' -j!m I t w -iti 1 lift w M w ' ''I Vf y, t il . i n mKER, Editor and Proprietor. TODP HITTCIIIXSOW, lublislier. I WOULD RATEF.R BE RIGHT THAN PRESIDENT. Hssbt Clat. TERMS- L'Ull AXM 31. .' isa.oo ix jioTAax'i:- VOLUME 4. f 1ST OF lOST OFFICE Post OJTtccs i'oaf jiii-icers. uiricu. Enoch Reese, Iilacklick. William M. Jones, Carroll. Danl. Litzinger, Chest. A. G. Crooks, Taylor. Wru. W. Young, "Washint'n. John Thompson, Ebensburg. Isaac Thompson, "White. J. 11. Christy, Gallitzin. Wm Tiley, Jr., Washt'n. I. E. Chandler, Johnst'wn. M. Adlesberger, Loretto. K. "Wissinger, . Conem'gh. A. Durbin, Munster. Andrew J Fcrral, Susq'han. G. YV. Bowman, White. Wm. Ryan, Sr., Clearfield. George Conrad, Richland. B. M'Colgan, Washt'n. B. F. Slick, Croyle. Miss M. Gillespie, "Washt'n. Morris Keil, S"merhill. . . j Bethel Station Crrolltown, Chess Springe, Oonemaugb, Cresson, Sbeusburg. Fallen Timber, Gallitzin, Hemlock, Jolinstown, Loretto, Jliueral Point, Minister, Platt3ville, Roseland, St. Augustine, Scalp Level, . Socman, Sumraerhill, Summit, Wilmore, c:srRCHES, ministers, &c. Presbyterian Rev. D. IIabbison, Pastor. rreachiug every Sabbath morning at 10$ o'clock, and in the evening at G o'clock. Sab oath School at 1 o'clock, A. M. Prayer meet ing every Thursday evening at 6 o'clock. Methodist Episcopal Church Rkv. J. S. Lem mos, Preacher in charge. Rev. J. Gray, Ap siiuat. Preaching every Sabbath, alternately M 10 o'olock in the morning, or 7 in the evening. Sabbath School at 9 o'clock, A. M. Prayer meeting every Thursday evening, at 7 o'clock. Welch Independent Rev Ll. R. Powell, Pastor. Preaching ever)- Sabbath morning at 10 o'ciock, and in the evening at 6 o'clock. Snbbath School at 1 o'clock, P. M. Trayer neetiug on the first Monday evening. of each month ; and on every Tuesday, Thursday and Friday evening, excepting the first week in ?ach month. Caivinutic Methodist Rev. Jons "Williams, Pmior. Preaching every Sabbath evening at tand 6 o'clock. Sabbath School at V o'clock, A. 11. Piayer meeting every Friday evening, st 7 o'clock. Society every Tuesday evening t7 o'clock. Disciple Rev. W. Lloyd, raster.-Preaching everv Sabbath morning at 10 o'clock. Particular Baptist Rev. David Jenkins, rstor. Preaching every Sabbath evening 8t 3 o'clock. Sabbath School at at 1 o'clock, P. M. Catholic Rev.- M. J. Mitchell, Pastor. 8-rriceB every Sabbath morning at 10$ o'clock a4 Vwpera at 4 o'clock iu the evening. MEXSIMTRG MA2I.S. MAILS ARRIVE. Extern, daily, at 10 o'clock, A.M. eatcrc, at ICi o'clock, A. M. - KAILS CLOSET E!t?rn, dsily, at 8 o'clock. P. M. VTtitern, " ct 8 oViock, P. !l. EThe mails from Pntkr,Ind;auH.Sti oiigs tswn, Lc.f arrive oa Thursday of each week, t 5 o'clock, P. M. Leave Lbensburg oa Fridav of each week, t A. M. EgL.The mails from Newman's Mills, Car roiitown, &., arrive on Monday, Wednesday i id Kridy of each week, at 3 o'clock, P. M. Leare ifbunaburg on Tuesdays, Thursdays tsd Saturday, at 7 o'clock, A. M. X? AIL.RO A I SCHEDULE CRESSON STATION. Hi Bait. KxprebS leaves at " Fast Line " " i!ail Train " 7. 53 0.11 7.58 7.58 12.27 A. M. P. M. P. M. tM Throngh Express " Fast Line Fast Mail " Through Accota. M. M. n 6.58 9.2U 8.21 8.25 7.30 G.30 8.59 A. II. A. 31. A. M. P. Ai. P. il. a. m: A. M WILMORE STATION. TetBalt. Express leaves at 44 i.'til Train ftThrough Exprees " " Fast Mail " 44 Through Accom. COl'XTY OFFICERS. Uiju of the Courts President, Hon. Geo Jaylor, riuntingdon; Associates, George W. cley, Henry C. Devine. Prethonotary Joseph M'Donald. ' - Rtgifttr and Recorder Edward F. Lvtle. .SirtyJohuBnck. nittriet Attorney. mux, s. Noon. County Commissioners ' J sltucb Cooper, Pc wt J. Little, John Campbell. Treasurer Thomas Callin. l'cor House Directors William Donglase, btnrge Delany, Irwin Rutledge. ioor House Treasurer George C. K. Zahm. .lufiMTbomas J- Nelson, Willtam J. "Miaim, George C. K. Zahm. Ccuuty Surveyor. Henry Scanlan. "Jro.n?p- -James Shannon. Mtrcantile Appraiser Geo. W. Easly. "?'t. of Common Schools J. F. Condon. ClJfcX!nrRG Roii. officers. , BOaoiOH AT LARGE. v'vi:-rcs of the Peace. David II. Roberts -?non KiDkead. Vopo James Myers. l.ool Directors Lloyd, Pbil S. Noon, t larrie" Hugh Jones, K.J.Mills, ii J. Jones. r EAPT WAED. ltableTZvaa E. Evans. WCCoM74C'7 John J- Evans, Thomas J. 'Wm Vr" R&berts JoLu Thompson, D. or,WiIIiam D. Davis, L. Rodgers. Wge of Election Daniel J. David. 