TtClllte Fditor and Iroprietor.
TOU" SIWTCIUXSOX, -publisher.
VOLUME 7.
vri I? V
Mist or post o flicks.
r'i'lnc" c,. t r-..oi
r.-s spring, "'j -----
"imaueU, A. G. Crooks, Taylor.
J. Houston, Washint'u.
"".'., Tnbn Tboirmson. EbensbuffT.
itutjuuis;. 1 . "
ha Timber. C. Jeffries, White.
MilU, Peter Carman, Susq'han.
J. M. Christy, Gallitzin.
niook Wm Tiler, Jr., ttasht'n.
t Jown, I-E- Chandler, Johnst'wn.
,,,, M. Adlesberger, Loretto.
baiter, . " . 't i c.:V,:"
vtsville Andrew j rm., ""t"'ij
"u 5Vme::.. an Wharton. Clearfield.
.; Level, George Berkey, Bjchland.
1 i 'f Washtn.
maeraui, ,,p0n W.isht'n.
,,mm I Will. .11 -"""V...,
CHURCHES, allxiSTEUS,
7Trwn-RKV. T. M- Wilson, -
eaching every Sabbath morning at 10 j
Mock, and in the evening at 7 o clock, bab-,-h
School at 9 o'clock, A. M. Prayer meet
- every Thursday evening at G o'clock.
,hodist Episcopal Church .Rev. A. Baker,
.". . ,i...r,rp. Uev. J. Peusiiixo, Ap-
rcicnci ... v.....&-. - - o..j..,i.
,,ant. Preaching every !i en .i '7 ""
-nhvr.allO o'clock, aauoam cuu
.ui M. Praver meeting every ttednes-
-
,t evening, at 7 0 oock.
W-A InJ'pfiident KEV lu. iv. l.
- 5,or Preaching every Sabbath morning at
.n.i in thp rveniner at. 6 o'clock.
VbS School at 1 o'clock, P. M. Prayer
aetlioir on tne nrst , & f a
'otitu and on ever a uu..j , ----
iriil.w tver.i:i?, excepting
ifxcli woath. ,r
t. ... t..,.vjr,-r evcrv Sabbath evening at
ZuJ ao'M. S:ibbath School at lr o'clock,
A. M. J'i.nvr meeting every t nuay evening,
t 7 Ov.'o k. Society every 1 uesaay evening
t " o'l'lOCa.
;) jL.,;,v(,,nr.v. W. Li-ovd, Pastor. l'reacn
;evtry S.;bbath morning at 10 o'clock.
'p.-rt'.rular UlVthtaV. . DAVID EVAXS,
j;vr .Preaching every Sabbath evening at
,v;.'ck. Sabbath School at at I o'clock, P. -I.
ij.-WjV Ukv. It. C. Chuistt, Pastor.
-ices every Sabbath morning at lOi o'clock
1 r.....r 01 .t -ifV in 1 cvpnin?.
EIIEXSllVKG BIASES.
Kern, tlailv, nt 0.53 o'clock, A. M.
.::eni, at U.iD 0 ciock 1 . -i.
MAILS CLOSE,
.-torn, daily, at 8 o'clock, P. M.
.stern, " at 8 o'clock, P. M-
rT,The mails t'rom Newman's Mills, Car-
town, kc, arrive on Monday, Wednesday
1 T-'ri.l.iv i- It Ar....tr t H o'clock. P. M.
I.pivvo Ulif-nslmrrr on Tu esdavs. Thursdays
nd Saturdays, sit U o'clock, A. M.
ISAEI,ROAI SEIIEBUEE.
CRESSOX STATION.
t Halt. Exnress leaves at 8.55 A. M
I In hi. Express
1
J.5o A. M.
lo.: P; M.
is- P. M.
4.V.-2 P. M.
fc.-iU P. M.
2.21 A. M.
6.4 I A. M.
2.10 P. M.
6.21 P. M.
Fast Line
.Mail Train
Altoona Accom.
-Phila. Expreas
Fast Line
lay Express
Cincini.ati Ex.
Altoona Accom.
t'Ol'TY OFFICERS.
J'mIju tjf the Courts President Hon. Geo.
Wr. Huuv.r.---icn ; Associates, George W.
aslev, 11-niv (',. Dvvine.
