re
ninKEB? Editor ana i-roprieior.
I WOULD BATHER BE BIGHT THAX PRESIDENT. Hesrt Clat.
OLUME 7.
EBENSBURG, PA. , THURSDAY, MARCH 8, -1866.
TSRMSU PER AXXIIM.
I SS.OO IX ADVAXCE.
NUMBER 21.
MST OF POST OFFICES.
W Matters. Districts.
'mce'' Steven L. Evans, Carroll,
ffi'i, Henry Nutter, Chest.
5 5ITh A. G. Crooks, Taylor.
' ' J. Houston, AVashint'n.
- JUL1U i. auuioun,
rl V;:er, C.Jeffries, .. , White.
i 1 n:ib Potur Irnrmaii. . ttusa nan
' J. M. Christy, Gallitzin
Vm Tiler, Jr., Washt'n.
lJ I V T V- Chandler. Johnst
tin I
riile.
Level,
in,
erhill,
t,
M. Adlesberger, Loretto.
A. Durbin, Munster.
Andrew J Ferral, Susq'han.
Stan. Whartotf, Clearfield
r.f,r(Te Berkev. Richland.
B. M'Colgan,
George B. NVike,
Wm. U'ConneU,
J. K. bhryocK,
Washt'n.
Croyle.
Washt'n.
S'merliill.
ltallClIES,31IXSSTEIt!
A-yftrian-Ki?. T. M. Wilson,
IS, &c.
Piisrnr.
yttrian KEV. l.-'- , ,
. . . 1- ..inrnino at I 111
and in tbo evening at 7
' LjoI at 0 o'clock, A
M.
o'clock. Sab-
Prayer raeet-
:'Ei
ca!
hp
tl.r
1
i
Thursday evening at 6 o'clock. ..
jlHEphcc ilChurch-lXt:y. A. Baker,
er in charge. Rev. J. Pushing, As
Preaching every alternate Sabbath
lt 10i o'clock, baboatn ocnoui m
i A. .u. I ray ci iuctni.j,v.j
at 7 o ciock.
.1 lnJwitlUr . Ll. R. Powell,
'. Prea'ching every Sabbath rnorning-nt
vi and in the evening at 6 o'clock.
'lt n . . , iV- I Xf Prater
;h School al l o
5,'0a tac iiiai -uuuu7 "V.r " j i
aad on every v
evening, excepting iu v-
.outU. t-,
irinii'-C Jaotnt : '
t Vrefttbin? tvery Sabbatli evening at
i j ,i',.'nck SabLatu" School at U-o'clock,
1'iayer uieeuiig tm; ...w-j t
clock. Society every Tuesday evening
doik. .
jUtRer. W. Lloyd, Pastor. Preach
ry Snbbath morning at 10 o'clock.
'Hilar HcpHs'.s Rkv. David Evans,
-.-Preacliing every Sabbath evening at
, Nibbatb. School at at I o ciock, r . m.
if IJev. R. C. Christy, Pastor.
vi ry Sabbath morning at 10 o'clock
era at 4 o'clock in the eveniug.
MAILS ARRIVE.
Jiilv. 8.y0 o cIock, A. M.
Y at 6.Vi o ciock r. i.
MAILS CLOSE,
dailv, at 8 o'clock, P. M.
lf " " at 8 o'clock, P. 24.
t,Tbe ruaili from Newman's Jims, iar-
a, 4c, -arrive on Monday, A ednesaay
iav of each week, at 3 o'clock, P. M.
e EbensbutK on Tuesdays, Thursdays
-fjidays, at y o clock, A
M.
RAILROAD SCHEDULE.
CRESSO.V STATION.
I'bila. Express "
Fast Line
Train
& Erie Ml.
Ai'.cjna Accoin.
I-Pbiiii. F.xpresa
Fust Line
l;iy Express
Ciufinnati Ex.
Mail Train
Altoona A-cora.
M.
9.55 A. M.
10.33 P. M.
a.cs P. M.
7.43 A. M.
4.32 P. M.
8.31 P. M.
2.21 A. M.
G.43 A. M.
1.11 P. M.
5.21 P. M.
12.3G A. M.
COl'STY OFFICERS.
j of the Courfs President Hon. Geo.
