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VOLTJME 5
D
IREOTORY.
LIST OF POST OFFICES,
Post Offices.
Post Masters. districts.
Enoch Reese, Blacklick.
Joseph Behe, Carroll.
Henry Nutter, Chest.
A." G. Crooks, Taylor.
J; Houston, Washint'n.
John Thompson, Ebensburg.
Asa H. Fiske White.
J. M. Christy, Gallitzin.
Wm Tiley.Jr., "Washt'n.
I. E. Chandler, Johnst'wn.
M Adlesberger, Loretto.
E. Wissinger, CoDcm'gh.
A, Durbin, Munster.
"Andrew J Ferral, Susq'han.
G. W. Bowman, White.
Stan. Wharton, Clearfield.
George Berkey, Richland.
B. M'Colgan, Washt'n.
B. F. Slick, Croyle.
William M Connell Washt'n.
Morris Keil, S'merhill.
gsthel Station
Carolltown,
Chess Springs,
Conemaugh,
Cresson,
Ebessbarg.
Fatten Timber,
Gallitzm, .
gemlock,
Johnstown,
Loretto,
Mineral Point,
tfunster,
?!att3ville,
jloseland,
St. Augustine,
Scalp Level,
Socman,
JimiEcrhul, .
Summit,
Vfilmore,
CHURCHES MINISTERS, &C.
Presbyterian Rev. D. Harbisov, Pastor.
Preaching every aaooaui morning ai iuj
j'clock, and in the evening at 6 o'clock. Sab
oath School at 1 o'clock, A. M. Prayer meet
ig every Thursday evening at C o'clock.
. ilethodist Episcopal Church uev. J. e. LIM-
ioj, Preacher in charge. Rev. . II. M'Bride,
Aistant. Preachingevery alternate oaooaia
corning, at 10 o'clock. Sabbath School at 9
o'clock, A. M. Prayer meeting every i nursaay
ivening, at 7 o clock.
Welch Independent KEV lA.. u. 1'owell,
pi5tor. Preaching every Sabbath morning at
lOo'ciock, and in the evening at t o clock.
Sahhath School nt 1 o'clock, P. M. Prayer
aeetin" on the first Monday evening of each
aonth ; and. on every Tuesday, Ihursday and
Fridav evening, excepting the first week in
tach month.
Cdviniitic Methodist Uzr. Johx. W illiasts,
Pastor. Preaching every Sabbath evening at
:ani 6 o'clock. Sabbath School at lr o'clock,
A. M. Piaver meeting every Friday evening,
at 7 o'clock. Society every Tuesday evening
it 7 o'clock.
Disciples Rev. W. Llotd, Pastor. Freacn
I? every Sabbath morning at 10 o'clock.
Particular Baptists in? . uavid jmwm,
Futor. Preaching -every tabbatu evening at
1 o'clock. SaVuath School at at 1 o'clock, l ii.
Citholic Ret. M. J. Mitchell, Pastor.
5'rvices everv Sabbath morning at 10 J o'clock
d Vespers at 4 o'clock in the evening.
EBEXSOBRC MAILS.
MAILS ARRIVE.
Ewern, daily, at 11 o'clock, A. M.
Western, " at 11 o'clock, A. M.
MAILS CLOSE.
Eastern, dailv, at 8 o'clock. P. M.
Western, " at 8 o ciock, i . m.
ESTThft mails from Butler,Indiana,Strong3-
4wn, ic, arrive on Thursday of each week,
i! 5 o'clock. P. M.
Leave Ebensburg on Friday of each week,
USA. M.
t.The mails from Newman's Mills, Car-
"jutown. fcc. arrive on Monday. V. ednesaay
i:i Friday of. each week, at 3 o'clock, P. M.
Leave Ebensburg on Tuesdays, Thursdays
Saturdays, at 7 o'clock, A. M.
RAILROAD SCHEDULE.
CRESSON STATION.
