letters Fail of their Desti nation. The Albany Journal has an interesting article on tho subject of "mis sing letter," which we subjoin. It should be premised rhat the- editor speaks from knowledge derived from his official position in the post office of that city: "Whenever letters are missed, the fault is charged upon the post office j but in niue cases out of ten it lies with the par ties sending the letters. "A short time since a Government officer in this city was notified that two letters had been sent to him, one contain ing a check for eighty thousand dollars. He was, ot course, in great tribulation when the letter failed to come to hand, and supposed the delinquency to bo in the post office. But the letters had been directed to the city of New York, instead of Albany, and were discovered in the advertised list, and secured, all right- "A day or two since a gentleman in Syracuse notified Mr. ltoessle, of the Delevan House, that he had forwarded him $3,500 to take up a note.' But no such letter came to hand. Search was instituted and iuquiries made, but the letter could not be found. It was' finally discovered in the office at Syracuse, held for postage. : ' - "One of our citizens put a thousand dollar draft in a letter directed to Buffalo a few days ago. It did not reach its destination, and the post office was duly anathematized; when lo! the letter turned up among those held for postage. "A twenty thousand dollar check was, the writer supposed, sent to Illinois, but it did not reach ita destination. In due time it was returned to him from the dead letter office. It had been directed to Michigan instead of Illinois.' 'Three members of a family in this city own 6tock in a Western bank. One of them received the regular dividend, but the others did not. After a while it was found that the two missing letters had been directed to New York instead of Albany. "Instances like these are occurring ev ery day. The Post Office Department is, of course, held' responsible censured when the letters axo missed, but not re lieved from the censure when the delin quencies are found to belong to the par ties themselves. "The chief causes of mi3sing letters are, first, misdirection, and secondly, neglect to stamp them properly. Of tho latter there have been deposited at the office in this city, since the 1st of January, even hundred and seventy-four-- Except in cases where the writers are known (by having their card upon the envelope,) these are Bent to the dead-letter office. "It should be known that a revenue stamp is not recognized on a letter ; and a great many letters - are deposited; with, such stamps upon- them.- These- are all sent to the dead-letter cfEce" EBENSBURG, PA., THURSDAY, MAY Reconstruction. SPEECH OF HON. GLENNI W. SCOFIELD, OF PENNSYLVANIA, IN THE HOUSE ' . OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASH INGTON, APRIL 28th, 1866. . The riouse, as in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, having nnder con sideration the President's annual message Mr. SCOFIELD said: Mr: Speaker: What is the whole amount of disloyal population in the southern States? I do not include in this inquiry persons who have been stig matized as "sympathizers" or "copper heads," much less than any other portion of the Democratio party, but only those who sougM to divide the country into two republics and who now regret the . failure of their enterprise. The whole amount of white population in the eleven confed erate States is 5,097,524. Deducting from this amount the estimated number of loyal people in those States, and adding the disloyal scattered through the other five slave States, will give the answer to my question. Making this deduction and addition from the most reliable data with in my reach, I conclude that the disloyal population in the whole South will not exceed, if indeed it will equal, five million in all. If the eleven confederate States were readmitted now (the Constitution and laws remaining unamended) what amount of representation in Congress and the lilectoral College would this five million be entitled to claim r They would cer tainly have these eleven States. There could hardly be a doubt about Kentuekv. For if the loyal men of that State, sus tained by the power of the Federal Army and the persuasion of Federal patronage, with the young disunionists absent in the South and the old ones disfranchised at home, could scarcely hold their own, what could we exoect them to do when these young men have returned, the dis franchising laws have been swept away, the Army removed or palsied by orders, and Federal patronage at least uncertain ? This would give them twenty-four Sena tors. There are tour more States that belonged to the elaveholding class, Dela ware, Maryland, West Virginia, and Mis souri. Is it any stretch of probabilities to suppose that two more Senators will be picked up somewhere in these four States by the confederate element ? I fear there will be more. This will give them twenty-six Senators; In the House of Representatives this population will have as large, if not larger, proportionate representation. By the ap portionment of 1861, fifty-eight Represen tatives were assigned to the eleven con federate States.