Vj.'Vno.-a' C.co. C. K. Zahai.
R-Sirier am! RtrorJer James Griffin.
'..- J.-iR.j-s Myers.
District Attorney. John F. Barnes.
L unt Cvi.imissionera John Campbell, Ed
i:l Ghis, E. Pi. Dunncgan.
Cark to Commisiiorcrs William II. Sech-
7:,imrer Earnabas M'Dcrmit.
C'rr to Treasurer John Lloyd.
Phr House Directors Gcoree M'CulIoucrb.
C.'j-e Orris, Joseph Dailey.
J Mr Ihuse Treasurer George C K. iatim.
An-!'irs Fran. P. Ticrney, Jno. A. Ken-
ly, L-.iMini u lirallier.
Couit'u .Vnrrf or.- Henry Scanlan.
Cr.ron.r. AViUiain Flattery.
Vf rc.);':-c At ;. raiser John Cox.
Svp't. cf Common Schoclt J. F. Condon.
IWEXSItUUG 550R. OFFICERS.
Justice of iY v... i' t-:i...j
L .ITniin.l I M . r
School Directors D. W. F.vans, J. A. Moore,
(""el J. Davis, David J. Jones, "Villiam M.
ne?, K. Jones, jr.
Treasurer-C.eo. Oatmau.
JeTit" ""ciiS&ml. Singlmon.
1 w'wionerUdxiA Davis.
east wnr
Ler', n,uncil A. Y. Jones, John O. Evans,
-' 0vis, Chiirles Owens, It. Jones, jr.
-w, r.Ltcuon Um. D. Davis.
7?f '" David E. Evans, Danl. J. Davis.
d4"orThomaa J. Davis.
EST WARD.
UrT c""cil John Lloyd, Samuel Stiles,
.j,00 K'nkead, John E. Scanlan, George
';irul',Barnabas M'Dermit.
J1 f'f Election. John D. Thomas
slnyct'-ri William H. Sechler, Geu
eorge W.
J'"f-Joshua I). Parrish.
SOCIETIES, &C.
v : v Summit Lodge No. 312 A. Y. M.
n Masonic Hall, Ebensburg, on the
Tuesday of each month, nt G o'clock,
- 0. i'.HiThland Lodge No. 428 I. O.
fjcets in Odd Fellows' HalJ, Ebensburg,
Wednesday evening.
r'f r. Highland Division n a Rnna r.f
ince meets in Temperance Hall, Eb
h."' cry Saturday eveninc
HRMS OF SUBSCRIPTION
1 .
TO
"THE ALLEGHANIAN :"
$2.00 IN ADVANCE,
?3.o0 !F NOT PA?D IN ADVANCE.
Address of Dlaj.-Gen. Howard
...Operations of tlie JFreed
men's Bureau.
Maj.-Gco Howard, chief of the Ereed
men's Bareati, delivered an address on
"The Freednien" in "Washington city on
the 12th instant. The connection of .4 he
speaker with the class of people iorming
his theme, and his universally recognized
impartiality and clearness cf judgment,
give to his views on the subject a greater
weight than belong to those of perhaps
any other public man. We subjoin some
extracts :
What do we, as a nation, propose ? 'We
have destroyed t-ecession a'nd rebellion ;
we have broken the pitcher of State
supremacy at the fountain, and slavery,
nominally at least, is dead. What do we
o -r. . nr.
propo.
;e? It is to so regulate our public
T" ' a . . . . . 1 ziArfnin lilnciiiird frk nil
UUUira as 10 secmc n.nuu Mn.u.nujjo u..i
our people, certain inalienable rights
named in the old Declaration of Indepen
dence, the rights to e, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness.
In the past these rights were scarcely
obtained; seldom by the negro, poorly by
the Indian, and, owing to the reflex influ
ence of slavery, partially' even by the
white man. Can we now, solve this old
problem ? Can we do it in the midst of
a society made up of heterogeneous ele
ments so various and, seemingly, so re
pellant? The Southern society is two-fold : the
whitesj with their peculiar prejudices and
beliefs, and the blacks, with their present
disabilities created by antecedent slavery.
The Government stands forth with its
gigantic resources as an intermediary
power between the two classes. The spec
tacle is singular, and the heart i3 often
balanced between hope and fear in con
templating thi3 strile actually going on.