Bait. Express leaves at
8.18 A. M.
9.11 P. M.
9.02 -A. M.
7.08 P. M.
3.1 " P. M.
8.38 P. M.
12.3G A. M.
7.08 A. M."
10.39 A. M.
Fast Line
' Phila. Express
' Mail Train
' Emigrant Train
it
u
it
i
'i'-t Through Express
Fast Line
1 Fast Mail
1 Through Accom.
COUNTY OFFICERS.
Jtyesofthe Courts President, Hon. Geo.
Vior, Huntingdon: Associates, ueorge vv
ley, Henry C. Devine.
rothonotary Joseph M Uonan.
bjitter and Recorder Jamea Griffin.
Shtrif John Buck.
Dittrict Attorneu. Philip S. Noon.
j County Commissioners Peter J. Little, Jno.
wnpbell, Edward Glass.
treasurer Isaac Wike.
joor House Directors George M'Cullough,
forge Delany, Irwin Ratledge.
' oor House Treasurer Ueorge U. IS.. Aanrn.
Auiitors William J. Williams, George C.
Zahm, Francis Tierner.
Couuty Surveyor. Henry Scanlan.
Coroner. --William Flattery. '
Mercantile Appraiser Patrick Donahoe.
tup't. of Common Schools J. F. Condon.
cbe.sbi:rg cor. officers.
AT LARGE.
lattices of the Peace David II. Roberts
'-Tison Kinkead.
Burgess A. A. Barker.
School Directors Ael Lloyd. Phil S. Noon,
hua D. Parrish, Hugh Jones, E. J. Mills,
iaj. Jones.
EAST WARD.
instable Thomas J. Davis. .
'oven Council J. Alemnrlpr Moor. Daniel
;.Erans, Richard R. Tibbott, Evan E. Evans,
''Uillm Piemen
y W.VU..UW.
Jdge of Election Richard Jones,'' Jr.
A'teuor Thomas M. Jones.
htittant Assessors David E. Evans, Wm.
WE8T WARD. .
JuatfeWiriiam Mills, Jr.
Tn Council John Dougherty, George C.
hpectoisQ. W. Oatmap. Roberts Evans,
j of Election -Michael Haeson.
fpvtant A,crs William Bftrnts, Dad-
A&nia. , r
EBENSBURG, PA., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1864.
Address or tue Union State Cen
tral Committee.
To the People of Pennsylvania :
Fellow-Citizens : .The result of the
recent election on the amendment to the
Constitution of the State, allowing soldiers
in the field to vote, is gratifying, inasmuch
as it shows that the great heart of the
Commonwealth is right, in the fearful and
bloody struggle going on to preserve the
great republic, and that these brave men
are worthy to help govern the country for
which tiiey make so many sacrifices and
suffer so many privations. .
The friends of the Union have brought
about this result, while the opposition
have used, their powerful organization to
prevent it, with the evident object of
weakening the Union armies by disfran
chising the soldier, and thereby strength
ening themselves at the approaching
Preiden!ial election ; and in connection
with this election. let us reason together.
The campaign of 18G4 is now fairly
opened. The issue upon which the cam
paign is to be made is clearly indicated.
The enemies of the government have
publicly and authoritatively declared their
purpose in the contest. That declaration
places the duty of patriots in a light as
broad and clear as that of noon. There
i-j no mistaking either the spirit or the
object of our opponents ; it is the same that
impelled the chiefs of armed treason to
attempt the overthrow of free government
on this continent in 18G0-61. Neither
time nor reflection, nor regard for the
peace of society in the loyal States, nor
the desolations which have devoured the
prosperity of the South in the grip of war,
have wrought any modification of their
hatred for a government founded upon
opinions of the people expressed through
the ballot-box.
ft is the part of wisdom to anticipate
evil, and to prepare ro destroy it before it
grows too formidable to overthrow. The
attitude of the parties to the Presidential
contest gives rWe tn a seriou3 question
the most serious of any which can engage
thfe attcntign.of the true patriot and good
citizen. That question is briefly stated :
Shall we have l isting peace, through a
vigorous prosecution of this war for na
tional life, or interminable war, through
a peace based upon disunion ?
lhe jssu is sharply defined. The
utterances of the Baltimore Convection
decisively declare for peace through effec
tive war ; the utterances of the Chicago
Convention as decisively pronounce for
the alternative presented in the question
stated. They mean that, or they are
without rneaiiing. The opposition to Mr.