- These States will be so districted by the hostile sentiment of their several Legislatures that not one true Union man can be elected. To the other five slaveholding States twenty-six were as?igned by the act of 1861. If any one will take the trouble to look over these dis tricts, I think he will come to the conclu sion that even if the laws disfranchising rebels in Maryland, West Virginia, and Missouri remain in force, not less than half of these will be controlled by the in fluence and votes of the late secessionists. This gives them seventy-one Representa tives in the House. But even tnis large number must soon be increased. The two-fifth3 of the four million freedmen which were not counted in the represen tative basis of the last census must be counted in the census of 1870, ond (other things remaining the same) add to that number thirteen members more ; so that the five million disloyal population, as soon as their full power can be felt thro' the elections, will have at least twenty-six Senators and eighty-four Representatives and one hundred and ten votes in the Electoral College. This is a low calcula tion. When we consider the earnestness, or rather I should pay the fierceness of these people, the ability, ambition- and courage of their leaders, we may well ap prehend that the number will be even greater. But this number is their own legitimate and certain under the laws as they 6tand. Supposing the entire popu lation of the United States to be thirty five million now, this five million will be just one-seventh of the whole, but will have more than one-third the representa tion in Doth. Houses of Congress, and more than one-third of the Electoral Col lege. The same amount of loyal popula tion at the North is represented by only about half that number. If by tactions or party divipion among the loyalists of the country, they would contrive to secure one-sixth more of the representation, they would have a majority of the whole, and be able to control Federal legislation, elect the President, and distribute his pat ronage. When these States 'are admitted and these people come to have the unabridged control of this twofold representation, how will they desire to use it ? I do not in quire how they possibly may use it," nor even now bow they expect or intend to use ie, but how,' if unrestrained by a united North, it would be their interest and de sire to use it.: For the perpetuation of the Union? I fear not.: They have come back to the Union, wa should re member, only by coercion. To them it is a forced bridaL They submit tc it, bat they do notj because they eannot; embrace it in their hearts. The soldiers maimed, wives widowed, and children orphaned in their bad cause, appeal to their leaders for the promised support, but the Union has no pensions for them. The fortunes invested in confederate faith see no hopo of realization in the Union. Hatred of the north and its anti-slavery majorities, the original motive for secession, is ten times stronger now than in 1861, and is backed up by 84,000,000,000 of debt, damages, and pensions, which, as they in sist, could, in a separate government, be levied by an export duty upon the cotton consuming world. The life-habits of these people, their love of ease and dom ination, their pride, aristocracy, wealth, and power, were all the outgrowth of an institution which might possibly be re vived in a separate republic, but which is forever gone in the Union. "Confedera cy" is a word that must be long enshrined in their Hearts by the tender memories of their fallen kindred, but it must live, as they well know, in the history, traditions, and ballads of the Union, associated with perjury, dishonorable crime, and cruel war.- If they should profess to love the Union we could not believe them. It is so uunatural that it would be easier to believe they were hypocrites than that they wero monsters. But they are neither hypocrites nor monsters. They do not love the Union, and do not pretend to. It is untruthful men of our own section that prevaricate for them. The same class of men that mis represented the feelings of the North be fore the war, and thus deceived the South and goaded them into rebellion, now mis represent the feelings of the South to de ceive the North and lure it into irretriev able surrender. Before the war they de ceived the south and betrayed the north; but now it is reversed, they deceive the North and betray the loyal South. The same perfidious breath that carried South the untruthful story of northern hate, and thus prompted the war, comes back now with another story, equally ontruthful, of southern love. They tell us that the dis loyal South is a gentle bride, impatient for the nuptials, when they know that she submits to them with loathing. Have they not laid down their arms ? is the ar gumentative inquiry. No, sir; their arms were taken from them. Have they not submitted ? No, sir ; they were de feated in battle. There is nothing in their past conduct nor present attitude that justifies the use of the word submis sion. Prisoners of war have been taken, but they wero released on parole j rebel armies have been dispersed, but they havs been reorganized as State militia; rebel Stafe governments have been overthrown, but- again revived and restored to the old possessors j and forfeitures of life and estates have been remitted, bat that isalK Call this clemency, privilege, triumph, victory, what you please, but do not call it submission, with which it has not one shade of meaning in common. We do not need to call witnesses to prove that these people are hostile to the Union and its interests. The history of the human race proves it. Whoever attempts to prove the contrary must first show that they ate unlike any other people whose passions, struggles, and defeats are record ed in the annals of the world. But witnesses have, been called Union generals and rebei generals, Union and rebel citizens, without distinction of party, condition, race, or color and all support under oath the great historic truth, that a purpose imbibed in infanoy, cherished and stimulated by the rostrum, press' and pulpit for a lifetime; upheld by large for tunes, wrung from the toil of slaves, and sanctified by the blood of sons and kin dred, has not been and cannot be surren dered to military orders. Such a purpose surrenders only to time. I do not pre sent this great truth now by way of re proof or condemnation of these misguided people, but only by way of caution and warning to ourselves. I