As soon as the war was closed, I was
placed at the head of what a great general
has called a "bureau of impossibilities,"
aud by law given the control of all sub
jects relating to refugees and freedmen,
with what means and with what power, I
will not attempt to say. My friends, 1
went to work to do what I could to solve,
or help to solve, what I call this old pv
bletu. Jly mind did not long dwell upon
unsettled political principles which may
be absolutely necessary to procure a ho
mogeneous government and a perpetuity
of this Union. These had to be left to
the people cf this country and their prop
er representatives. My thoughts centered
on the actual state of things in the South.
I could net forget all the bitterness and
hate, all the battles and piisons, we had
witnessed; but particularly to be remem
bered were the crowds and crowds oi
negroes moving toward the coast, the
desolated houses, the devasted iarms, the
broken railroads, the sacked citie3 and
villages. I recalled vividly the peculiar
condition of the people, without money,
with few crops put in, and with their old
sy&tem of labor entirely deranged. My
r.s: decision was, labor mut be settled,
and, if we would not relapse into some
species of slavery, it must be done without
compulsory means ; and, if we would avoid
anarchy and starvation, it must be done
iuiniediatehy.
It was very tempting to put the hand
on the new freedraan aud compel him; it
was so easy, by military power, to regulate
all matters in that way. How the letters
did pour in urging this course! "Give
us a system ;" "Fix the wages;" "You
don't understand the negro he won't
wo.k," etc., etc. Gradually these letters
diminished, and the cry "comjjti him !"
"compel him!" is more distant and less
distinctly heard.
All free labor already operating where
the fields have been for some time within
our lines, and settled by Northern capit
alists, was satisfactory. Yet this did not
meet the immediate wants of some 3,000,
000 of blacks, and twice as many whites.
These facts led to the strenuous and con
tinued efforts of all officers of the bureau
aud others to influence whites and blacks
to remain together, to show them that
property-holders and laborers have an
identity of interest; to urge upon them
leases and contracts for wages; to correct
the false nutions that hud been industri
ously circulated among the freednien.
These and other measures adopted had
a good effect not complete, not above
criticism, not really a regular system, hut
enough to afford us encouragement for
the future.
If we can hold a steady hand now;
prevent extreme and wide-spread buffering
bv timely aid : afford cucouragemcnt to
every laudable enterprise ; multiply exam
ples of success in every species of labor, in
every county in every State, if possible,
my decided impression is that, before five
years, there will be no more use of an
agency of the General Government in the i
Southern States than there is now iti Ohio.
Harmony between the laborers and the
holders 0 property, which is essential to
meet immediate wants and settle society
that has been so much disturbed at the
South, may be brought about in process
of time without much real progress. I
have, in my report to Congress, claimed
that education, is absolutely necessary to
fit the freedmen for their new duties and
responsibilities. This teems to us too
plain a proposition to be disputed ; yet it
I' WOULD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN PRESIDENT. Henbt Clay.
EBENSBURG, PA., THURSDAY, MARCH 22, 1866.
is disputed, and I greatly fear but few
people at the South believe in educating
the negroes. I am sorry to say it, and
shall be glad to find that I am mistaken.
I shall be glad to find that the resistance
to education, the opposition to school
teachers, the hatred exhibited toward
them socially, and the uniform disposition
to misrepresent them and undervalue their
self-denying labors, proceed from the hos
tility engendered by war, because then
such feelings will be temporary.
liut my impression is, from conversing
with many Southern men, that a promi
nent gentleman gave me, somewhat in an
ger, an expression of the truth. He said,
"I would rather see the building now oc
cupied by a colored school burnt to the
ground, than to have it used for such a
purpoee as that to which it is devoted."
I believe there is a fundamental preju
dice, a false theory as really existing as
that, in feudal times, of the nobles against
the masses of the common people; it is
that the negroes were never intended by
nature for education. "If you educate
them," they say, "it will upset them ;
unfit them for the duties imposed upon
them; rob us of oar position and consider
ation among them. Educate them, and
you will not only rencer them disconten
ted laborers, but they will get into all
sorts of political jars and excitements ;
they will become a prey to all the sophis
tries and isms oi" New England, and bad
politicians will guide them to our detri
ment. In brief, all the beautiful natural
order that God has imposed,- making us
superior, wise and provident, and them
confiding, childlike and depeudent, will
be destroyed as much as the peace of Eden
was by allowing Eve to eat of the tree cf
knowledge. Fix it so that we can be the
mind and they the obedient muse, and
ail will be well, whether you call it free
labor or not.".
A general belief, North and South,
existed not long ago, that the negroes
could not learn, certainly not beyond u
certain prescribed limit. Fortunately, a
lew fanatics and radicals -would try the
experiment, and tue experiment has proved
completely successful. These schools have
sprung up as if by magic. I report up
ward of seventy thousand children atten
ding regularly organized schools in the
Southern States. .
Whole regiments of grown men have
learned to read and write during the past
two years, and I would not be surprised
to hnd that there was not a plantation in
the United States where already a part of
the people were not able to read.
There is a sort of lreemasonry among
the negroes, and news spreads like wild
fire. No news seemed to rejoice their
hearts more than that the privileges of
learning were open to them. Their" thiist
for knowledge, their efforts to gain it, and
their perseverance in this work, strike me
as almost miraculous. Our hope of the
future rests iu nc small degree upon the
negroes themselves, that they wiil strug
gle to co-operate with all who favor edu
cation ; also upon the churches at the
South, that they may perhaps get at least
the leaveu of contention in this matter, if
not of Christian spirit, and we hope a
truly Christian spirit, which will make
them strive to gain the confidence and af
fection of the freedmen. Already I hear
it whispeved in Virginia, "It is no longer
a question whether the negroes shall be
taught, but who shall teach them." Some
add, "If we do not, the Yankees will."
The whole North is combining and organ
izing in grand associations for educating
the freedmen, aud everybody else who is
poor and needy, and public sentiment is
so generous as to tolerate and demand the
efforts of the Government in the same di
rection. Uvt, my friends, we should not
be satisfied tiil educatiou is placed in the
South as it is .in the North, beyond any
spasmodic effort?, beyond the dependence
upon churches and voluntary associations.
It the simple truth could at once break
into the miuds of all classes at the South,
that the elevation of their common people
to a higher plane of knowledge and skill
would be a positive advantage to the
whole, so that in each State there would
be established such a system of schools as
would bring the privileges of learning to
the children of the humblest, then, in
deed, could we count upon substantial
growth. It may be borne time before this
state of public sentiment is reached, yet
the leaveu is working. Every German,
every Northern soldier, every shrewd
Yankee going South, carries with him the
convictions of his youth. The constant
influx of men who believe in education,
coupled with the negro's desire for ic,
will, with the movement already given,
aud continuing, mako rapid headway in
the right direction. One of our first
statesmen said to us a few days since
"my only doubt is whether there will be
virtue enough in the North to sustain' the
expense of the effort? necessary to be made
for the freedmen, during this transition
period."
Whiloon the subject of education you may
be curious to know wbht is proposed iu
the way of assistance by the Government.
An appiopriation has been recommended
of three millions of dollars to purchase
sites for school houses and asylums, to be
held as United States property until the
people of the States shall repurchase them.
If wo can get this we will have a strong
foothold, and can materially aid the school
associations which now have so much dif
ficulty of getting and keeping buildings
in the South. This will be a simple loan,
and by judicious handling will do much
to promote education. Again, pchool
privileges are secured in districts and on
plantations by specific obligations in con
nection with the contracts which the
planters are every day making; and every
moneyed association which seeks encour
agement from the Freedmen's Bureau,
proposing to make settlements, will be
required to carry school privileges along
with them.
Possibly, by these means and others
that may be adopted, the States may be
stirred up aud stimulated totak the work
out of the hands of the General Govern
ment, and do it better themselves, by a
proper system of taxation on the products
of their own labor.
The subject of the poor who are or may
be dependent upon the Government for
support, has already been referred to.
Considering the poverty of the former
masters, and the extreme devastation in
cident to the numerous fields of operation
ot the armies throughout the Southern
country, it would not be wonderful if a
cry of distress and want should reach your
tars. I bavp seen thousands of white
people just as poor and miserable as they
could well be, and now often wonder how
they are able to get enough tosustaiu life.
Looking at these masses, and at the
great numbers of indigent freedmen, old
men and women, and helpless children, in
every Southern State, I have not wondered
that the old slaveholder should pour into
my ear the glowing accounts of the bles
sedEess of slavery in its prosperous aod
patriarchal d-iys, and that he should heap
curses on that treedom which he believes
to be the occasion of so much suffering.