4ttor Lemuel Davie. WEHT WARD. -M. M. O KW John1? Cuncil S. Dunn, Edward Glas, To -'.man iuwuihk, oeorge v . Jr-William Barnes, 3 do. H. Evaos ; J.ieeuon Michael livarcn. '-qorg rler. EBENSBURG, PA., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1803. ft DEK!OCRaTIC-W?.R SPEECH. YFIio is Responsible Tor tlie Re bellion TSie Duty of Patriots at tlse Coming Election. JuJgo Shannon, of Pittsburg, during a recent visit to Philadelphia, was eerena caded at the Continental Hotel, and in response to loud and repeated ealta, ap peared and spoke as follows: I feel grateful, citizens of Philadelphia, for the kindness which you have bestowed upon me this evening. A western Pennsylvanian, I am not much accustomed to the grace of rhetoric which clusters around your eastern people. From the western slopes of the Alfegheu ies I hail you, and only those n;eu who are loyal in these times of peril to our country. I would not have the plaudits, for any consideration on earth, of those persons who, whilst they have the word Democracy upon their lips, assail and stab the administration of my country. J have read the history of my country as carefully as any modern Democrat has read it. I am acquainted with the writings of Jefferson and the maxims of Jackson, and, with my ears open and my eyes awako, I shall never submit to the teach ings and heresies of a Fernando Wood, a Vallandigham, or a H llham B. Iteed. It is almost bestowing honor upon a person of our own State the worst trai'ftjr amongst them all to mention the name of the pusillanimous wretch who hails from Pottsville, Schuylkill county. It is perhaps distasteful to refer to myself personally. But in order that this com pany may know my political status, I beg leave to say that, from the first vote that I evergave until the time when our so called Democratic brethren fired upon our flag at Surupter, I was ever a Democrat of the straightest sect, standing up upon all occasions for rights of the southern peo ple, under the American Constitution. I was willing, with every young-Whig, aud every young American, and every Republican, to stand by the constitutional rights of the south, as long a3 the south fought the battle of the Union, peacefully and legitimately. But when discarding theprecept? of our revolutionary fathers, and disdaining the claims of the Constitution, the Democrats of the South undertook cot merely to break up tho ancient Democratic party, but to destroy the very Constitution and the fundamental principles of our govern ment, it became time for eecry man of loul heart and upright conscience no longer to follow the miserable teachings of the southern oligarchy, but to assert the orig inal priu?iples upon which Thomas Jeller son lounded the Democratic party. There is no use disguising the fact that the modern so-called Democracy, abjuring the maxims of the founders ol their party, have been crawling into the slimy arms of a southern oligarchy. The primrose path of ambition, in modern days, has been for Democratic leaders to bow their knees to the autocrats, of the South. Witness, for instance, the case of that miserable old man, James Buchanan, of Wheatland, for whom in the North there was no select society like thai which environed hint from the baronial eals or irgiuia and South Carolina. "A favorite son of Penn sylvania" the son of poor and humble Irish parent.', flattered by the aristocracy of the South weak headed and lame hearted, aping an aristocracy which with all its faults he could never reach elected by the honest Democracy and the old line Whigs, he" lived long enough to betray his country, to say nothing of the destruc tion of a vcuerat?c party to which he never honestly belonged. It is said by many a llipprmfc tongue, and many a brazen pen, that the Aboli tionists of the North have brought this rebellion upon the eountry. In the uame of all that is veracious in history, I assert, without the fear of contradiction, that this cruel war has been brought upon us by the machinations of Democrats; so called. What, I ask you, was the condi tion of the country after the November election of 1860. We had a Democratic President and a Democratic Cabinet felectcd by Democrats. Every honest Democrat in the land expected that the chosen pilot and his selected crew should stand steadily and faithfully by the ship of State, amidst whatever tempests might arise or turges might beat. He was a Democrat, and. his Cabinet were selected from the chivalry of the Southern Democracy. The 6torm blew, the winds came, and uutrue to his fealty to his party and his country, with his miserable Cabinet, tie oesertcu tne snip, and ran her foul upon the breakers, lie asserted that secession was wrong; but yet be stated that if a