come to the con clusion, therefore, that they do not desire the perpetuation of the Union. If we would remove all restraints and give them freedom of choice, they would revive the confederacy at once. They would take advantage of a war with Great Britain or France to secure their independence, and they would take advantage of their doub le representation here to promote puch a war. If no opportunity of escape should soon offer, would they not still live in hopes of it and in -persistent hostility to the country's obligations to the soldiers, widows, orphans, and creditors of our war, and friendly to the assumption of similar obligations created by themselves in the interest of the rebellion? Even m ad vance of their own coming a portion of their vast claims have reached' your files. When my colleague (Mr. Randall) from the Democratic side proposed that the na tional faith pledged in war, should not be broken in peace, there was one voice from Kentucky against it only one by count, but considering the quarter from which it came, . multitudinous in omen. A bill has also been introduced by a gentlemen, sometimes called the Democratic leader in this House, to repudiate in part the pub lie debt under pretense of taxing it, in violation of the laws by which it was cre ated. These cannot be regarded as the oddities of one or two men, but rather as impulsive confessions of imprudent scouts, too far in advance of the following army. 17, 1866. The purpose will not.be generally disclos- cva uutu tuo iorces are arranged tor its execution. I am speakinz now onlv of thn A that will beset the Republic by the allow ance of a representation unfriendly to its prosperity and even its existence in such uisproporuonate numbers. But we should not forget that this act is also a rornrm;. tion as republican in form of constitutions we nave never seen (except that of Ten nessee), and all, except those of Lincoln origin, under rebel supremacy. The white Unionists who have been looking through five dreary years of persecution", lynching, and confiscation to this as their hour of deliverance, will find themselves betrayed into the hands of their old, unhumbled, unrelenting tormentors. It also consigns the freedmen to the tyranny of old masters, not .now as heretofore bribed to humanity by a moneyed interest in the preservation of their chattel estates. Twenty-five per cent., says an honorable gentleman who presents his hank offen sively to the North as he makes his low ooesianco south, twenty-nve per cent, have already nerished. The wish nn doubt was father to the thought with the masters in whose interest the declaration is made. xhese, then, are my premises. I will repeat them : 1. There are only about five million disloyal population in the countrv. . 2. This population when fully restored x - . r tt . .. . . ... to me union, the Constitution and laws remaining unamended, will hold more than one-third of its rem-esentative nower and the supreme control of at least thir- x Oi.i teen orates. 3: They will be interested to use that power for the division of the Union; and, failing in that, for the repudiation of its military and financial obligations. JNow, what is to be done? If these States are denied representation, it vio lates the fundamental principle of renub lican government. If allowed a double and hostile .representation, the Union itself must be destroyed or preserved at the expense of another war. Three remedies are praposed : 1. Disfranchise pome portion of the rebels. . "JL. Allow all the rebels to vote, but neutralize their disunion sentiments by enfranchising the blacks in these States. 3. Equalize representation by taking as its basis either the number of voters or the population, minus tho disfranchised classes; so that these States shall have no more representation in proportion to their represented people than the old free States have. Either proposition would require an amendment to the Constitution, to Jjo accepted by the rebel States as a condition-precedent to their restoration. It is also proposed to couple with either prop osition a second amendment, prohibiting the assumption of rebel debts and claims either by States or the United States. The third proposition has commended itself . to much the . largest number of Union members, and the amendments to that effect have already passed this House by more than a two-thirds vote. This, then, so far as this House is concerned, is the congressional plan of reconstruction. All we ask of the rebel leaders who are wrongly charging us with having no pol icy at afl, but designing to exclude them 1 . ... ior an maeiiuite period, is a little time to put in form of fundamental law these pledges of future peaoe. For five years they have been out upon plague-infected seas. Can they not tarry at quarantine for a single session ? Stripped of all disguises, herein lies the main disagreement. Shall these States be recognized at once in their present temper, without guarantees of any kind and with a twofold representation? It is not whether they shall be represented at all ; to that we all agree. There may be a little question of time; a difference ot a few weeks or a few months, and that is all. Shalt they be represented twice over, once in their own names and once in tho name of the negroes ? Shall they come in upon a representative basis that clothes a white man of the South with almost as much again political power as a Northern man controls ? That gives two white voters in South Carolina as much voice in the selection of a President and in the legislation of this House as five voters in Pennsylvania possess? That practi cally gives to one-seventh of your popula tion, disloyal at that, more than one-third of your power ? That, sir, is the great question before this House and the Amer ican public. It is an effort on the part of the Opposition to carry