JUL
1 X :
I'
4. Editor and Proprietor.
j.i-)l0 UVTCIIIXSOX, Publisher.
j v.t:x f
I "WOULD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN PRESIDENT. Hekbt Clay.
.. TEBlis-2'00 pEn AKKV3I.
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VOLUME 6.
D
UUXJTORY.
5,1 ST OF POST OFFICES.
r.,.t "0S. P.i Masters. Districts.
3eihel Station Enoch Reese,
,vn!!tm-n. Joseph Behe,
Blacklick.
Carroll.
Chest.
Taylor. .
ft ess Springs, nenry Nutter,
CaemAugh, A. tx. vroows,
Washint'n.
r John Tbompson, Ebensburg,
r Timber, Asa II. Fiske White.
oek. vm iiicrtJr., naoJin.
V 11 T 1 . .
JJ " r 'i II i . r . a
, n Acueauerger, - u-jreiio.
...-T-1 Point,, u. wissinger, uoncmgu.
ir.. ;. ,. A. Durbin, Munster.
V iHsvilie, Anurcw j a-errai, r;u3ii nan.
...,v;nj It. w.iowman, tvuiie.
Augustine, etan. narton, uicrirneia.
Level, George Berkey, ltichiand.
n n 15. .ti voignn i asm n.
II- V i U X 1 I i "-
y,'7kaore, Morri3 Keil, S'merhill.
CsrtJKCSSES, MINSTERS, Sic.
pr(S:.y;triin Rev. D- ITaubisos, Pastor.
.. cverr Sabbath morning at 1CJ
"V'orH, ia tuc evening at 6 o'clock. Sab
'tli'a School at 1 o'clock, A. M- Prayer mect
iiir every Thursday evening at 6 o'clock.
"'diCidisl Fp'.sccpal Church Rev. J. S. Lem
x;"s. Treacher in charge. Rev. W-ILM'Bride,
AisU:nt. Preachmgevery alternate a;Jatil
cor-iirs, at 10 J o'clock. Sabbath School at
uC:il.a, A. li''J-' -""D w-v
triui3', at 7 o'clock.
;'t'r.t Independent Ret Lt.. R. Powell,
pjjtyr . ?reacliiiig every Sabbath horning at
lo'ci :k, ard in the evening at 6 o'clock.
I'j.itii ochool ht 1 o'clock, P. M. Prayer
c.-ttin? on the first Monday evening of ech
. !. -'.Tti.i on everv Tucsav, Thursday and
fr.Jay' evening, excepting the first week in
iith rnonta.
C.'.dnhtic 'lethodisi Rev. Jons Williams,
pi,-, 7rpq,-liin'r every Sabbath eveninr t
ird 6 o'clock. Sabbath School at K o'clock,
i. M. Tiayer meeting every l naay evening,
c 7 oVl ock. Society every Tuesday evening
it" o'clock. . -
ij-hlcsRzv. W. Llotp, Pastor. Preach
tv'M v Sabbath morning at 10 o'clock,
fjr-.-.rv.r JJaptists Rev. David Jkxkivs,
p-.;v -.r TVon hirsr every ir'abbath evening at
3 ..io-k. Sabbath School at at i o'clock, P. M.
Choiic Rev. M. J. XiTcaELL, . rastor.
? rvL-s every Sabbath morning at 1 0 o'clock
tA Y-pera at 4 o'clock, in the evening.
EDESSSISG MAILS.
MAILS ARRIVE.
Eis'trn, daily, at 114 o'clock, A. M.
VTcitern, " at ll o'clock, A. M.
MAILS CLOSE.
F.tftern, daily, at 8 o'clock, P. M.
fft-tprn, " at , 8 o'clock, P. M.
tVThfi mails from T3utler,Indiana,Strongs-.:-.7a.
arrive on Thursday of each week,
t: 5 o'tlfrk, P. II.
Leave Ebensburg on Friday of each week,
u 6 A. II.