But you and I know that the real cause
of the desolation, destitution, poverty,
helplessness, and suffering is war, brought
on and continued in the interest of and
by the love of slavery. I present you
this picture to urge upon you kindness,
sympathy, and liberality; yes, magnanim
ity toward the whole South, without dis
tinction of race or color, I have not
forgotten the three hundred thousand cf
our brethren who arc buried beneath the
Southern soil. I have not forgotten tbe
scene, so vividly described to me, where
a whole division lifted up tho voice ot
wailing on meeting our poor, naked,
sTarve3 prisoners from Andersonvillo. I
still vividly recall the tall form of Abra
ham Lincoln, and know that he was slain
by a traitor. Not a day passes but that
there is some affecting reminder of the
crimes of those who aimed at the heart of
the Republic; but I say slavery, that foul
fiend which, during the past, gave us no
rest slavery has done all this, and thank
God slavery ha. received its death blow,
and it has been proclaimed, not only in
America, but throughout the world. In
view of this we miy seek courage and
strength from on High, so as to lay aside
all malice, all purpose of revenge, and put
ou a broad, living charity, no less than
love to God and love to llis children.
The measures proposed for the poor are
that Congress may give the ability to rent
farms for relief in the different counties
or parishes ot each State, and also to set
apart for settlements certaiu tracts of the
public domain, and, iu connection, furnish
proper means of transportation and supply.
Just as soon as a State shall be re-omau-ized
and able to assume their burden of
suppoiting the poor, it will, doubtless, be
required to do so.
in many districts of the South, it is
perfectly evident that that foul doetrine
that "tho negro has no rights that the
white man is bound to respect" is stili in
vogue. I could give you a column ot
wrongs sought to be perpetrated in many
Southern States, such as
No negro shall own real estate.
No negro shall rent real estate.
No negro shall own or rent city prop
er ty.
No negro shall bear arms.
'Negroes shall not assemble together by
themselves ; they shall not establish
schools ; they shall not have suits and
give testimony in courts of law, or, in
case allowed to do so, it shall be regarded
as negro testimony; they shall be obliged
by force to enter into articles of agree
ment. The white man who abuses them
shall go unpunished; they shall be whip
ped for disobedience and other sins. They
have in some instances attempted to sell
them within and without the country.
I still hope that these wrongs will all
be righted, and full justice secured to the
freedmen by our Government; that it will
do right, and mete out equal justice to all
our people, as nearly as men can do it.
My hope is strengthened by a solemn
belief that the finger of Divine Providence
is guiding us through our moral and so
cial revolution, and that His purposes
concerning us are plainly discernible in
the remarkable aud rapid progress we
havo already made.
m . ...
Ilufus Lord, a broker in New
York city, was robbed a few days since
of $1,500,000 in bonds. The money was
i ' . -r : u:.. fc , j - .t
ia&.cu iroui t euie in uia uuice, u-iring 111c
absence of Mr. Lord at dinner. A reward
of 200,000 is offered for the discovery of
the thieves, &c.
KjyThe guerilla Quantrell has been
arrested.
Tlie Georgia Senators.
Alex. II. Stephens is one of the United
States Senators elect from the rebel State
of Georgia, and he is prouounced by Pres
ident Johnson aud the New York Times,
his organ, as entitled to immediate ad
mission regardless of the law of the Na
tion that excludes him. He has consented
to serve ; "nothing but an extraordinary
sense of duty," ho declares, "could have
induced me to yield my own disinclina
tions arid aversions." Having, in obedi
ence to a like imperative sense of duty,
exhausted himself to destroy the govern
ment, he now very generously proposes to
discharge the new duty of directing the
destiny of the re-united Kcpublic To
this end he has made another speech
before the legislature of Georgia, on the
same day that President Johnson haran
gued the rebels and copperheads of Wash
ington, and Seward sought by beautifully
rounded phrases to mislead the Union
men of New York, and the. New York
Times pronounces it "wise and statesman
like." The late rebel Vice President and
would-be Senator says that his only object
now is "to see a restoration, if possible, of
peace, prosperity and constitutional liber
ty in thi? ence happy but now disturbed,
agitated and distracted country."