Huntingdon ; Associates, George W.
Henry C. Peviae.
-lo.'.iry Geo. C. K. Zahm.
Vr ami Recorder James Griffin;
Janifs Mvers.
'.i.V'ornnj. John F. Barnes,
v Cj: t-rrlssi'iiurs John Campbell, Ed'
E. 11. Dunncgan.
:o Co.wuisiioners William n. Sech-
''"-r..ir;iabas M'Dermit.
: : Treasurer John Lloyd.
liu Directors George M'Cullough.
'Tri, .'l'.jcji1i Dailey.
ILusf Trriwrtr George C. K. Zabrn.
r.i I-'ruti. p. Ticiney, Jno. A. Ken-
ruu-u Brallicr.
'j Su-rrryor. lU-nry Scanlan.
r. -V.'ir.-um Flattery.
?..'' .U vririvU Cox. x '
oj C-TMnon Schools J. P. Condon.
fsrr5iG officers.
AT LARGE.
James A. Moure.
Vil'C,Ae 7v""-l-icn Kinkead,
! J. U aters.
l Iinrtor,l). W. Evans, J. A. Moore,
Uais, David J. Jones, 'Vililaui M.
lv- l')ne, ir.
rcj.urer Geo. W. Oatman.
urg-
tAST WARD
V. Jones, John O. Evans,
, . uiaru -s Owens, R. Jones, jr.
''-Hmas Todd.
) Wm. D Davis.
E. Evans. Danl. J. Davis.
'rTiv.,r.n? J. Davis.
wrbT w ard.
Cc'"tfi Jobn Samuel StileP,
5K-:en,i, JohuV. canlan, George
;iif.V,n John 1). Thoniarf.
:'' William li. Sechler, Georgff W.
J I 'Wosbua D. Parrish.
SOCIETIES, &c.
'--Sumniit Lodge No. 312 A. X
T J'ascuic Hall, Ebensburir, on the
-tiday of each month, at C o'clock,
' ''Highland Lodge No. 428 I. O.
v;;s "i Odd Fellows' Hall, Ebcnjsburg,
'''lesday evening.
uighianj Division No. 84 Sons of
meets in Temperance Hall, Eb
Jry Saturday evening. :
s OF SUBSCKIPT102I
Tft
THURSDAY, MARCH 8, 18G6.
Editorial Correspondence. -A
Deferred JLetler..r
Washington, Feb. 24, 1866.
Some time since, we promised, after
giving 6ome account of portions of the
National Capitol, to describe the Ilouse of
Representatives, which in brief we will
now proceed to do. Tho Hall is in the
south wing of the Capitol,, and is Burrouu
ded by a number of lobbies, corridors and
ante-rooms, some nf which are fitted up in
elegant style. It is lighted by gas-jets
irom the ceiliDg, which reflect through
plates of ground and ornamented glass,
Uesiiinec: to represent imriy-eignt states
and Territories, and bearing tho coat of
arms of matiy of the State?. The length
of tho Hall is 116 feet, and the width 60
feet; Light 33 feet. It will eeat about
500 persons, and with extra seats and
standing room, 300 more may be crowded
in. The gaileries will seat about 1,500
persons. There are two hundred and
tifry-tbree seats for Members. All the
appurtenances of the Hall are well gotten
up, and do credit to the nation.
Having said this much of the Hall
itself, we will say a few words respecting
some "of the distinguished men who occu
py it as representatives of the people.
Almost directly in front of the Speaker
sits the Hon. Thad. Stephens, the reputed
leader of the Ilouse we say the reputed
leader, because fuch is his designation by
outsiders. We do not, however, desig
nate him as such, for in our opinion the
House has no member who can be called
a leader. There are many men of marked
and distinguished ability in the present
Hou.-e, and it would be folly tp call any
one man a leader. Still, it will not be
amiss to speak of Mr. Stevens as a man of
ability, with many characteristics worthy
of note. He is uot the old uiin eloquent,
but we may truthfully say he is the old
man powerful in the present House.