Lincolu contemplates disunion as a cure
for the ills under which we lie. His
defeat would divide the continent into
factious States. Nor is this mere asser
tion. The political history of the country
for the last four years is a mass of over-
whclmhig evidence in support of its entire,
its disgrace:ul truth.
And first, in evidence of its truth, we
have the declaration, informal but not less
weighty (because reiterated and unvary
ing.) of the rebel chiefs, that the South
will nut treat for peace save upon the basis
of a recognition of its independence. The
j press of the South omits no opportunity
to impress upon us and the world that
peace can only come through recognition.
Recognition is but another name for sep
aration. And finally, every European
nation has come to regard the result of
this war as certain to be one of two things
either subjugation or disunion. It is
the clear conviction which truth Dringa to
every rational, enlighteued mind. It. is,
therefore, entitled to great weight, second
ouly to the resultant fact.
It is due to the opponents of Mr. Lin
coln to atate that they pretend to believe
in the probability of peace and Union
through some compronii-e, the terms of
which are not clearly stated.
It will be cay to show the futility of
such hopes, if it has not already been
done. It will not be a difficult task to
show tliat such a belief does not take root,
in conviction. Ths leaders of the oppo
sition are men of great ability and more
than ordinary sagacity. They cannot,
therefore, be ignorant of the facts which
are of public record. These facts, effectu
ally preclude the possibility of peace and
Union through any compromise, unless
the terms involve recognition; and that
would be disunion.
lut let us thoroughly consider this
question of peace through compromise.
It is reasonable to suppose that the chiefs
of the rebellion would have accepted terms
at the outset, if at all. It is alleged by
opponents that Mr. Lincoln hurried the
nation into war, not only without consti
tutional' warrant, but even against the
wishes of the rebel chiefs themselves.
They reproach the Congress then in ses
sion with having refused .to adopt the
Crittenden Compromise ' measure, and
thus forced the South into rebellion in
exercise of the right of self-defence and
and self-preservation. It is unnecessary
to pause to show that all this transpired
while the reins of power were held by
So"uthern meu, most of whom are now in
arms against the government. Let it
pass. The question hinges upon the
responsibility of the rejection of the Crit
tenden Compromise. It was rejected. By
whom?
Reference to page 409, part first of the
Congressional Globe of the second session
of the Thirty-sixth Congress, will place
the responsibility for the rejection of that
Compromise where it properly belongs.
It will be seen that the Crittenden Com-
r promise was defeated by the substitution
(in effect) of what is kuown as the ''Clark
Amendment." The record shows that the
vote on the motion to substitute was
yeas 25, nays 30. The vote on the adop
tion of the Clark proposition, taken direct
ly afterward, was yeas 25, naj's 23. The
presumption would be, natuially, that if
the south had votes enough to reject the
eubstitutes, it would also have had enough
to reject the proposition when offered in
dependently. Thre was a falling off in
the negative vote on the proposition, as
compared with that on the first motion to
substitute, of seven votes. This is accounted
for by the fact that Senators Benjamin and
Slidell, of Louisiana; Wigfall and Hemp
hill,' of Texas: Iverson of Georgia, and
Johnson, of Arkansas sijt Southern Sen
ators sat in llieir seats and refused to vote.
Had these six southern men voted "no,"
the Clark proposition would have been de
feated by a majority of four votes, aud the
Crittenden Compromise could have been
taken up and carried by the same majori
ty. It appears of record, then, that thci
Crittenden Compromise was rejected be
cause six of the leading Senators from the
south virtually reiused to Vote for it. A
motion to reconsider was carried some
weeks later, and a direct vote upon the
Compromise wa3 taken. The proposition
.was lost by a single vote.. But one of the
six Senators referred to, voted on that oc
casion, nearly all of them having with
drawn on the secession of their respective
States. Had they remained to vote for
the Compromise, it would have been ad
opted. The chief object in alluding to this j
matter is to show that when, before the
overt act of war was committed, the pouth
had the election of compromise or war,
she, though her highest dignitaries, de
liberately chose war. .
The south would not have compromise
then. Is it reasonable to suppose that it
would acceptsuch an accommodation now ?
Her rulers have the. southern masses by
the throat, and can mould them to tfieir
imperious will. They are playing for a
groat stake. They could not withdraw
from the contest now unless forced into
withdrawal. Pride, love of power both
inbred and fostered by the institution of
slavery would force them to elect, as they
declare they do elect, extermination rather
than submission and union.
Early in the struggle before the gov
ernment had taken the aggressive Presi
dent Lincoln offered peace in the 'most
liberal terms. The terms were, briefly,
the laying down of arms and the abandon
ment of theirho&tile attitude. The world
knows how those terms were met. It
need not be repeated here. The desola
tion of southern fields ; and the vacant
seats in thousands upon thousands of homes,
both north and south, bear the record.
Still later, amnesty and pardon have been
offered by the President; still th chiefs
of rebellion abate not a tittle ot tneir en
ergy
to maintain themseWes in their
. They demand recognition and in-
wron'
deDcndence of a covcrnraent they hate.
Intimate knowledge of the directing minds
of the rebellion teaches that they will
never abandon their wicked scheme until
obliged to do so by the sheer force of such
iron circumstances as control the results
of war.
There is no ground, then, for the hope
of peace through compromise : no hope of
permanent peace. There is no such dis
charge in this war. .Those who go before
the country upon such vicious pretexts,
are not deceived themselves, however much
they may deceive the ignorant and unsus
pecting. To charge self-deception upon
them in a matter so unmistakably clear,
would be equivalent to charging them
with imbecility. They do not deceive
themselves. The pretext of seeking the
defeat of Mr. Lincoln that peace may re
turn to our borders covers a sinister pur
pose. If they wish peace they can have
it but in two ways in a cowardly aban
donmeut of the struggle, followed by dis
union, or by a more vigorous (if possible)
prosecution of tha war.
. Thus the true issue upon which the cam
paign is to be made becomes sharply de
fined. None can deprecate the horrors of
war or desire the return of peace more
than do the warmesc supporters of the
National Union nominees. But they ask
for and will acquiesce in no peace that is
not founded upon the integrity of the Un
ion and estallished upon the principles of
the Declaration ot Independence. They
recognize creater evils than war, such as
this is in which the nation is plunged.
Divide the nation geographically, and to
what end do we inevitably gravitate?
With the precedent and justice of ecccs
sion established, who can presume to say
that wc shall not repeat the humiiiatimr
history of Mexico and the South American
States ? United, the common danger was,
and would continue to be, our common
security. Divided, the land wpuld groan
with the wreakiug out of individual ven
geance. Divided, the torch and brand
would never be idle along the line of di
vision. The country would at last awake
to the bitter knowledge that open, vigor
ous war, prosecuted with a high purpose,
is a thousand times less to be dreaded than
an armed peace.