SThe maila from Newman's Mills, Cr
rlltjwn, Lc, nrrive on Monday, Wednesday
12 i Friday of each week, at 3 o'clock, P. M.
Leave Lbcnsburg on Tuesdays, Thursdays
Saturdays, at 7 o'clock, A. M.
RAILROAD SCHEDULE.
CRESSON STATION.
est Bait. Express leaves at 8.18
A. M.
P. M.
A. M.
P. M.
P. M.
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A. M.
A. M.
A. M.
" Fast Line ;
" Pbila. Express
" Mail Train
Emigrant Train
East Through Express
" Fast Line
" Fast Mail
" Through Accom.
it
9.11
9.02
7.08
3.15
8.38
12.36
7.08
10.39
CI
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II
II
COU?JTY OFFICERS.
J nines of the Courts President, Hon.
Oeo.
" jbr, Huntingdon; Associates, George W.
Ett'ey, Henry 0. Devine.
Prithonotary Joseph M'DonaH.
Register and Recorder James Griffin.
Sheriff John Buck.
bisirict Attorney. Philip S. Noon. .
Cuuntv Commissioners Peter J. Little, Jno.
Campbell, Edward Glass.
treasurer Isaac vv ike.
Poor House Directors Georco M'Cullough.
George Delany, Irwin Ratledge.
ioor House Treasurer George U. K. ianm,
Auiilors William J. Williams, George C.
K. Zahm, Francis Tiorncy.
County surveyor. Henry bcanlan.
Coroner. -William Flattery.
Mercantile Appraiser Patrick Donahoe.
Sup't. of Common Schools J. F. Condon.
ESEXSBiRG BOR. OFFICERS.
AT LARGE.
Justices of the Peace David H. Roberts
HarriBon Kinkead.
Burgess A. A. Barker.
School Directors Ael Lloyd, Phil S. Noon,
Joshua D. Parrish, Hugh Jones, E. J. Mills,
David J. Jones.
EAST WABD.
Constable Thomas J. Davis.
Town Council J. Alexander Moore, Daniel
0- Evans, Richard R. Tibbott, Evan E. Evans,
William Clement. :
Inspectors Alexander Jones. D. O. Evans.
Judge of Election Richard Jones, Jr.
Attestor Thomas M. Jones.
A'tittant Assessors David E. Evans, Wm.
3- Davis.
WE8T WABD.
Constable -William Mills, Jr.
Town Council John Dougherty, George C.
Xahm, Isaac Crawford, Francia A. Shoe
ktr, James S. Todd. '
wpectott G. W. Oatmanj Roberts. Evans.
Judge of Election Michael Hasson.
Attetsar James Murray. ,, .
t 'Want Assessors WiUiana Barnes, D.an
'l . Zahm.
Letter from Gen. SMx Some
thing for Democrats to Re
fleet On II end I
The following letter. was addressed by
Gen. Dix, to the Union Demonstration' in
Philadelphia, Saturday evening last i T
New Yobk, October Cth, 1864"' '
Gentlemem : I " have received your
invitation to add?es3 the mass tnceting' to
he held in Independence Square on Sat
urday; The duties incident to the active
command of a military department render
it impossible for me to attend public
meetings or make political speeches. But
I accede with pleasure to your request to
write you a letter.
There 13 but one question before the
country in tha approaching canvass:
Shall we prosecute the war with unabated
vigor until tho rebel forces lay down their
arms ; or shall we, to use the language of
the Chicago Convention, make "Immedi
ate efforts for a cessation of hostilities,
with a view to an ultimate convention of
all the States '(" &c.
Believing that the latter measure, for
whatever purpose adopted, would lead
inevitably to a recognition of the inde
pendence cf the insurgent States; and be
lieving, moreover, true policy, as well as
true mercy, alvriys demands, in the un
happy exigencies of war, a steady and
unwavering application of e!1 the means
and all the energies at command until the
object of the war is accomplished I shall
oppose th measure in every form in which
opposition ia likely to ba effective.