Mere eloquence or oratorical effect is not
his forte. Ho is calm, deliberate, (senten
tious, logical, and understands and can
use sarcastic invective to a nicety. W
betide the man who is his victim. Ia in
vective power he has no equal in tbe
present Congress. Mr. Stevens sits and
walks upright, and manifests none of the
infirmities of age. Though he be three
score years and ten, yet his eye is tin
dimmed, and his natural powers are not
abated. He seems more anxious to follow
his conviction of truth and duty, than to
mind tbe behests of party. His couutry,
and the welfare of future generations, ap
parently influence his action as a legisla
tor more tban the mere success of any
party. He would build up the super
structure of a free government in this land
upon the stable foundation of justice and
equal rights. So at least it seems to us;
and we can therefore accord to hia the
merit of sincerity, though we in many
respects differ with him in regard to. the
means to be used to reach the eud.
Jut behiud Mr. Stevens, and immedi
ately on his rirlit, sits Hon. H. J. Ray
mond, of New York, the former Lieuten
ant Govtrnor of the Empire State, and tbe
principal owner of the New York Times.
Mr. Raymond is naturally a Conservative,
and consequently in times like, these does
not meet with particular favor from the
Radicals. Men like Mr. Raymond are as
necessary as men of Mr. Stephens' char
acteristics, and the services he may render
the country at this time may be equally
important. Ho is a man of large capa
bilities and liberal culture, and is a ready
debater. He is rarely out of his seat,
but watches the proceedings of Congress,
with ac eagle eye, and a comprehensive,
calm and deliberate judgment which indi
cates a coming ftatesman of no mean pow
ers. This is hi3 first session in Congress,
but his influence will, we trust, be felt for
rood.
In front of Mr. Raymond sits Hon. E.
R. Washburne, of Illinois. Mr. Wash
burne is a native of the State of Maine,
and hails from the same county as the
writer. He is a member of a family the
male members of which are almost all
public men, tbree of theia having been
representatives in Congress at the same
time, although from different States. 3Ir.
Washburne is the oldest member of Con-
ore
8,' having been some sixteen consecu-
tivn venrs a member ot the liouse. lie
- j
IS
, l - IT
a memDer oi me xxuuse.
familiar with all the rules ana orders,
is an able parliamentarian, a good legisla
iCr and a useful man. Many persons con
eider him too critical, and allege that he
often-object to salutary measures which
ought to pajs- This, may be so; but
doubtless he thereby prevents much per
nicious legislation. Sch men are useful,
and cannot well be spareo om Congress.
Another man of mark in tii House is
Judge Bingham, of Ohio. He ia known
as a profound and able lawyer, and was
the assistant Judge Advocate in the cele
brated trial of the conspirators who assas
sinated Abraham Lincoln. The masterly
ability which he then and there manifes
ted will cover his brow with undying
laurels. In the House, he speaks rarely,
but always with great power and lorce.
''THE ALLEGnANlAN ."
$2.00 IN AtVANCE,
301r 0T Paid IN ADVANCE. ) He is radical, and when he addresses the
House, he puts it out of the power of any
man to gainsay his . position. lie is a
medium-sized man, compact and angular
in his build, with a kind, piercing eye
When he is aroused in debate, he seems
morose and defiant. Defiant he . surely, is
as truth itself, but not morose, foKhe'pos
sesses a kind heart and a strong love for
all mankind. - -
We may take occasion hereafter, , to
speak of other distinguished members of
the House. -
President Johnson's 22d
February Speccli.
1
of
strong
As a matter of curiosity, we print here
with the material portion of the ''speech"
delivered by President Johnson,' on the
22d Tebruary, Washington's birthday.:
The rebellion has been put down by the
arm or the Government in the
field, b ut is that the only way in which
you can have ' rebellion ? Our struggle
was against an attempt to dissever tbe
Uniou, but, almost before the smoke, of
the battle-field has passed away, before
our brave men have all returned to their
homes and renewed the ties of affection
and love to their wives and their children,
we find almost another rebellion inaugu
rated. We put down the other Rebellion
in order to prevent the separation of the
States, to prevent them from flying off,
and thereby changing the character of
our Government and weakening its power,
but when that struggleon our -part has
been successful, and that attempt has been
put down, we find now ah effort to concen
trate all power in, the hands of a few at
the Federal head, and thereby bring about
a consolidation of the Government, which
is equally objectionable with a separation.