We fully agree with Mr. Stevens that
this was once a "happy," but is uow a
disturbed, agitated and distracted coun
try." How the spoiler came; how the
demon of discord and death cast his terri
ble shadow over a people once happy, but
now bowed in mourning, rent with dis
sensions and crushed with debt, Alexander
II. Stevens can tell. On the 8th of Feb
ruary, 1801, when no voice menaced the
South; when the entire North prayed for
peace, aod when ihe government under
Mr. Buchanan was unwilling to make
eveu the feeblest effort to preserve its
own existence, a Provisional Congress of
traitors, who had made, no effort to redress
real or imaginary wrongs within the
Union, assembled at Montgomery, Ala.,
and elected Jefferson Davis President and
A. H. Stephens Vice President. On the
following day, Mr. Stephens voluntarily
appeared before this assembly and took
the oath to serve with fidelity the cause
that aiuied to dismember the Union and
has bewildered the world with its wanton
ucicu luc nunu 171111 in naiUUII
He accepted the traitor's task
city. When ho took the traitor's
!;, - - - -
sacrifices.
with alacr
oath, he said
"Tho committee requested that I should
make known to this body, in a verbal re
sponse, my acceptance of the high position
I have been called upon to assume, and
this I now do in tJiis auyu&t presence be
fore you, Mr. President, before this Con
gress, and this large concourse of people,
under the bright sun and brilliant skies
which now smile so felicitously upon us."
By this movement the Cotton States
were plunged into rebellion the "once
happy" people were "disturbed, agitated
and distracted." and driven into open war
upon their own priceless inheritance. But
the Border States still hesitated. Virginia
had a Union Convention fairly elected by
her people in spite of the treason ot her
leading officers and politicians, and the
Old Dominion had to bo defrcjided into
the vortex of secession and civil war.
Diplomacy and trickery had to be em
ployed to accomplish what the people had
resolutely forbidden, and A. II. Stephens
was commissioned to cons'immate tlie
monstrous crime against Virginia and
against the Nation. He performed his
task only too well, and returned to the
fountain ot treason with Virginia as an
offering upon its unholy altar. His subtle,
deep laid and skillfully executed treachery
succeeded in defying the popular verdict
of Virginia, and she was made a withered
waste by his triumph. He bore to the
Cotton States the fruits of his victory, and
on his return to Atlanta, on the 30th of
April, 1SG1, he appeared before the peo
ple to boast of his success i,n starting
another star in the galaxy of States wildly
from its sphere, to hurl itself into the
bloody jaws of internecine strife. On
that occasion he said :
"A threatening war is upon us, made
by those who have no regard for our right.
We fight for our homes, our fathers and
mothers, our wives, brother, sisters, sons
and daughters and neighbr9; they fur
money. The hirelings of the Xorth arc all
hand to hand ajainsl you !
"As I told you when I addressed you a
few da's ago, Lincoln may bring his
75,000 soldiers against us; but seven times
75,000 men can never conquer us. We
have now Maryland, Virginia, and all the
border Slates with us. We have ten mil
lions of people with u, heart and hand,
to defend us 'to the death. We can call
out a million of people if ncd be, and
when they are cut down we can call out
ano'her, and still another, until the last
man of the South finds a bloody grave,
rather than submit to their foul dictation "
On the 4th of July, 18i53, Gen. Lcc
was retreating with his defeated and shat
tered army from Gettysburg back upon
the Potomac and Vicksburg surrendered
to Gen. Grant. The best army of crime
was broken in prestige, in spirit, in hope
and in power, and the Mississippi became
the W estern boundary of the dominions
of treason. Then for the first time many
faithful men iu the South proposed nego
tiation to procure the best tenfis of sub
mission, but A. II. Stephen was one of
TSRMS:3.00IER AWUM.
IVi.OO IN ADVANCE.
NUMBER 23.
the first and fiercest men to demand that
the question of re-union should not bo
entertained. In a speech delivered in
Charlotteville, North Carolina, on tho 17th
of July, 1863, he said:
"If we are tiue to ourselves not?, truo
to our birthrights, the Yankee nation will
utterly fail to subjugate us. As
for reconstruction, such a thing was im
possible such an idea must not be tolera
ted for an instant. Reconstruction would
not end the war, but would produce a moro
horrible war than that in which we aro
now engaged. The only terms on which we
can obtain permanent jK-uce are final and
complets separation from tlie 2forth. Rath
er than submit to anything short of that,
lei us all resolve to die like men worth? nt
freedom !"