General M'Ciellan, tho .candidate of
the Chicago Convention, by force of his
position, must be deemed to approve all
the declarations with which he was pre-,
sented to the country, unless he distinctly
disavows them. Unfortunately, he is silent
on the only question in regard to which
the people cared he should speak. He
does not Buy whether he is in favor of a
eescaticn of hostilities, the measure an
nounced by thoee who nominated him, as
the basis for action in case of his election,
or whether he is opposed to it. He does
not meet the question with manly frank
ness, as I am confident he would have
done if he had taken counsel of his own
instincts, instead of yielding to the eubtle
suggestions of politicians. Tho Chicago
Convention presented a distinct issue to
the people. As the nominee of the Con
vention, he was bound to repudiate or
accept it. He has done neither, and
whatever inference may bo drawn from
his eileuce, either the war Democrats or
the peace Democrats must be deceived.
In calling for a cessation of hostilities,
the members of the Chicago Convention
have, in my judgment, totally misrepre
sented the feelings and opinions of the
great body of the Democraoy. The policy
proclaimed in its name makes it so far
as such a declaration can what it has
never been before, a peace party in war;
degrading it from the eminence on which
ic has stood in every other national con
flict. In this injustico to the country
and a great party, identified with all that
is honorable in our history, I can have no
part. I can only mourn over the re
proach which has been brought upon it
by its leaders, and oherish the hope that
it may hereafter, under tho auspices of
better counsellors, resume its ancient ef
fective and beniflcenfc influence in the '
administration of the Government, i ?
Doos any one doubt as to the true cause
of our national calamities? I believe it to
be found in the management of the leaders
of both principal political parties during
the last century. In 1840 the great men
of the Whig party Webster, Clay and
others men of universally acknowledged
ability and long experience in civil life,
were thrust aside, and Gen. Harrison, a
man of very moderate capacity, was se
lected as its candidate for the Presidency.
Tho principle of availability, as it was
termed, was adopted as the rule of selec
tion, and the question of fitness became
obsolete. The concern waa to know,' not
who was best qualified to administer the
Government, but who, from his compara
tive obscurity, would be least likely to
provoke an embittered opposition. This
was the beginning of a system cf demor
alization, which has ended in the present
distracted condition of the country. It
reversed all the conservative principles of
human action, by proscribing talent and
experience, and crowning mediocrity with
tho highest honors of the Itepublic. In
1844 the Democratic party .followed the
successful" example of its opponents in
1840. It put aside Van Buren, Cass,
Marcy, and its other eminent statesman,
and brought forward Mr. Polk, a man of
merely ordinary ability. Parties which
have neither the courage nor the virtue to
stand by their greatest, and best men
soon fall into hopeless demoralization.
This system of retrogradation in all that
is manly and just has continued,' wfth
BURG, PA., THURSDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1864;
two or three abortive offorts at reaction, for
twenty-four years. It has driven pre
eminent talent out of the paths which lead
to the highest political distinction; and
multitudes with a simplicity which would
be -ludicrous were it not so deplorable,'
ask -what has become of our great men?
The inquiry is easily answered., They arq
in the learned professions in science,. lit
erature and art, and in the numberless;
fields of intellectual exertion,' which are
opened by the wants of a great 'country
in a rapid career of development. The
intellect of the country is neither dimin
ished in the aggregate nor dwarfed in the
individual proportions. Tho political
market, like the commercial, under the
inflexible law of demand and supply, i3
furnished with tho kind of material it
requires. It calls for mediocrity, and it
gets nothing better. .The ' highest talent
goes where it is a passport to the highest
rewards. It withdraws from a field in
which the chance of accession to tho first
civic honor is in an inverso ratio of emi
nence and qualifications.
Thus under the rulo of the inferior
intellects which party management has
elevated to the conduct of public affairs,
the peace, the prosperity, and the high
character of tho country have gone down.
If the great men of the Republic had con
trolled the policy and action of the Gov
ernment during the last quarter of a cen
tury, we should have had no rebellion.