sovereign State f-hould choose to secede from the Union, there was lit power iu ths Kxeutive,- no force even in Congress to coerce -that seceding State to return to the Union it had deserted. Through the advice of members of his Cabiuct, the ships of our then little navy were sent to remote and distant seas ; so that whea the conspiracy should culminate, our gallant tars, re nowned upon many and heroic occasions, should not be in place to respond to the call of their country. ' Through him and his Cabinet the arsenals of the North were stripped of the arms aud munitions of war; so that when the conspiracy broke forth at Sumter, the loyalists of the North had neither imple ments nor appurtenances of war to assail the rebellion. We had to wait, almost paralyzed, until guns could reach us from the Continent of Europe. You know that the union of the sword and the purse is considered essential to a successful war. And what did the Democratic Secretary of the Treasury 1 lie beggared the purse of the nation in order to piay into the hands of the Democratic conspirators. We were left in the deplorable.absencc of army, uavy and treasury. And who did this foul and most miser able work? Who accomplished it ? Was any Abolitionist in power, or any opponent of the ancient Democratic party '( We Democrats then had it all our own way. We were intrusted with the sacred heritage of our fathers; wc were responsible o men and to angels; and how did we act 1 Upon the accursed altar of southern oligarchy we sacrificed everything that was manly and everything that was honor able. Your iiglit-tingered leaders may say that the Abolitionists begat the war. I, as an humble Pennsylvania Democrat, assert that the charge is false. I unhesitatingly assert that this rebellion was begotten in the secret places of the so-calied but false Democracy that it was nurtured by Buchanan aad his Cabinet, who were the slaves aud . dupes of tho Yanceys, the Slidells, the Duvises aud the Breckinridges of the South. I but assert what the iron pen of history shall record, that there never was a party so betrayed, nor a country so slaughtered, as by the so-called leaders of the modern Democracy. What did we do, wc young men of the Whig, the American, and the Democratic parties 1 To our eternal honor it shall be recorded that we stood fast and firm for all the rights of our Southern breth ren, so far as acknowledged by the Amer ican Constitution. We faltered not. From every mountain top of the north, and from every valley, we declared our unswerving attachment to the Constitution of our fathers. We stood manfully, as Christian men never stood before, by every principle ot tno l- Ugitive olavc Jaw.' co that when Alexander 11. Stephens made his speech, in reply to Toombs of Geor gia, he was obliged to confess that never was Christian' civil law more faithfully upheld than by the men of the north. lie further admitted that the general government had never been false to its duty to the South ; that none of itsstat utes had ever interfered with the franchi ses or the privileges of the slaveholder. And reluctantly aud lingerioiily Alexan der II. Stephens, with his head turned . baek to the glories and brilliant memories of the country with his averted eye upon Mount Yemen and Monticeuo, slowly and tardily did hh leave the clustered records of the greatest republic upon which the sun has ever shone. No warrior, but a thin, attenuated, in tellectual man, he may be. Compared to the Sybil of Home, who offered her vol umes to a corrupted government. Yrhen history shall come to correctly record this rebellion, tho auguries of Stephens shall stand as an everlasting blot of infamy upon the men who created this rebellion and are carrying it out. I have not time, on an occasion of this sort, to enter into lull detail of the history of this most nefarious transaction. The leaders of the modern Democratic party say to me that they alone can restore peace to the country and integrity to the Union. I reply that another such Dem ocratic Administration as the last one would send my country into the jaws of inevitable dissolution. What! restore such another Administration into power? Think of it. Think of its perfidy, its treason, its corruption, its weakness! liestora to power your Buchanans, and your Fernando YVoods, and your Vallan dighuoi3, and your Hugheses ? Give them the reins of power ? May Heaven defend us from such a calamity ! I have confidence in tho masses the honest masses, I mean of the Democratic party, but I have none whatever in the miserable