(Vociferous applause.) We find that
powers are assumed, and attempted to be
exercised, of a must extraordinary charac
ter. It teems that" Governments may bb
revolutionized. Governments, at least, may
be clmnged without going through the
6trife of battle. , I believo it is a fact
attested in history that sometimes revolu
tions . most disastrous to a people are
effected without the shedding of blood.
The substance of your1 Government may
be taken away, while the form and the
shadow remain to you. What is now being
proposed? '
- We find in poitrt of 'fact nearlyall the
powers of the Government are assumed by
an irresponsible central directory, which
does not even consult tbe legislative or
the Executive Department of the Govern
ment; by resolutions reported from a
committtee, in whom it seems that prao
tically the legislative power of the Gov
ernment is now vested; that great princi
ple of the Constitution which authorizes
and empowers each brauch of. the Legis
lative Department of the Senate and, the
Ilouse of Representatives to judge for
it6elf of the election returns and qualifi
cations of its own members has been
virtually taken away from the two brauches
of the Legislative Department of the
Government and conferred upon a com
mittee who must report .before either
House can act uuder the Constitution as
to accepting the members who are to take
their seats as component parts of the
respective bodies.
By this rule it is assumed that there
must be laws passed recognizing a State
as in the Union, or its practical relations
to the Union as restored, before the re
spective houses under the Constitution,
can judtre of -the election returns and
qualifications of their own members. I
Vrhat a position is that? You struggled
for four years to put down a rebellion ;
you denied in the beginning of the strUg
ple that any State could , go out of the
Union ; you said that it had neither the
right nor the power to do so. The issue
was made, and it has been settled that the
State had neither the right nor the power
to go out of the Union; with what con
sistency, after it has been settled by the
military arm ot the Government, and by
the pubic judgment, that the States bad
no right to go out of the Union, can any
one now turn round and assume that they
are out, that they "buhII not come in ? I
am free to say to you, as your Executive,
that I am not prepared to take any such
position. (Great applause.) I said in
the Senate, in the very inception of thiaj
Rebellion, that the States had no right to
go out; I asserted too that they had no
power to go out ; that question has been
settled, aud it being settled, I cannot turn
around now and give the lie direct to all
that I have professed, and all I have done
for tho last five years. (Applause.) When
those who rebelled comply with the Con
stitution ; when they give sufficient evi
dence of loyalty; when they show that
they can be trusted ; when they yield
obedience to the law that you and I
acknowledge obedience to,T say extend
them the right hand of : fellowship, and
let peace and union be restored. (Tre
mendous applause.) '
I caure into this place under the consti
tution of the country and by the appro
bation of the people, and what did I find ?
I found eight millions of people who were
in fact condemned under the law, and the
penalty was death. Was I to yield to the
spirit of revenge and resentment, and
declare that they should all be annihilated
and destroyed? How different would this
have been from the example et by the
Holy Founder ot our religion, the extrem
ities off whose divine arch rest upon the
horizon, and whose span embraces the
universe I He who' founded this great
scheme came into the .world and found
man condemned under the law, and his
sentence was death. What was His ex
ample? Instead of putting the world or
even a nation to death, He died upon the
cross, attesting, by His wounds and His
blood, that he died that mankind might
Jive. (Great applause.) I fought traitors
and treasottn the South. I opposed the
Davises, th$ "Toombs, the Slidells, and a
long list of others, which you can readily
fill' without my repeating the names.
Now, when I turn rpund, at the other end
of the line I find men, I care not by what
name you. call them, who still stand
opposed to the restoration of the Union
of these States. I am free to say to you
that I am still in the field. (Great ap
plause.) 1 am still for the preservation
of the Union. I am still in favor of this
great Government of ours going on-, and
filling out its destiny. (Great applause.)
(Voices Give us three names at the other
end.) V. ,
The President I am called upon to
name three at the other end of the line.
I am talking to my .friends and fellow
citizens, who are interested with me in
this Government, and I am free to mention
to you the names of those whom . I look
upon as .being opposed to the fundamental
principles of this Government, and who
are laboring to pervert and destroy it.
(Voices.. ''Name them I Who are they ?'')
The President You ask me who thev are.
hey
I say Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania,
is one; I say Mr. Sumner, of the Senate,
is another, and Wendell Philips, is anoth
er. (Long continued applause.) (Voices.
'Give it to Forney 1") TW President
In reply to that, I will simply say that I
do not waste my ammunition upon dead
ducks. (Great laughter and applause.) i
stabd-for my country. I stand for the
Constitution. . There I have always stood
from my j advent to public , life. They
may traduce, tbey may slander, they may
vituperate. me, but let me ray to you,, all
this has no influence upon me. . .
Let'me say further, that I do not intend
to be- overawed by f, real or pretended
friends, nor do I intend to be bullied by
my .' enemies. , Honest conviction is my
ctjuragethe Constitution is my guide.
Is it a usurpation" to stand between the
people and the encroachments' -of power,
because, in' a conversation with a fellow
citizen who happened to be a Senator, I
said that I thought amendments to the
Constitution ought not too frequently to be
made ; that if it was continually tinkered
with, it would lose all its prestige aad
dignity, and the old instrument would be
lost sight of altogether in a short time?
And because, in tho same conversation, I
happened to say that if it were amended
at all, "such an amendment ought to be
adopted, it was charged that I was guilty
of usurpation of power . that would have
cost a king his head, in a certain period
of. English history. (Great laughter.)
From the same source the exclamation has
gone forth that they were trembling and
could' not yield. (Laughter.)
Yes, fellow-citizens,. there Is.an earth
quake coming; there is a ground-swelling
of popular indignation. The American
people will speak, and, by their instinct,
if net otherwise, they will know who are
their friends and who are their enemies.
I have endeavored to be true to the people
in all the positions which I have occupied,
and there is ' hardly a position in "this
Government which I have not at some
time filled. I suppose it will be said that
this is vanity, but I may say that I have
been in all of them. . I have been in both
branches of the State Legislature. (A
4
voice. "You commenced a tailor.") ,
A gentleman behind me says I began
a tailor. -Yes, I did begin a tailor, and
that suggestion does not discomfit in in
the least, for when I was a tailor I had
the reputation of being a good one, and
of making close fits, and was always punc
tual to my customers and did good work.
(Voices. "We will patch up the Uiiioh
yet")
No, I do not want any patch work of it ;
I want the origiual article restored. But
enough of this facetiousness. I know it
mav be said. "You are President, and you
must not talk : about these things;" but,
my fellow citizens, I intend to talk the
truth, and when principle is involved,
when the existence of my country i3 in
peril. . I hold it to be my duty to speak
what I think and what I feel, as I have
always done on former occasions.
I have said, it has been declared -elsewhere
that Ihave been guilty of .usurpa
tion which would have cost a king his
head, and in another place I have been
denounced for whitewashing. When and
where did I ever whitewash anything or
anybody ? I have been an alderman of a
town, I have been in both branches of ihe
Legislatareof my State, I have been in both
Houses ot the, National Conaress,-1 have
been at tho , head of: the Executive De
partment of my State; I have, been. Vice
President of the United States, and I am
now in the position which I occupy before
you, and during all this, career where !s
the man and what portion of the people
is there who can say that Andre w John
eon ever made a pledge which he did not
redeem, ur that he ever made a promise
which he violated? None. Now joint
appease
vengeance
me to the man who can say that Andrew
Johnston ever acted with infidelity to the
great mass of the people.
Men may talk about beheading and
about usurpatiou, but when I am beheaded
Iwant the American people to be the
witnesses. I do not want it by inuendoes
and indirect remarks in high places, to b&
suggested to men who have assassination
brooding in their bosoms, there is a fit
subject. Others have exclaimed that the
Presidential obstacle must be got out of
the way. What is that but a make-use of
a strong word Inciting to assassination?
No doubt, I say, the intention was to
incite assassination, so the obstacle which
the people had placed here could be got
out of the way. Are the opponents of
this Government not yet satisfied ; are
those who want to destroy our institutions
and to change the character of the Gov
ernment, not satisfied with the quantity
of blood which they have shed ? Are they
not satisfied with one martyr in this place ?