into the poli tics of the country the old problem by which sixteen is made the majority of forty-nine. In England it is called the system of "rotten boroughs." It has long been the subject of political strife between the free and slave-labor counties of Mary land, Virginia and Tennessee. And when it is everywhere else abandoned as a per nicious and anti-republican theory of representation, we are asked to make it the basis of reconstruction in the model Republic The enactment of these two simple and brief amendments, or others similar in DUrDOse. is so absolutely noceaiarv fnr the preservation ot the Republic and the uiouuaigu Ui no vuilgllunB -U 113 SOlUierS and creditors and is so just and, ?fdn NUMBER 31. generous . to the insurgents, that they ought to receive the assent of every Union man, especially 01. every northern Union man. The Ooooaition An rM rtrn iA 1Tj cuss their merits. While SOm flpnir ffiof we have any plan of reconstruction nth assail it with insidious and ' deceptive vuji.uua. juuio ui mese j. propose to notice here. . - : First of all, thev comnkin of tho con sumption of time. Five months have passed, and not a rebel admitted, is the vu,j,.,uiu5 accusation, xne uppoaitioii are impatient. Th6y cannot wait. Come in at once, say they, to the "erring breth ren, uo not wait to drop your Bide arms or exchange your disloyal garments. Bills to protect the Wal South against your pretended violence are pending now, come and help defeat them. We will soon have bills to enlarge pen sions and equalize bounties to the soldiers you have maimed and the widows you have made ; your advice and votes will be needed. A bill to give bounty land tn the "boys in blue" could not be defeated nor the "butternuts" included without you. A bill to lift the burdens of taxation from the industry of the country and place it upon your foreign confederates, through exported cotton, will need your attention. Hurry up ycur organizations. Do not wait to heal lips blistered with a double oath of broken fealty before vou kiss the Holy Evangelists with another. We have buried our sons and are languishing to slasp the hands of their 'murderers. Wtien once admitted, deny that you ever tried to break up the Government, but swear on all occasions that the Lincoln party were and are the traitors. The complainants have only themselves to blame for much of this delay. Except for their persistent opposition the amend ments would have been submitted months ago to the Legislatures then in session in the loyal States, and been assented to,' no doubt, by the constitutional number. Except for their own onnositinn tV.Ar- might now be welcoming back their lon mourned friends to seats in these Halls. But they would consent to nothing that did not return them greater in numbers, and more malevolent in purpose. Hence the delay. Illnc ilka lacrimm. , Next wc are told that it conflicts with the "President's policy." What is the President's policy ? I aver, first, that tho President, when last authoritatively heard from, was in favor of the principle em bodied in each of the proposed amend ments. Of th6 first one, because ho required the confederate States to adopt it ; of the second one, because he has re peatedly declared himself in favor of making the number of voters the basis of representation. I aver, second, that he does not consider the ilaliu of the States such, that their assent to constitutional amendments cannot be required as conditions-precedent to their restoration, be cause he directed Mr. Seward to inform these States that their assent to the amendment proposed in the last Congress was "indispensable" to restoration ; and because he. has not himself dealt with them as if they were States already in the Union. When the confederacy fell they were In full opetation under govern ments originally organized ia the Union. governors, legislatures, judges, and a full set of county and township officers were at work under constitutions once declared to be republican in form by tho United States. These governments were regular unless you assent to the doctrine of for feiture, for they had political continuity, what the church people call apostolic suc cession. Yet they were destroyed by tho President's order and new ones extempo rized in their stead. From that time to this, in the States, the breath of the President has been the law of the land. Mn Johnson went much further in this direction than his prede cessor. Mr. Lincoln established govern ments only ia States where he found none existing before, but Mr. Johnson first ' destroyed existing governments and then supplied their places with those of hjs own creation. So, both by words, and actions which speak louder than words, the President assents to every principle involved in the congressional policy. of resonstruction. Indeed, the two policies could not well conflict, because they re late to different subjects. The one cre ates or revives State organizations; the other renews their Federal relations. When these organizations were complete, and the States ready to apply to Congress for a return to the Lfnion, tho President' policy was ended. His work was all done. The rest was for Congress. So he directed his Secretary of State to inform Governor Sharkey, July 24, 1865, Gov. Marvin, September 12, 1865, and so he informed us in his annual message. If he has changed his policy since then it ia hardly worth while to inquire what it is now, for his principles are written in. wa ter. ... Conclusion next week. m m m KK Tlin HMirf nf T?. vsvvi. x;ma biiues a rumor of an attemnt to nm.-,. T, 13 ti. attempt is not iriputed to the party of action, but to tn0 Jesuits and reactiouary ianauco, wno tear tbat the Pope may re turn to a liberal understanding with Ital'ly. Indi afro U one means of obtaining competence. - 1 1 HI
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers