hV v
!; ; I
ni , ..
-
W
K3
WW 4-
: i
j.TODO urTCIIIXSO.X, 1'ubllsticr.
I WOULD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN PRESIDENT. IIesky Clat.
TERMS:
F ,
! I
t
! s
!
r 1
: I
t
1
VOL. 1.
EBENSBURG, PA., THURSDAY, JUNE 28, 18(50.
NO. 45.
DIRECTORY.
IIIPiBMU BXl'BESSLY FOIt "THE ALLEtiUAMAX.
LIST Or POST UFFICTS.
Fvit OJicet. Post Master. Districts.
Joscpu uraliam, 1 oder.
Joseph S Mardis, Ulacklick.
Iicnjamiu Wirtner, Carroll.
Dual. Litzinger, Chest.
John J. Troxell, Washiut'u.
Mrs. II. M (,'aguc, Kbcusburar.
Jtnu 'i Crock
Beihel sutiou,
Cirrolltowa.
F'.ca Titaber, Isaac Thompson, White.
(j-klliitm.
ljl;a Cunacll,
Hemlock.
Johastown,
Lirctta,
M.asrui Poiat,
Mua-:cr,
Ptri-ing,
PUUiville,
;. Augustine,
S::? LereL,
Siuaerhill,
Strait,
1T.iuior,
J. M. Christy,
Joseph Gill,
Win. M'Gough,
H. A. Hoggs,
Wm. Gwinn,
K. Wissinger,
A. Durbin,
Francis Clement,
Andrew J. Ferra!
G. W. Bowman,
Joseph Mover,
George Coarad,
U. MColgan,
Wm. Murrav,
Miss M. Gillespie
Andrew Beck,
Gallitzin.
Chest.
Washtn.
Johnst'wn.
Loretto.
Conem'gh.
Muuster.
Conem'gh.
Susqhan.
White.
Clearfield.
Richland.
Washfn.
Croyle.
Washt'n.
S'uinierhill.
CUURCUCS, MI.MSTLKS, &c.
PrabyterU Rsv. D. Harbison, Pastor.
F.-t-vching every Sabbath morning nt luA
o clock, and in the evening at t o'clock. Sab
ii.'a School at 'J o'clock, A. M. Prayer mcet
!:j every Thursday evening at G o'clock.
UakoJitt Episcopal Church Rev. J. Siaxe,
Preacher in charge. Rev J. M. Smith, As
i.r.in:. Preaching every Sabbath, alternately
ti u'cluck in the morning, or 7 in the
m i;.'. Sabbath School at 0 o'clock, A. M.
P.-v.t meeting evcrv Thursday eveniug at 7
tljck.
H'ei'.-A fntl-pciint, Ret. Ll. R. Powell,
Par.or. Preaching every Sabbath morning at
!3 o'clock, aud in the evening at G o'clock.
3ilVta School at 1 o'clock, 1. M. Prayer
c:f.;a on tlie first Monday evening of each
oath ; and on every Tuesday, Thursday
i;l Friday evening, excepting the first week
.ti .:h month.
I'i.'iT.ijZie Methodist REV. John WILLIAMS,
P!:or. P;eaohing every Sabbath evening at
1 fd i 6 o'clock. Sabbath School at 10 o'clock,
I M. Prayer meeting every Friday evening
t "! u'.ljck. Society every Tuesday evening
: o'clock.
D'iriulc iisv. Wm. Lloyi, Pastor Prcach
h ev:y Sabbath morning at 10 o'clock.
I'i'izilir Ji tptistt Ukv. D.vvin Jenkins,
Pwiur. Preaching every Sabbath evening at
1 utlj'.'i. Sabbath School at 1 o'clock, P. M.
Ccic.'i'c Rsv. M. J. Mitchell. Pastor
!.-TicM every Sabbath morning at 10 o'clock
til Vespers at o'clock in the evening.
EnC.SHrU(i 33 AILS.
MAILS ARRIVE.
lu:;:n, dailv, at 11 o'clock,
Wir.;.-:i, '" at l'jj "
MAILS CLOSH.
Intern, daily, at 4$ o'clock
K'e.-.e.-a, '' tt C -l
M.
M.
M.
M.
HON. SAMUEL S. BLAIR, OF FENN'A.
Dclivcrcrt in tlie U. S. House of
Eleiresentatives,:Iay,y,lSGO.