.uoes not the blood ot .Lincoln
their vengeance, aud is their
still unslaked? Do thev still want mora
blood ? Have they not honor and courage
enough to seek to obtain the end other
wise than through an assassin ? I am not
afraid of an assassin attacking me where
one brave and courageous man will attack
another. I only dread him when in dis
guise and where his footstep is noiseless.
If they want blood let them have the
courage to strike like men. I know they
are willing to wound; but afraid to strike.
If my blood is to be shed because I
vindicate the Union, and insist on the
preservation of this Government in its
original purity, let it be shed; but let an
altar to the Union be first erected, and
then, if necessary, . take me and lay me
upon it, and the blood that now warms
and animates my existence shall be poured
out as the last libation, as a tribute
to the Union of these States. I: But let the
opponents of this Government remember,
when it is poured out, that the blood of
the "martyr is the seed of the church.
This Union will grow, and it will continue
to increase in strength and power, though
it may be cemented and cleansed in blood.
I have already spoken to you longer than
I intended when I came oiit. ("Go on.")
My fellow-Citizens, I have detained you
much longer than I intended, ("go on;
go on,") but we ars in a great struggle,
and 'I am your instrument, and I have
thought it best to express myself frankly
when I ask you, have I usurped authority ?
Who is it in this country that I have not
toiled' and labored - for ? Where is the
man or the woman, either in private .life
or public life, that has not always received
my attention and my time ?
Sometimes it has been said (pardon me
for being a little egotistical, but we are
engaged in a friendly and familiar con
versation,) "that man Johnson is a lucky
man. They can never defeat him." Now
I will tell you what constitutes my good
luck. It is in doing right and being for
the people.
rose But, sir. from what fund An
we
Relief of Cliambcrshurg---Hon.
Marry Wiilte's Speech.
In the State Senate, pending the delib
eration of the bill voting the sum of
$500,000 to Chambersburg, to cover, in
part losses inflicted on that town by ihe
rebel McCausland, (which bill passed both
houses of the Legislature and was signed
by tho Governor,) Hon. Harry White de
livered the following speech :
"Mr. Speaker, I would, if I could, throw
an earthquake into this bill. - That it is
to pass, is a foregone coucluion. I know
the moral effect of the deci.iv vote by
which it passed the co-ordinate branch of
this Legislature. So soon a.s that vote
was -announced, it became manifest this
bill would become a law. My duty, as a
Senator, requires that I should wash my
hands of it. If the bill-passes, tho evil I
consequences that follow will net rest with '
the minority agaiost it. The appeal comes j
in behalf of this bill that it is to relieve
the pressing necessities of the people of
Chambersburg, whose homes have been
desolated by the cruelties of an arrogant 1
foe of our common country. The charred
ruins the crumbling walls the deserted
doorways the blighted bu-iness prospects
of that desolated region have been most
glowingly depicted and portrayed before
this Legislature. The pitiful cries of suf
fering and distressed. women and children
heard in Chambersburg, when the over
powering rebel hordes put the torch to
their homes ot comfort, have been echoed
and re-echoed in our ears to affect our
sympathies.-' We are told, again, the en
ergy and enterprise of that whole region
have been paralyzed by their ead calami
ty, and unless the generous hand of char
ity from our good mother Commonwealth
is extended to them, they cannot rebuild
their burnt town that they will be abau
doned to poverty and bankruptcy that
the stranger and the speculator will come
in and soon possess what is left of their
homes. " This, Mr. Speaker, is all vers
sad, and. had I the inexhaustible purse of
the fabled princess, this suffering should
not long continue. I would deal liberally
in private charity with these sufferers.
Or bad we, in this Commonwealth, some
Golconda mine from which to take ad lib
itum.! would urge we should not delay to
take the amount sought to be appropria
ted by this bill 1 Sir, it is from the fund .
raised from tha honest, hard-working tax-
payers all over this Commonwealth. Do
we have their sanction to make this most
liberal bequest? No, sir. While I would
commend the distress, the misfortunes
and the pinching necessities of our neigh
bors of Franklin county to the good, the
generous and the charitable all over our
State, and indeed the whole country, I do
not feel authorized to make the appropri
ation this bill seeks out of the taxpayers'
fund. Already our people everyw'hcro
rest under heavy burdens. Let us watch
well what we do. It is a safe maxim for
the legislator to observe, 'be just before
you are generous.' We are told, howev
er, that this i3 not asked for as a matter
of right not asked for as a matter of in
demnity, but as a mere gift to citizeus
impoverished by the wantonness and cru
elty of the common enemy. I care not
what shape the device of ingenuity may
give the appropriation sought. It is a
call, a heavy call upon the treasury of the
Commonwealth to'reimbUrso the citizen
for the misfortunes of war. Commence
this once in the manner sought, and where
will it end? Make everybody whole on
account of suffering in this cruel war ?