pretenders who attempt to teach in the sacred names of Jefferson and Jackson. I should be recreant to my manhood if I should fail to acknowledge the heroism and the bravery of the good, honest men" who' hive fought in this war. Many, of them have given their lives, martyrs on the field of battle, like the gallant Col. Samuel W. Black and the gallant Col. William G. Murray. May God bless their memories, and those of Hie bravo men of that old party who have fallen in the fight. , But there is one cry. which echoes from the lips .of Andrew Gregg Curtin, the father and guardian of the Penusyl vania soldier there is one cry which comes from the very bosom of Pennsylva nia, and that is; "Sfand by our country, whether it be right or whether it be wrong." It is a Democratic maxim which rung from the brilliant fields of Mexico, and which, if true then, must be trebly true now. v Let rae say to you, in conclusion, fel low citizens, that there is but one course for lo3'al men to pursue. There cannot be, and there must not be, any side is sues. We must make this State loyal in October next, and we can only do so by supporting Andrew G. Curtin and Daniel Agnew. This point 13 inevitable. The man who says he is loyal, and refuses to vote thi3 ticket, had better do what is honest, namely, go down and bow his knee at the shrine of that miserable rebel, Jeff. Davis. A Letter from lle I'rcsident -IMalti Statement of his Posi tion. Following is the letter addressed by Mr. Lincoln to the Union State Conven tion in Illinois, a copy of which was also sent to the BenuLlican Union Convention at Syracuse, N. Y. : Executive Mansion, Tyasiii.vgto", Auyttst 25, 1803. IIox. James-C. Conkling My Dear Sir: Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of unconditional Union men, to be held at the capital ot Illinois, on the 3d dajr of September, has been received. It would bo very agreeable to mo thus to meet my old friends at my own home, but I caunot just now be absent from this city so long as a visit there would require. The meeting is to bo of all those who maintain unconditional devotion to the Union, and I am sure that my old politi cal friends will thank me for tendering, as I do, the nation'.s gratitude to those other noble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's lifo. .... There are those . who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say : You desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? There arc but three couceiablo ways : First, to suppress the rebellion by force cf arms. This I am trying, to do. Are you for il ? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, we are no! agreed. A second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. If you are, you should eay so plaiuly. If you are not lor force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginary compromise. I do not believe that any compromise embracing the maintenance cf the Union is now possible. All that 1 can learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebellion is its military its. army. That army dominates ill! the country and all the people within its range. Any offer of terms made by any man or meu within that range, in opposi tion to that army, is simply nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them. To illustrate suppose a ref ugee from "the South and the peace men of the North get together iu Convention, and frame and proclaim a compromise, embracing a restoration of the Union, m what way can that compromise be used to keep Gen. Lee's army out of Pennsyl va nia '( Gen Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and I think can ultimately drive it out of existence; but no paper compromise, to which the controllers of General Lee's army are not agreed, can at all effect that army. In an effort at such compromise we would waste -j the timo whicn the enemy woulu improve to our disadvantage, and that would be all. A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the people, Jirst libs crated from iho domination. of that army by the success of our army. Now, allow me to assure j'ou that no word or intimation from the rebel army or from any of tho men. controlling it, iu relation, to any "peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. AH charges a&d intimations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless, and I prom ise you that if any such proposition ehall j hereafter come, 'it shall, not be rejected j and kept secret from you. I frceiy ac-' knowledge myself to be the servant cf the people, according to the bond of