;jrTheMaili from Butler,! ndiaua.Strongs
tin, Ac, arrive on Tuesday and Friday cf
-a week, at 5 o'clock, P. M.
Lev: Ehcnburg on Muad.iya aud Thurs
at 7 o'clock, A. M.
The Mails from Newman'? Mills, Car
' .own, Ac, arrive on Monday aud Friday of
ii week, at 3 o'clock, P. M.
F.beusbur on Tuesdays and Satur
ijs. at 7 o'clock, A. M.
E.I'ut Oilke open oa Sundavg from 0
Vj o'clock, A. M.
It 1II.IIO 16 SCHKDl'l.C.
WILMORE STATION',
it Express Train, leaves at 8.SI A. M.
" Mail Train, " 6.07 1'. M.
"t Eipre9 Train, ' 7.18 P.M.
" Fast Line, " 12.12 P.M.
" Mail Train, " 6.03 A. M.
tOl'XTY orncKKS.
Juijtt of tts Court. President, lion. Geo.
tj''ir, Huntingdon ; Associates, GeorgeW.
jy. Richard Jones. Jr.
F'ihonotary. Joseph M' Donald.
Ci'rk to Prathonotary. Robert A. M'Coy.
K'jitter and Recorder. Michael Hasso.t.
It'P'j'v llr.iiitrr nml !.' rrurJcr . John Scan-
S'.'riT. Robert P. Linton.
IJ'puty Sheriff. George C. K. Zahm.
bit'.rict Attorney. Philip S. Noon.
Cunty Coiiuiiiiiioners. John Bearer, Abel
'!, David 3'. Storm.
Cirrk t0 Commissioners. George C K. Zahm.
Ctfini'l to C'ltnmissioners. John S. Rhey.
Treamrrr. John A. Blair.
W House Directors. David O'llarro,
:chael M Guire, Jacob Homer
J''.'. r liens' Treasurrr. George C. K. Zahm.
I'oor Jl,,uie Steward. Jamea J. Kaylor.
Mercantile Appraiser. Thomas M Connell.
Auditors. Henry Ha-wk, John F. Stull. E.
Lytle.
County Surveyor. E. A. Vitkroy.
Corowr. James S. Todd.
SP'rinfndint of Common Schools. T. A.
1gu;re.
Knnsin'Ro ijou. ornenns.
Ji:iers the Peace. David II. Roberts,
"u iviuneaii.
our,..
-Andrew Lewis
K.
ard
. A
T"rn Council. William Kitttll, William
,'P"i Charleg Owens, J. C. Noon, Edwi
cj'rk to Council. T. D. Litzinger.
rrovyk. Treasurer. George Gurley.
"""ya Master. William Davis.
School Directors. Edward Glass, William
Uetse S. Lloyd, John J. Lloyd, Morris
8vani, Thomas J. Davis.
t'iturer of School Board Evan Morgan.
Con,tablt George Gurley.
CUUetor. George Gurley.
tor Richard T. Davi.
yd of Election. Inane Evanf.
'""'ri. J0ha S. Kliuv. Jchn J Erans.
Mu. Cn airman : The Lill under con
sideration, reported IVom tlie Committee
of Ways and 3Ecaus, for the readjustment
of the duties on foreign imports, I suppose
to he second in importance to none now on
the calendar, nor indeed to any measure
that has heretofore been considered by the
present Congress. I am aware that more
exciting topics of discussion touching the
fundamental principles of constitutional
government have at diiferent times enga
ged the attention of Congress and of the
country, the importance of which I would
not under-estimatc. "Whenever they arc
presented by real occasions, they will
justly challenge the attention of all men,
whether in public or private station. But,
sir, they must not be permitted to monop
olize the grave thought and anxious solic
itude of those to whom the high trust of
legislation is committed at a time like the
present, when the public necessities which
have called forth the bill before us invite
attention. I therefore desire to submit
an outline of the view which I have taken
of this measure, and the reasons which
govern me in giving my voto in its favor.
Although, in the arrangement of some of
its details the bill falls short of that stan-
i i r- . i . ii . r. l. - .1
uaru oi protection to ine muuuai pur
suits of the nation, which protectionists
had hoped would be reached by the delib
erations of the committee, yet in the main
it exhibits a fair appreciation of the wants
of the country, and a commendable recog
nition of the claims of American labor to
the fostering care of the Government.