Sir, it cannot be done. Reimburse every
body for the losses they have met? Sir,
the proposition 'm preposterous. 'Resides,
sir. money losses are trifling compared
with the other long train of evils attend
ing civil war, or. indeed any war.- Our
mend Of Cuambersburg have met with
losses, heavy losses, but their losses have
been pecuniary. They to-day lament but
the destruction of loved homes, desolated
streets and depressed business energies.
No pare of our. greaT country has been free
from the calamities of this war. The pall
of mourning and distress has rested over
the whole land. The precious jewel of
many a household has been lost. ' The
widowed and the orphaned are everywhere
around us. Cries and lamentations are
still heard, 'Rachel weeping for her chil
dren, and will not be comforted We
have only to look around this chamber to
see the crippled and the maimed of the
war. Money! All the money you cau
appropriate from your coffers cannot com
pensate for such misfortunes. ' Who can
fill the vacant chair at the fire-place ?
Who can give a father to the -orphan?
Who . can restore to the mother her dar
ling boy who sleeps on some glorious baN
tie-field, a eacrifico to his coiiutry ? Who
can bring the cheer of former days to the
broken households all over our beloved
State? Pay the debts of this war! Com
pensate for losses ! Your undertaking is
too great. Take the step in that direc
tion you now propose, and the consequen
ces will, I fear, be crushing to the inter
ests of our Commonwealth.
"You must not forget, sir, that the
money you appropriate comes in part from
those who have suffered equally with our
neighbors of Chambersburg. This meas
ure, sir, is wrong in principle and danger
ous in precedeut. What assurance have
we that demands of a similar character
will not continually be made upon us from,
the other border counties which have also
been at times traversed by the enemy ?
The Senator from Adams Mr. MoCon
augby, in answer to my friend, the Sen
ator lrorn Erie fMr. Lowry, says no more
claims shall be made by Chambersburg.
I do not doubt he believes what he say3.
He cannot, however, make binding con
tracts lor them. If it is intended that no
more claim is to be made, why not put it
.9 1 l . w .
in the bill, co 'nominate id in the bond,
and then you have a contract for the fu
ture. This would completely defeat all
demands hereafter to be made. The re
fusal to do so excites my suspicions, and
I warn Senators of the precedent theyaro
about to set. Why, sir, there were read
in our hearing to-day, with the knowledge
this bill was about to come before us for
consideration, threo several petitions,
largely s:gued, asking compensation for
losses sustained by the citizens of Gettys
burg. I am also informed that if this
bill passes, a bill will be introduced here
next week to compensate the people of
Gettysburg for losses sustained by the his
torical battle there. Pass this bill, how
can you refuse the claim of Gettysburg?
'PI ,l .J .J. . . " .
j. iiuic aic aiuuuu uui ucvyien spot cnarred
ruins burnt barns and desolated gram
fields as well as in "Franklin county. I
warn senators to beware ot what they do
to-day, if they would be consistent . here
after with the record they are about to
make. You are about to open a Pando
ra's box. Evils innumerable will follow
in the train of your record of to-day.
" :I cannot, sir, vote for his
I could not do so and lay my hand
again
'blossom as tho
bill.
upon my heart and go back to my constit
uents and tell them I had done my duty.
I will vote against this bill because
I believe it to be altogether wrong. I
will now and here make a record which I
will carefully observe towards all other
bills of like character while I am in the
Senate." I, sir, warn Senators that I know
similiar bills from other border counties
are coming here if this one passes. Vote
for this, how can you refuse others ? L'
am 'no prophet nor the son of a prophet,
but I will venture the prediction many of
those- who vote for this bill to-day will
regret their record not many monthi
henc."-
ill