As an example, a little more than a year
since, when Lee, with his rebel army invaded-Pennsylvania,
and when the fate of
the Republic was decided by the battle of
Gettysburg, how prompt wicked aud de
signing men were to inaugurate the insur
rection iq New York city, trusting
in the hope that the Government was not
able to maintain the supremacy of the
Constitution and the laws. It will be
long before the blackness of the crimes
committed by that conspiracy will be ob
literated. As another example, take the recent
conspiracy discovered in the northwest
the banding together in secret of a large
number of men, the concentration of thir
ty thousand stand of arms and a large
supply of ammunition. The papers of
this conspiracy, which were seized, evi
dencing too clearly that their design was,
and is, the overthrow of the Republic,
trusting, that division and anarchy would
shield them from harm, but in utter dis
regard of the concomitant wrongs to the
people murder, robbery, arson in a
word, desolation for the time.
Now, fellow-citizens, in both these ex
amples the movingspirits are prominent
men in the Opposition, and controlled the
nomination and platform at Chicago.
Yet it is to such a peace as this that
our opponents invite you. They ask your
suffrages for a man who either is pledged
to such a peace, if elected, or who is de
termined on a war grander in scale and
bloodier in results than the world has yet
witnessed. There can be but two issues
out of the present difficulty. The intelli
gent freemen of Pennsylvania need not to
be led like children. They will net fail
to comprehend the nature of these issues,
and to choose between them. In so choos
ing, they choose for their children and
their children's children. They can do
nothing of a public nature in these preg
nant times that shall not cause coming
generations either to Tevere or despise
them. The re election of Mr. Lincoln,
and the elecliou of Andrew Johnston as
his associate will indicate to the chiefs of
the rebellion that the war for union and
permanent peace must go on until those
ends shall be attained. It will also sigui
fy to the nations of Europe that the people
of the whole United States will, soon or
late, become an united people, and the
government remaiu, as it has heretofore
been, a star of hope to all the oppressed
peoples of the civilized world, and an ev
erlasting monument to the wisdom of the
grand old heroes who conceived it. If we
could afford to basely abandon the strug
gle now, the world, mankind, could not
afford the sacrifice. If we could afford to
bear the shame, and wear the shackles of
defeat so crave nly invited, our children
could not stand erect under the deathless
reproach of our behavior. As men, .as
freemen, as patriots, we have no choice'
but to stand by the government as admin
istered. The alternative presented by our
opponents is disunion and dishonor, which
fs national death. If a man recognizes
ths existence of the principle of Eternal
Justice, he could not despair of the repub
lic. There may be some in whom the
principle of hope maintains but a feeble
existence, unless stimulated by uninter
rupted success. Such must be encouraged
and sustained by the example of the more
hopeful ajid enduring. They must be
assured of what the philosophj of history
and of events teaches, that danger lies in
turning tack, as security lies in pressing
forward. The desolations, and bereave
ments, and burdens of war may be, nay,
are terrible, but the tempest which rava
ges forest and field, destroying the increase
of labor, and even human life, is also ter
rible. Yet it is beneficent. With unva
rying calm; the atmosphere would degen
erate into putridity, and the earth would
rovolvo in endless night. So war involves
nations in its fearful vortex that social
and political renovation may follow. As
a fire sweeping over the fields licks up the
chaff and stubble, yet affects not the solid
earth, so the fiery trial which we are called
upon to endure is consuming the notorious
crimes of society. The nation will issue
out of this struggle stronger and purer
than before Wrong, such as confronts
us, cannot drive right into exile. Craft
and villainy are not to bo the subjugators
of wisdom and virtue. And whatever
crimes may tave been, or may yet be, per
petrated in the name of civilization, it is
not now to be proved either a farce or a
failure. "But these calamities are uot to
come upon the American people, for the
reason that the masses are to remain true
and steadfast in this great effort to estab
lish their liberties upon a surer foundation
than the anomalies upon which they have
hitherto rested.
The victory 13 to be won by unremitting
labor, and a watchfulness that shall be
proof against the surprises planned by
traitors at home or abroad. We are to
look for no fortuitous happening, no mi
raculous interpositions. The friends of
the Government, working together, cannot
be overthrown by. any combination possi
ble amoug their opponents. They may
seek to divide and distract, as they have
done, and they may partially succeed.