And whilst it is acceptable to .us because
it is to some extent protective, I had in
dulged the expectation that its moderate
discriminations in favor of all the leading
branches of industry in our country would
not be obnoxious even to the prejudices
of those who favor the imposition, of du
ties on foreign imports solely with a view
to the public revenue. The bill comes to
us from the Committee ef Ways and
Means, with its provisions matured by a
wide and comprehensive investigation, as
well of the wants of the Treasury as of
the present condition of trade. It is the
fruit, 1 am inclined to believe, of careful
and severe study ; and thoivjh, as I have
observed, protectionists have anticipated
more radical changes of the existing tariff
law than are to be found in the bill, yet
in my judgment it has received, and will
continue to receive, the general approba
tion of the country. There has not been
a bill on your table for near twenty years
that has excited an anxiety for its passage
into a law so intense, aud eo wide-spread,
as that which now animates the hopes or
alarms the iears of all classes and condi
tions of men, for the ultimate fate of this
measure. Its defeai cau be justified in
the eyes of the people by no fallacy how
ever artful, by no excuse however plausi
ble ; neither can they be deceived by im
practicable substitutes, or misled by par
tisan promises, which they have learned
by bitter experience are often made only
to be brehen and trampled under foot,
when they have served the temporary
purposes of a selfish ambition.
Whatever objections the future discus
sions of the diiferent clauses cf the bill
may present, I have thus far heaid of none
from its enemies, except to the duties
l.rorosed to be levied on the imports of
iron in its various stages of manufacture.
In the production of this commodity,
many of the citizens of Pennsylvania,
though not alone, are nevertheless exten
sively engaged, and it is but natural that
her Representatives, fully realizing the
extent to which the general prosperity of
the State, and of the country, depends on
the maintenance of her numerous estab
lishments, and those of other .States, should
manifest a corresponding interest in what
ever may affect their welfare. We do not
claim, in the discriminations of this bill,
a rate of protection for tlie iron interests
which we do not cheerfully accord to oth
er pursuits, in which our own people, in
common with the people of other States,
are so largely engaged. Wc have been
accustomed to regard the prosperity of
each branch of labor as indispeDsible to a
healthful development of every other, and
1 with the liveliest satisfaction
the promotion aud encouragement ot all
the arts in every part of the Confederacy.
The enemies of protection, anxious to
avail themselves of" narrow, sectional pre
judices against its adoption, are accus
tomed sometimes to define it as a peculiar
ly Pennsylvania policy, as if we were
selfishly committed to a principle at war
with the interesta and prosperity of every
other part of the Kepublic. At other
times, peeking to enlist in their service
another class of prejudices, they teach that
it is but a scheme to favor and enrich the
ironmasters at the expense of all other in
terests. And we are accordingly told that
whatever of value to the laborers, arti
sans, and capital of Pennsylvania, and of
every other State engaged in the manu
facture of iron, that would spring from
the adoption of this measure, is a conces
sion to the clamors of the ironmongers,
moved by a cupidity never satisfied by the
bounties of the Government. I shall un
dertake to show, sir, that in this respect
our demands have been so moderate, that
the opposition to the bill, because of the
supposed exorbitant duties, cannot stand
justified by the truth. The proposed du
ties on iron are not beyond what, by the
common consent of those who in this
country profess to believe in the maxims
and policy of free trade, is esteemed a
revenue standard of duty. The duty on
pig irou is fixed at six dollars per ton, on
railroad iron twelve dollars, on bar irou
fifteen dollars ; and the objection is, that
these are protective and not revenue du
ties. The great desideratum of the friends
of free trade, in 1SIG, was to discover
what was the lowest rate of duty that
would produce the largest amount of rev
enue, regardless of its effects on manufac
tures. The Secretary of the Treasury,
whose free-trade friends, until uitc re
cently, never named him but to praise
him, after a mostarcful collection of sta
tistical information regarding the condi
tion of manufactures, and the operations
of commerce, aud after arranging his ta-
every conceivable shape, that he
bles in
might deduce from them a practical re-
or.e
tult. informed Congress that all he could
say or do on the subject was, that on a list
of articles of which iron was one, the low
est rate of duty that could be imposed, in
order to raise the largest amount of reve
nue, would exceed twenty per cent, ad va
lorem. Thus it will be perceived he lim
ited the inquiry only in one direction, and
left his friends in Congress to wander
over the wide field he spread before them
for the discovery of the secret. They
found it. It was thirty per cent. ; and
that, by the general verdict of professed
free traders, was adjudged a strictly reve- ! prices, rendering i
nue duty, one that relieved consumers deieririine whethe
from all taxation except lur the legitimate
purposes of Government. Xow, sir, I ask
tho.-o free-trade gentlemen, who suppose
the iron intercut to be unduly protected
by this bill, to look at the facts, aud see
how far they are sustained in that opinion.