In the Atlanta speech he announced
that as so-m as Maryland secedes Wash
ington must be taken, and boasted that
"it may be that soon the confederate flag
with fifteen stars, will be hoisted upon the
dome of the ancient Capitol." But as
the "last man cf the South" did not find
a "bloody grave," and a3 they did not "all
resolve to die like men," he now proposes
to submit to "foul dictation," provided
that dictation bids him come into the
Senate of the United States unwa?hed of
the blood he has causelessly shed, and
unrepentant of his treason, and to inaug
rate a still "more horrible war." He first
solemnly swore as a National Legislator
that he would support the constitution
and the laws aud sustain the government
and the Uuion. He next, with perjured
soul, was sworn to be faithful to the work
of dismemberment and death, and now,
reeking with double perjury, he comes and
demands admittance, without condition,
guarantee or atonement, into the ancient
Capitol over whose dome he boasted that
the rebel flag would yet wave with fifteeu
blurred and blotted stars emblazoned
thereon.
Herschel V. Johnson, Democratic
candidate for the Vice Presidency on the
Douglas ticket in I860, is the colleague
chosen with Mr. Stephens to represent
Georgia in the United States Senate.
lie, too, proposes to enter the Senate iu
disregard of the law of Congress, and as a
matter o right. He had just been cho
sen to the rebel Senate iu 18G3, and when
the true men of the South proposed peace
alter the Union victories in 18G3, he said
iu accepting the rebel Senators h ip :
"There is no step' backward. All is
now involved iu the struggle that is dear
to man home, society, liberty, honor,
everything with the certainty of the mo3t
degrading fate that ever oppressed a peo
ple if we fail. It is not recorded in his
tory that eight millions cf people resolved
to be free and failed. We cannot yield if
we would. Yidd to Federal authorities !
A 'ever ! to vassalige and subjugation.
The bleaching bones of one hundred
thousand gallaut soldiers slain in battle,
would be clothed in tongues of fire to
curse to everlasting inanly the manjwho
whispers yield !"
Such were the sentiments of the ex
rebel and would-be Union Senator when,
he accepted the traitor's trust; but now
that he hopes to find the government
faithless to itself, he is oblivious of
"vassalage and subjugation," and of the
"tongues of fira" which are to "curse to
everlasting infamy the man who whispers
yield." Aud thee men are welcomed
from the very iuner temple of treason's
bloody work, in their approach to tho
highest honors in the Union, .and ara
seconded in their demand by President
Johnson, by a few debauched Unionists,
by every blatant Copperhead, and with
unmiugled fervor by every rebel through
out the laud.
The Georgia Senators are the best typo
of the Senators chosen from the rebel
States as a class. Such is the entertain
ment to which the President would invite
the loyal aud bereaved millions of tho
Nation ! Chambersburg Repository.
m
About Queen Victoria. A Paris
letter contains the following: I had near
ly writreu royal scandal for, to tell the
plain truth, the talk that now floats
through private society m London, is
little else. I am pained to fay that this
gossip involves uo less a personage than
Queen Victoria. It has, tor a long time,
been on people's tongues, but it has at last
appeared in the newspapers. It is said
that thji Queen has taken a prodigious
liking for a good looking, but "ignoble,"
Scotchman named Brown, who was for
merly a sort of out-door body servaut to
Prince Albeit, and iudeed bears a strong
resemblance to the Prince. She so doats
upon him that she keeps him constantly
near her person, at all her p'alaces, and
at all her journeys to aud from them.
She consults her pet ou all subjects, and
takes his advice so absolutely that the
rest of the Royal Household have become
very jealous of him. The last story is
that she is going to Knight him. Marry
him she caunot, for the Jaw of the realm
forbids her to marry one of her own sub
jects. It is very disagreeable, nay, it is
worse than disagreeable, to mention these
things of one who, as wife and mother
and Queen, has so high a place in the
revcTeuce of the world. I have refrained
from speaking of these stories while they
were merely talked of in private, but now
they have become so notorious that I can
no longer regard them a3 empty tales.