Distraction within invites aggression from
without, and we aro enduring tho humili
ation of seeing a monarchy established in
contact with our Southern boundary by
one of the great Powers of Europe, in
contempt of our repeated protestations,
and another of those Powers permitted
Rebel cruisers to bo armed in her ports to
depredate upon our commerce.
Upon 6uch a system of political man
agement no Governtment can last long.
I know it is not easy to change what such
a lapse of time has fastened upon us.
Po!itfcikn3 have the strongest interest in
placing in the chair of state feeble men,
whom they can control, instead of men of
self-sustaining power, to whom they would
be mere subordinates and auxiliaries. But
the time may come:: it ma7 sot be far
distant when the people, tired of voting
for men of inferior capacity, thrust upon
them through the machinery of conven
tions in which they have no voice, will
rise in their majesty, and place the con
duct of their affairs in more experienced
and capable hands. If such a change is
not speedily effected, it is my firm belief
that our republican institutions will fall
to pieces, and an arbitrary " government
rise upon their ruins; for, unless tho tes
timony of all history is to be discarded,
no political system can be upheld except
by giving to its administration the benefit
of the very highest talent and the largest
experience.
Till this revolution shall come, my ad
vice to the great body of the people is to
hold fast to' their traditionary principles
and good came by giving an earnest sup
port to the war, and to scan with the se
verest scrutiny the conduct of those who
control party movements. . Many of the
men who are most prominent in conven
tions have personal interests to subserve.
Even thoEO who are comparatively disin
terested aro not always the safe advisers.
They have lived so long in the turbid
atmosphere of party excitement and "party
traffic that they have contracted morbid
habits of thought and action, which like
chronio diseases in the human system, it
is hard to alleviate and still harder to cure.
Tho only hope left to us lies in the patri
otism and disinterestedness of the great
body of the people of all parties who are
facing the enemies of their country on the
battle-field, with a heroism unsurpassed in
any age, or who, at home, amid the pre
vailing tumult and disorder, are working
out, in the quiet pursuit of their varied
occupations, tho momentous problem of
the public prosperity and safety. When
they shall send out, fresh from their own
ranks, new men, to consult together for
the salvation of all that is most precious
in Government and society, there will be
cause for hope and faith in our redemption
from impending evils and dangers; bear
ing, in the meantime, as well as we can,
the heavy burdens which havebeen cast
upon us by a quarter of a century of po
litical mismanagement and public misrule.
It is time the people should understand
these truths. No one, perhaps, can tell
them with more propriety than myself,
having been, much of the period referred
to, in public life, fruitlessly, contending
against party contrivances which have in
volved tho country in all the evils of civil
strife.
I am, very respectfully, yours,
JOHN A. DIX.
James H. Orke, Esq., Chairman, &c.
, fiST General Early is passionately fond of
fightin;, but General Sheridan, it is thought,
has at last given him. his Fhil.of it. '
Jeff. Davis';. Speech at Macon,
i Ga.A Rebel Wall.- :
Herewith : we ; present, the : celebrated
speech delivered by Jeff. Davis at Macon,
Ga.', Sept. 23, 1864. It reads like the
Wail of a broken heart :
:; Ladies and Gentlemen, Friends and Fd
Iota- Citizens: It would have gladdened my
heart to have met you in prosperity in
stead of adversity. But friends are drawn
together in adversity. The son of a Geor
gian who fought through the first revolu
tion, I would be untrue to myself if I
should forget the State in her day of peril.
What though misfortune has befallen our
arms from Decatur to J onesboro, our cause
is not lost. Sherman cannot keep up his
long line of communication. Sooner or
later ho must retreat; and when that day
comes, tho fate that befell the army of the
French Empire in its retreat from Mos
cow will be re-enacted. Our cavalry and
our people will harass and destroy his
army as did the Cossacks that of Napole
on ; and the Yankee General, like him,
will escape with only a body-guard. How
can this be the most speedily effected ?