At the time of the passage of the art of
18-iG, the English price of bar irou was
forty-eight dollars aud fifty cents per ton,
which, with commissions, would amount
to fifty dollars, the duty on which was fif
teen dollars, the precise sum named in this
bill. But I do not propose to confine the
inquiry to the price of a single year, for
it might lead to false conclusions. Take
the last five years of the operation of the
tariff of l-HJ, ending olst June, 18"7,
a period sufficient to afford us a fair test,
aud during that time we find, from the
custom-house returns, that the average
foreign price of bar iron w?s per
ton, which made the duty at thirty-six
per cent, fifteen dollars and sixty-seven
cents. The declared average price of rail
road iron was :J1.31 per ton, making the
duty eleven dollars and eight' cents.
The average foreign price of pig irou du
ring the same time was 817.70, yielding
a duty oi five dollars and thirty-one cents.
So that the duties proposed now would be
sixtv-ninc cents per ton more on pig iron,
duties of this bill, instead of being a frac
tion a very inconsiderable fraction over
the favorite revenue standard of thirty per
cent, on rails and pig, would be very much
under it. It is well known that a great
portion of the iron imports and this re
mark applies as well to many other arti
cles is invoiced on account of the foreign
manufacturer, to the agent in this country,
at the net cost of production, and not at
the price which it would cost a purchaser
in the market from which it is exported.
g l r "r- . 1"
ur consul ai uiasgow, ir. V ail, lu ins
report of September 30, 1S58, says : "Pig
iron is a very prominent article of export,
and is now almost entirely shipped on man
ufacturers' account; aud, in tlie absence
of any demand. in the United States, is so
shipped apparently in order to reduce the
stock on hand here, thereby to keep up
the price at home." I am therefore free
to aver that these duties, so far from be
ing exorbitant concessions to the manufac
turer, are absolutely less than those of the.
act of 184G. The bill has nothing to
commend it to our favor over that act, but
the conversion of its ad valorem into spe
cific duties. This is the chief protective
feature in it, aud that being equally fa
vorable to the reveuue, upon what possible
grounds can its enemies maintain their
opposition ?
The evils arising frcm a2 i-uhrrm du
ties are so universally felt and understood,
that the wonder is a single advocate cau
be found for them. I believe that amongst
all the nations of Christendom, except our
own, specific duties are imposed w henever,
from the circumstances of the case, they
are at all possible or convenient. In the
late commercial treaty between Prance
and England, of which I shall have more
to say hereafter, the policy of imposing
specific, in preference to ad valorem du
ties, is recognized in that clause which
provides for the conversion of the latter
into specifics, by an other convention, on
the first of October next, to be estimated
on the average prices of the articles for
the five months preceding the date of the
tieaty. One of tlie inconveniences of our
system arises from the great fluctuation of
it extremely uilhcult to
ether the invoice is fraudu
lent. Under it, the frauds upon the reven-
tre innumerable It i; said by the mcrch
s,and by our consul. abroad, that in many
parts of the continent it is the uniform
custom of manufacturers to make out two
eleven cents per ton more on railroad iron,
and sixty-seven cents per ton less on bars,
than the duties collected under the act of
lS KJ, during the time I have mentioned.
A table published by the honorable gen
tleman from Vermont, Mr. Morrill,
who reported the bill, embracing the same
classes of iron for a period covering the
last six 3-ears, including the time since the
act of 1S57 went into operation, exhibits
about the same result, and sustains the
assertion that this provision relative to the
duties on iron is simply a change in the
form of imposing the duty.