But not if the people remaiu firm, cilm,
and self-contained. United, we arc inviu-
cible against any force, than can be brought
egaiust us; divided, we would invite de
feat, and attach to ourselves the name of I
having rejected the counsels of experience
and enlightened reason.
Our victorious armies are bravely doing
their duty in the fieM. What is required
of the loyal meu of Pennsylvania is a
great victory at the polls in October and
November. It is not only essential that
the Federal government and the policy
required to crush rebellion jhould bs en
dorsed by the re-election of Abraham
Lincoln, but at the coming contest in Oc
tober it is important lhat in the election
of Congressmen and member of the Leg
islature, as many, districts as possible
should bo carried by the lojal candidates
now in and to be put in the field. We
want the moral effect of overwhelming
majorities, as well as the pre.-tige derived
from military power and force. We ex
pect to elose the war as much by the in
fluence of the ballot as the bullet. We
hope to stop the effuion of blood by the
unmistakable demonstration at the polls
that the war is to be waged till the rebel
lion is ended, and that hostilities will not
cease while there is an armed traitor in
the field. Such a cessation of hostilities
cannot be obtained by compromise or ne
gotiation. It must bo achieved by the
stern influence of force by the unmista
kable, clear aud well defined proofs' of the
ability of the government to cope with
and conquer all or any of its foes.
Men of Pennsylvania, the issues arc
now before you for consideration and de
cision. You must abide the result a you
establish it, for good or exfi. Wc ask you
to support Abraham Lincoln because we
believe his re-election will fully vindicate
the authority of the national government.
and fully establish the fact tliat the freeH
men of the .oyal States are able to sustain
the existence of the Union and the gov
ernment against the hazard ot opposition
frnm abroad or at home. We ask you to
assist hot only in the re-election of Abra
ham Lincolu, but in the election of all I
loyal candidates for State and Federal of
fices, because their triumph will recognize
our nationality a result which must con-:
tribute to the maintenance of the national
government. It needs no argument ot
our own to establish this position, because
our opponents antagonize us to achieve
entirely the opposite results.
Can we hesitate can there be any trust
or confidence reposed in men placed in
nomination by such men ? Men of fami
ly, hesitate men of property, hesitate
young men, who hope to enjoy both these
blessings, hesitate before you cast your
votes for nominees , made by such agen
cies. By order'of the Union State Central Com
mittee. SIMON CAMERON, Prett.
A. W. Benedict, 1 0 .
it.-..v, r Secretaries.
m m m
An exchange says that a New
York and Massachusetts regiment were
camped together on the llpidan, aud that
a wholesome rivulry existed betweeu them.
A revival suddenly broke out in the .Mass
achusetts regiment and twelve were bap
tised. The New York Colonel looked
savage" when he heard it, and roared out
"Adjutant, have seventeen meu detailed
for baptism. I'll be hanged if that Mas
sachusetts regiment shall beat us.''
IS? A fellow contemplated in utter
wonderment the niagr.it udi nous dimensions
of a bystander's feet, and in a tone of as
tonishment, as he surveyed the man's pro
portions, said, "You'd have been a tall man
if they hadn't bent you so far up."
NUMBER 52.
Gco. Frauds Train on General
91'Clcllan.
Geo. Francis Train has written Genr
M'Clellan a letter, wherein he fiercely
criticizes and sarcastically denounces the
small warrior's letter of acceptance of the
Chicago nomination.. It is the richest
thing of the season. Read :
Rockawat-on-tue-Sea, Sept. II, 1864.
To Major-General George B. M'Clellan, Orange.