By the absentees of Hood's army return
ing to their posts ; and will they not?
Can they see the banished exiles ; can
they hear the wail of their suffering coun
trywomen and children and not come?
By what influences they are made to stay
away it is not necessary to speak. If
there is one who will stay away at this
hoar, he is unworthy of the name of Geor
gian. To the women, no appeal is neces
sary. They are like the Spartan mothers
of old. I know of one who has lost all her
sons except one, of eight years. She
wrcte that she wanted me to reserve a
lace for him in the ranks. The venera
te General Polk, to whom I read the let
ter, knew that woman well, and said it was
characteristic of her ; but will not weary
you by turning asido to relate the various
incidents of giving up the last son to the
cause of our country, known to me.
Wherever we go, we find the hearts and
hands of our noble women enlisted. They
arc seen wherever the oye may fall or the
step turn. They have one duty to per
form to buoy up the hearts of the people.
I know the deep disgrace felt by Georgia
at our army falling back from Dalton to
the interior of the State. But I was not
of those who considered Atlanta lost when
our army crossed the Chattahoochie. I
resolved that it should not; and I then
put a man in command who I knew would
strike a manly blow for tho city, and many
a Yankee's blood was made to nourish the
soil before the prize was won. It does not
become us to revert to disaster. Let the
dead bury their dead. Let us, with one
army and .one effort, endeavor to crush
Sherman. I am going to the army to
confer with our generals. The end must
bo the defeat of the enemy.
It is said that I abandoned Georgia to
her fate. Shame upon such falsehood.
Where could the author have been when
Walker, when Polk, and when Gen. Ste
phen D. Lee were Bent to her assistance ?
The man who uttered this was a scoundrel.
He was not a man to savo our country.
If I knew that a General did not possess
the right qualities to command, would I
not bo wrong if he were not removed ?
Why, when our army was falling back
from Northern Georgia, I even heard that
I had sent Bragg with pontoons to cross
into Cuba. But we muse bo charitable.
Tho man who can speculate on tho misfor
tunes of his country ought to be made to
take up his, musket. When the war is
over, and our independence won and we
will establish our independence, : who will
be our aristocracy ? I hope the HmpiDg
soldier. To the young ladies, I would say
that, when choosing between an empty
sleeve and the man who had remained at
home and grown rich, always take the
empty sleeve. Let the old men remain
at home and make bread. But should
they know of any young man keeping
away from the service, who cannot be
made to go any other way, let them write
to the Executive. I read all letters sent
me from the people, but have not the time
to reply to them. You have not many
men between eighteen and forty-five left.
The boys God bless the boys ! are, as
rapidly as they become old enough, going
to the field. The city of Macon is filled
with stores, and sick and wounded. It
must not be abandoned when threatened,
but when the enemy come, instead of cal
ling upon Hood's army for defence, the
old men must fight ; and when the enemy
is driven beyond Chattanooga, they, too,
can join in the general rejoicing. Your
prisoners ar6 kept as a sort of Yankee
capital. I have heard that one of their
Generals said that their exchange would
defeat Sherman. I have tried every means,
conceded everything, to effect an exchange,
but to no purpose. , Butler, the beast, with
whom no commissioner of exchange would
hold - intercourse, - had; published, in , tho
newspaper's .that if .we .would consent to
the exchange of negroes, all difficulties
might be removed. This ia reported as
an effort of his to get himself whitewashed
by holding intercourse with gentlemen.
If an exchange oould be effected, don't
know, but that I might be induced to-recognize
Butler. But in the future, every
effort will be given, as far as possible, to!
effect the end. We want our soldiers in
the field, and we want the sick and woun
ded to return homo. - It is not proper for
me to speak of the number of men in the
field, but this . I will say, that two-thirds
of our men are absent, some sick, some
wounded, but most of them absent with
out leave. The man who repents and goes
back to his commander voluntarily appeals
strongly to . Executive clemency. But
suppose be stays away until the war ia
over, and his comrades return1 homeland
when every man's history will be told,
where will heshild himself? It is upoa
these reflections that I rely to make men
return to their duty; but after conferring
with our Generals at headquarters, if there
be any other remedy, it shall bo applied.