service, the United States Constitution, aud that as such I am responsible to them. ... But, to be plain, you are dissatisfied with mc about the negro.' Quite' likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that subject. I cer tainly wiidi that all men could be free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your views, provided you are for the Union. I suggested compensated emancipation ; to which you replied that you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But 1 had not asked yon to be. taxed to buy negroes, except in such way as to save you irom greater tax ation to save the Ution exclusively by other means. You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and perhaps you want to Lave it retracted. You say it is unconsti tutional. I think differently. I think that the Constitution invests its Command-er-iu-chief with ti e law of war iu time of war. The most that can be said, if to much is, that slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that by the law of war the prop erty, both of enemies aud friends, may te taken when needed, and is it not needed wherever it helps user hurts the enemy ? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property. when they cannot use it, and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their pow er to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Anions the exceptions arc the massacre e combatants, male aud female. .But the proclamation, as law, is valid or not valid. If it is net valid, it needs no retraction; if it is valid, it caunot be retracted i'oy more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you profess to think that its retraction would operate favorably fur the Union. Why better after the retrac tion than before the issue ? There war more than a year and a half for trial to suppress the rebe'.liou before the proclamation was issued ; the la.it ona hundred days cf which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably for us bince the issue of the proclamation as before. I know as fully as one can know the opin ions of otheis, that some of'the comman ders of cur armies in the field who have given us our most important victories,' believe the emancipation policy and the aid of colored troops constitute the heaviest blows y-et dealt to the rebellion ; and that at least one of those important successes could not have been achieved when it was, but for the aid of black soldiers. Auionc tho commanders holding these views are some who have never had any afiinitv' with what is called Abolitionism, ; or with the Republican party politics, but who hold them purely cs military opin ions. I submit their opinions as being entitled to someweight against the objec tions often urged that emancipation and the arming of the blacks are unwi.-e as military mensures, and were not adopted as such in good faith. You say that you will not fhrht to free negroes. . Sjmo of them seem to be williog to fight for you ; but no matter fight you, then, exclusively, to save the Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to t l" - .1 - - M'l I aia you m saving tue union. ncnever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if! shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt lima then for you to declare that you will not fight to free negroes. I thought that, iu your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should cease helping tlie enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do yoa think differently ? I thought that what ever negroes cm be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white oldiors to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you ? But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should, they do anything for us, if wc i wilt do nothing for them : It they stake their lives for us, they must be prompted by the tlrongest motives even the pvom ise of freedom ; and the promise, being made, must be kept. The signs look better. The Father cf Waters again goes unvexed to the sea; thanks to the great North v.eit for it; nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up they met New England, the Empire, the lvey stonc, and New Jersey, j hewing their way right and left. J he sunuy South, too, in more colors than cne, also lent a hand, oa the spot ; their part of the history was jotted down in black and white. The job was a great national one ; and let none be banued who bore an hon orable part in it, while those who havo cleared the great river, may well be proud. Even that ia not all. . It is hard to say OTMBER"5(L