During the five years mentioned wc im
ported 44,441 tons of pig, 445,8'..: tons
rolled bar, aud 1,043,1J70 tons rails; so
that, if the specific duties of this bill had
been levied during that period, the account
would have stood thus :
Increased duty on pig iron, 8334,204.20
Increased duty on rails, 208,705.80
for the ci:sio:u-house, exhib-
543,000.00
Deduct dim'hed duty on bars, 208,740.05
Leaving, 8244,320.14
the amount of duty which, at the rates of
this bill, would have been levied on 1,074,
315 tons of total imports more than would
be imposed by a duty of thirty per cent,
or about twelve cents per ton ou the three
classes of iron.
Put if the cwtoni-house returns presen
ted the true foreign market value of the
iron imported, it would be found that the
invoice
ith:g the prices at a low figure, generally
from twenty to forty per cent, below the
value of the article, in order to secure a
low duty, and the other fur the consignee,
howmg the true value. A gentleman
here this winter told mo that whilst in
aris last fall, after he had purchased a
bill of 8700 of fine goods, he was asked
if he would have a custom-house invoice
it thirty-three per cent, below the actual
cost, ana wTas tola, tnat while it was pos
sible for him to pass them at the custom
house at an appraisement of forty per
cent, less than the cost, it would be more
judicious to takj; it ut the usual rate of
thirty-three, aud avoid all risk ot detection.
Take the article of bar iron, for exam
ple, which fluctuates in price from five
shillings to perhaps twent--five per cwt.,
an article that will be quoted at different
prices every week, and how easily may
the most competent and honest appraiser
be misled from one to three shillings by
a fraudulent invoice, w hereby the revenue
will be defrauded of two or thrc dollars
per ton. Put sir, however injuriously
the revenue may be affected by the ad val
orem system, the manufacturers, and es
pecially the iron manufacturers, are the
victims of its most mischievous conse
quences. When the specifics of 1842
were replaced by the ad valorcms of 1810,
the duty on bars, at the then existing
prices, was, as I have shown, fifteen dol
lars per ton: and they through whose vi
olated faith and broken pledges that fatal
measure was carried sought to reconcile
manufacturers, br the protection which
that duty would afford them. In vain,
however, did they plead, that when, in
the fluctations of prices abroad, iron
would be as then, at a high price, they
would not need protection, and wheu low
it would be taken from them. And what
was the result? In a very short time,
the English price fell from fifty dollars
to twentv-four dollars per ton, and the
duty consequently from fifteen dollars to
seven dollars and twenty cents. The English
strong in cheap capital and cheap wages,
flooded our ports with low-priced iron to
such an extent that many of our furnaces
were blown out, and those that continued,
struggled on, though seriously crippled
in the unequal contest.
Asraiu: on the sudden appearance of
the railroad mania in England, prices
rose to the highest speculative points;
and when the bubble burst, the immense
surplus stocks on hand were exported to
this country, again to glut our market ;
and thus it is that by constantly-recurring
causes, over which we have no control,
the American manufacturer, contesting at
such great odds with the foreigner, is
eventually driven out. It is protection
against these extreme fluctations, produced
by the operation of financial causes abroad,
and often, by deliberate design, to break
down our weak establishments, and give
the field to the foreigner, which we seek
through the instrumentality of specific
dutic3.
Put, sir, whilst specific duties are ac
ceptable to us beeruse they are protective,
they are opposed by the enemies of the
bill, for the same reason. We suppose
that in the exercise of the power given us
by the Constitution, to impose duties, and
to regulate commerce, we should so impose
them, and so frame our regulations, as to
protect and foster our native labor in the
development of our almost limitless re
sources, against the shocks to which it is
exposed from the fluctuations of foreign
commerce. The public welfare demands
it, and to effect it is within the legitimate
range of legislative duty; but the theory
of irovernment entertained on the other
side of this House is, that in the imposi
tion of duties we have no other functions
to perform, but to provide the means to
pay for armies, and navies, the civil and
diplomatic service. When the soldiers
aud sailors and office-holders arc paid their
salaries, the great purpose of civil govern
ment, in their estimation, lias been per
formed, its mission ended, and its powers
exhausted. We are told that we must let
trade alone ; it will take care of itself ; it
will be regulated by the mutual interest
of producer and consumer, and protection
is but a restriction on individual freedom,
and a deranurement of the natural order of
things. I think, Mr. Chairman, that there
is a seeming inconsistency of conduct in
those who advocate such opinions, for they
find no difficulty in advocating the inter
ference of Government in a thousand ways,
differing only in form, but identical in
principle and purpose. On what piinci
ple are those regulation to be justified,
which in every conceivable shape are to
be found in legislation restrictive in their
character: iiv suiier the Mate to in
vade the freedom of the domestic relations'!'