I love my friends, and I forgive my ene
mies. . - - -
I have been askedto send reinforce
ments from Virginia to Georgia. In Vir
ginia, the disparity in numbers is just as
great as it is in Georgia. Then I havo
been asked why the army sent to the
Shenandoah Valley was not sont here. It
was because an army of the enemy had
penetrated that valley to the vory gates of
Lynchburg, and General Early was sent
to drive them back. This he not only
successfully did, but, crossing the Poto
mao, he came well nigh capturing Wash
ington itself, and forced Grant to send two
corps of his army to protect it. This the
enemy denominated a raid.. If so, Sher
man's march into Georgia is a raid. What
would prevent them now, if Early were
withdrawn, from taking Lynchburg, and
putting a cordon, of men around Rich
mond ? I counseled with that great and
brave soldier, General Lee, upon all these
points. My mind roamed over tho whole
field. With this we can succeed. If one
half the men now absent without leave
will return to duty, we can defeat the en
emy. With that hope I am going to the
front. I may not rcalizo this hope, but I
know there are men there who have looked
death in the face too often to despond
now. Let no one despond.-. Let no one
distrust. And remember that, if genius
is the beau ideal, hope is' the reality.
m m m " '
Dr. Breckinridge on an Armis
tice. The veteran Rev. Dr. Breckinridge, in
a recent speech at Lexington, Kentucky,
said:
I cannot now go into a consideration of
the platform in detail. But their great
cry is an armistice and a convention of
tho States. What after that ? They may
not make peace, and then what is to be
done ? But, first, how is the convention
to be called ? lit requires , two-thirds of
Congress to vote for such a call, which
call must be ratified by three-fourths of
the. States; and these votes you never
can get. What chance ia there of getting
three-fourths of the States to go for a
convention for the purpose of bringing us
under Jeff. Davis, or dividing the Union J
The thing is. absurd. If it cannot be
done, what then ? Then we are in favor
of any other peaceable remedy. Dear,
blessed souls 1 - Any other peaceable rora
edy nothing that is not peaceable.; Now,
for God's sake, and for your own country's
sake, look at it. Here wo arc, after be
tween three and four years' war; after
spending two or three .thousand millions
of dollars ; after spilling the blood of a
million cf our brothers, and oonsignlng
five hundred thousand of them to their
graves; after conquering an extent of ter
ritory 1,500 miles in length by 600 in
breadth ; we have an army in every State
of the Confederacy, and the majority of
them under our own control ; we have
every stronghold taken from them except
Mobile and Charleston and Richmond;
and notwithstanding all this we aro asked,
as if we were a set of poltroons, to disgrace
ourselves to the latest generation of man
kind, to sacrifice everything we have
fought for and that is worth living for,
and make all. tho world say free govrn
ment is worthless that it cannot take
care of itself. God Almighty in Heaven
grant that every mau .who utters such a
thought be choked, until he becomes ,a
penitent and a better man! ' .
No, 8irl n6, sir 1 We will never do
any such thing. We love poace love it
for its own Bake.' They love peace because
they are afraid we will first whip the. reb
els and then punish . them. They want
peace that they may mako.ncw conspira
cies, and the peace, they propose, is dis
-UMBER;.
union peace, which means, separation of
the States and endless ruin to the whole
country. Ten thousand times better wo'd
it have been for us to have acquiesced at
first, and'never shed a drop of blood, than
under theso circumstances and at this time
to make such a peace as. that.
. ... Slavery.
1 Theodore' Tilton, of New York, at a
recent Union meeting in Latimer Hall,
Brooklyn, said :
As other gentlemen havo spoken on
other topics, let me advert to Slavery. I
regret that so many voices, speaking for
the Union cause, are Filent on this ques
tionpushing it aside as irrelcvent Have
they forgotteu the Baltimore Platform ?