hat anything has been more bravely and" better done than at Autictam, MurVreos-, boro, Gettysburg," and on many fields of note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-fect bo" forgotten. At aU . the wafer's margins thoy have beeu present, not only on fhu deep sea, tho broad bay, and the rapid riv er, but also up the narrow, muJdv bayou, ar:d wherever the ground uas'a litllo damp they havo been and - made their tracks. Thanks to all! For the Great Republic for the principles by which -it 1'Ves for ra air's vast future; thanks to PcaCe does not appear so' distant m it did. I hope it will come soon, in d como to stay, and so come as to be worth tbb keeping in all future time. It will thea have been . proved that among freeman there can be no successful appeal from the balTot to the bullet, and that they, who' take sirch appeal are sure, to" lo?o . their case and piy the cost; aud'theti there will be iscme black men who can remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and htcady eye, and well poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation, while I fear that there will be some white men unable to forget that, with malignant heart and deceitful speech, they have striven to hinder it. - Still, let tts not be over-sanguine of a speedy final triumph. Let us be quito sober. TiCt us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a just Godr iu hi own good time, will give us. the rightful result. Tour3, Yerv Truly, A. LINCOLN. Tho Economy of tue Stato Ad ministration. When Andrew G. Curtiu assumed tho powers and the duties cf the Executive office of Pennsylvania, we will uot say that the condition of the State, in tho va riuus departments of her government, iu the industrial pursuits and corporate en terprises of the people, was hot" prosperous.' It was at a period ct profound peace, 'not withstanding it Was at a time whtn the? Democratic slave drivers of the south; with their dough face sympathizers of the' north, were comp'etcing their plans to overthrow tho National Government. . In the year 1862 the receipts from or dinary sources of revenue were in excess of receipts from the tame sources in 1S01; one million thirty tfiov.sa.hd one himdrtd uud scveiity-Riu: dollars and cijlity-two cenli, ft he excess of interest pnid in 1SG2 over that of 1SG1 being 114,095,37. and that the ordinary expenses for 18G2 were ninety-' five thousand three hundred and seventeen dullars and sixteen cents less than theyear. previous III This healthy condition of the revenue'" and the excess of tho receipts over the ' expenditures, secured by the rigid and general economy which was insisted upon : by Governor Ctjrtin iu every department of the State Government, induced him to recommend to the Legislature a revis ion of the Tevenue laws with a view to the legalizing of the burdens of taxation. At-the same time, Governor Curtin also recommended to the Legislature the jus tice and expediency ut rcstricfing the rate of local taxation, which has been and still is. in some parts of the Connioa wealth, ' oppressive. , , J r Considering the increase of taxation by the National Government,and considering, too, the enormous enlargement of the war expenses, these figures at once redound ' to the credit of Governor Curtin and the people of Pennsylvania. We want the ; tax-paj-ers carefully to ponder these facts. We want tho tax-payers to remember, in " the first year of Andrew G. -CurtinV administration, that he increased tlie i revenues of the State, one million. - thirty -thousand, one hundred and sixty-six -. dollars; and that the ordinary expenses of t!;e State for the year I8G2, Were ninety- five thousand, three hur.dted and seventeen ? dollars less than the year previous, and that Andrew G. Cartir., by the rigid econmy which bo enforced during his entire administration, even, while he'iras. equipping and sending nut thousands of soldiers, while he was relieving the- want -of the soldier's family, while -he wan ' succoring the tick and wounded; aud bringing the dead from the battle field.-? ( home to be buried arooug their' kindred, , he was euabled ui v coounend, in the face of these extraordinary expenses, a revision cf the vevenue laws with a view i to the. reduction of the rate ol local aud state taxation ! 1! Tax-payers of Pennsylv'auia ! remem ber these facts ! ! ' The Richmond Utiguircr advocates, a new mode of retaliation. It is to fill Charleston with Union prisoners, and then let Gen. Gilluiore bombard the city. ' SubccriHc for Ts Aif.r(!H.iiv, " i; I": k; - . 1 M Vi : ;i ! 4 I