New Jersey i
Dear Sir: It is a mean thing to listen
at the keyhole. It is meaner to open &
private letter. It is meanest of all to ac
cept hospitality and abuje the host. But
these mean things are Christian virtues
compared to the act of accepting the nom
ination of a party in order to destroy it
A platform is the parrys soul. A candi
date is tho party's body. Separate tho
body from the soul, and death ensues. It
is as diScuIt to sit between two stools as
to sleep with one eye open. You cannot
worship God and Mammon. Honesty is
not only the best policy, but the only one
for an honest mac. To cheat in politics
is as wicked as to cheat in tnney.- You
know the Peace men controlled the Con
vention. They gave you a platform that
was neither fish, flesh, fowl nor mackerel.
Yet you insist upon the mackerel. Hence
the Daily Aeir.-s, the Mctrojxtlitan Record.
Freeman's Journal, and Ohio Crisis fly
off from you like hoops from an effer
vescing barrel. Singleton will follow
vood; Vallandigham will full in, and in
two weeks Pendleton will declino to be
shipwrecked with tha rest. "Come out
from under the bed." said the indisnant
wife to her undecided husband. ''Not,"
said he, "so long as I have the spirits fa
man willii me!" .- (
Mark my wbrd.-. General, you will in ot
carry a single State except New Jery,
and you will sacrifice seven Democrat
members ot Congress out of ten. . Loc
at Vermont. Maine will be the same.-!
Indiana will only load the other States b' 1
a month. ..
You will find it as hard as tho rebel!
have to fight such Democratic names ai
Foote, Farragut, Porter and Dupont, oq
the sea, or Grant. Meade. Burnside.1
Sickles, Hancock, Thomas and Sherman,
on the land all of whom are against vou.
The late letters of Sherman aud Grant
rattle through the Democratic ranks like
lightning through a gooseberry bush. . It
only costs two thousand dollars to get up
a M'Clellan Meeting. Young Ketchum
said so. If the explosion of a limited
quantity of gas in Union Square killed
two women aud wounded several tho other
niiiht, what will be the disaster when your
whole party bursts up in November. .
James Buchanan said that he was no
longer J. B., but the Cincinnati platform:
You reverse it, and say that you are not
ni.: i . -
mw mcau piaiiorm, DUt Ix. V. Aiac
Said Lord Byron in Don Juan:" -
The well kuown Hebrew word, I ani,
We English used to govern d m.
But to our letter. Bulger said, the
"Pen was mightier than tho sword."
Then he had not made your acquaintance,
General. Nominated on your record.
Yes. The draft. The Proclamation.
The suspension of habeas corpus. The
arrest of Legislatures. Military at tho
polls, and disobedience of orders. Is not
hat your public record? Do you mean,
by alluding to your record, that you will
do the same again?
"Gentlemen : I have the honor to ac
knowledge the receipt of your letter,
informing me of my nomination (of course,
who eUe did you suppose it was?) by tho .
Democratic National Convention (certain
ly, it was not the Republican National
Committee,') recently assembled at Chi-' '
cago (that s eo; it did not assemble at
Cleveland or New York,) as their. candi
date at the next election tor the President
of the United States. (Exactly; it was
not for the last election.)
"It is unnecessary for me to say to you
that this nomination comes to mo un
sought." Why say it, then ?) - ;.. ;.
Take the whole letter, paragraph by-
paragraph, dissect it as I have this sen
tence, and you will find it as weak as dish:
water; undecided, inconsistent, ungram-:
matical aud egotistical. The six allusions -to
the Union remind one of the stereoty
ped cry in the "Fortunes of Nigel,"
Watches, Clocks, Barnacles. Tho bright
boy who cried Barnacles, Watches, Clocks,
introduced a new idea into Scotland.
"If a frank, earnest and persistent el-1
fort to obtain those objects should fail, .
the responsibility for ultsrior consequences
will fall upon those who remain in arms '
againet tho Union." ' '
Why not say war right out, not dodge
round a corner this way. Don't forget ;
that oil Cass killed himself with , the
Nicholson letter.
"Believing that the views here exprev-
sed are those of the Oonvention and the