It stands on two pillars the overthrow of
the Rebellion, and tho prohibition of Sla
very. Therefore, when Republin speak
ers make the War question their only
topic, burying the Slavery question in
silence, they aro not faithfuLto the banner
they bear they tear it iu twain, and lift
only half. The Baltimore Platform lays
fully before the people the Slavery ques
tion. If, therefore, this question is to bo
lulled to rest in Republican meetings,
touched tenderly, called secondary, passed
over as a theme on which the less said the
better, then one great. purpose of the Bal
timore Platform is already defeated before
the day or battle in November. If the
Presidential issue is only a War issue,
what will the victory mean, when gained?
It will mean simply no cessation of hos
tilities. That is all. But that is s not
enough. The November vote must be
made to mean, not only a settlement of
the War question, but of the Slavery ques
tion. It is lamentable to notice how
many influential Republicans arest)cakin"
and writing as if we ought, for prudential
reasons, to thrust out of siht the nobler
half of the.-. Baltimore Platform. : The
Constitutional amendment i. nr.t ntrirri
its due share in the canvass. It is avoid
ed 89 a subject which, too freely handled,
may endanger the election may frighten
away some voters who mean to votewith
us only on condition that tho election
when gained shall mean nothing. Let
the Democratic Darrv. if ther wilf n!,.
-don their platform, but let us beware of
aoanaonmg ours : The .Democratic party,
expecting to be defeated, tan well afford
to change their ground,, if only for tho
sake of entrapping us into changing ours.
Nothing will, so please the Democrats as
to silence '.Republicans on the Slavery
question'. ; Our enemies will havo every
thing to gain by that policy we, every
thing to lose. This slighiiugof tho main
question is dangerous, unmanly and cow
ardly. ,
Every' Union meeting in great halls,
in wigwams, in canvas tents, in the au
tumn woods, " every where ought to ring
echoes to every bell.of.Libcrty struck a
Baltimore ! ; Every . campaign audience
ought to be set cheering the grand prin
ciples of the Union platform. : This they
would do gladly, boisterously," eloquent
ly tneir. speakers were not afraid to
risk the experiment of treading on doubt
ful ground. The American heart, once a
rock ta the Slaverv ouestion. nmv.iflf snv
manly stroke, willyield a fdaiitaiu of swee't
waters. Let. the pens . and tongues of
Union men declare to the people,. "Wo
menn to redeem' tho pledge put forth at
Baltimore. We mean to keep -steadily in
view our purpose, not only to conquer tho
rebellion, but to eradicate Its chujc. We
summon every Anicricau who wishes the
question settled to come, with his vote in
November and "settle it." -' ' Gen
tlemen, our ballots are yet tin cist. Let
us give fair warning as we cast them, say
ing, "This is for the Baltimore platform,
every jot and tittle this w for the over
throw of the rebellionthis is for tho
death and burial of Slavery this is for a
Constitutional amendment set' upon' its
grave to watch against its resurrection I"
I propose to you, therefore, for your loud
est cheers, as a sentiment expression the
true duty ol tho hour, "No parley vith
the rebellion in the field ; no compromise
with Slavery in the ro-aJjustment 1"
Great applause, j '
' ' - ' 3 - f i ,
m m i i .
Si&rA man named Foley had a ball
gWen to him in Boston last; Saturday, for
the benefit of his sick family.' On going
home from the ball wjth the proceeds
($284) in his pocket, he was robbed and
murdered.' J i .' ..i
A young fellowonce offered fo kiss
a Quakeress.: VFriend.'f said she, "thee
must not do it." "Oh,-by Jove, but I
must," said the youth. "Well; friend, as
thou hast sworn, thee may do it, but thee
must not make a practice of it!"r '
- 1ST Presideut Lincoln - has furnished a
substitutQ to the army iu the person of
John Summerfield Staples, a native ot
Monroe county, Pennsylvania, .
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