The advocates of the let-alone policy should
object to the restrictive laws which regu
late the relation of parent and child, hu?-
baud ana wiie, because the mutual senti
ments cf affection, duty, and interest, all
combined, will be sufficient of themselves
to produce harmony aud order ; but it thev
are wanting, then why should Government
step in to enforce an unwilling union, and
subjection : cir, the advocates Jor Irec
trade and free love need not stand far
apart, when demanding the adoption of
the "let-alone" theory. Ou your statute
books you have your quarantine laws, your
prohibitions against tiie import ot adulter
ated druc:, for the protection of health,
by prohibiting that which tends to injure
it ; if that is a legitimate function of Gov
ernment, may it not be exercised to protect
labor, by prohibiting, or, at least partially
restraining the operation of agencies that
will injure and destroy it. ihcre is
bill now on the calendar regulating the
number of passengers to be allowed on
steam-going vessels. Why net apply the
principle to that measure, and trust to the
interests of owners and passengers, aud
the natural order of thing, to regulate the
evil intended to be cured ' If protection
is to be excepted from tho operations of
Government, there can be no other forth
putting of its powers, and society is resolv
ed into anarchy. The whole frame-work
and life of society is itself but the out
growth of artificial legal restrictions,
adapting themselves to the changing con
ditions, interests, and wants of mankind.
Without them, labor, capital, and exchange
of products, can have no existence. An
unrestricted, unregulated domestic or in
ternational commerce is incomprehensible,
as the world uow stands. Perhaps, when
the millennial era, of which the gentle
man from Vermont (Mr. Moiuull) spoke,
shall appear, the '"let-alone" philosophers,
now so far in advance of a world which
doth not comprehend their light, will see
their theory in the full tide of successful
operation.
Mr. Chairman, human wisdom cannot
devise a tariff at all approximating the
wants of the Treasury that will not be
protective, to some extent, of some inter
ests. If you should provide a horizontal
tariff of twenty or thirty per cent., or of
any given rate, ou all imports, it would
in some instances be protective, and in
others prohibitive ; or if there be differ
ent rates of duty, aud they be fixed by
lot on the different imports, even then, sir,
there would result protection to some in
terests, in various degrees. Then, if
there be some branches of industry which
will undoubtedly be benefited to some ex
tent, eveu though left to the blind arbi
trament of chance, is it not better, after
a careful and comprehensive inquiry into
the condition of all the industrial pursuits
of tlie country, to impose them for their
encouragement and protection, so as to '
produce the greatest good to the greatest
number ? Our warrant in the Constitution
for the regulation of commerce, and tho'
imposition of duties on foreign imports, is
in general terms, leaving tlie manner iu
whi'di it shall be exercised clearly with
in the discretion of Congress ; aud, to say
nothing of the long line of authorities,
in the declared opinions favorable to pro
tection, cf nearly all our public characters,
who have enjoyed the confidence and Ke
public, we may point with satisfaction to
the purpose, end, and aim, of the first tar
iff law on the statute book, enacted by tho
i i .. .
men who assistcu in tnc great work of
framing the Constitution, and whost-. nota
consequently have a peculiar imr.ort.nn
as they are the best commentaries on the
Constitution itself. The law of 1780 was
enacted for two direct, distinct, and inde
pendent purposes, one of which was the
payment of the debts of the United States.
aud the other was not of secondary im
portance, or incidental to it, but distinct
ly for the protection of such infant ma
nufactures as the necessities of the Revol
ution had called into life. The men of
that day, sir, were earnest, truthful men,
who spoke what they thought. They did
not leave the principle of protection to
, -
rest ou inference, or doubtful construction
of their acts, but they wrote it down in
the preamble of the law, as follows :
" hereasit is necessary for the support
of the Government, for the discharge of
the debts of th United States and (he cn-
eourajement and proteet'iuii of manufactures,
that duties should be levied on goods,
wares, aud merchandize imported, be it
enacted," &c.
Thus, sir, did they leave ou record an
example worthy of imitation on all proper
occasions by those who should follow them
in the noble work of legislating for the
welfare of this great people. Such an oc
casion now presents itself. The present
condition ot the country invites us to re
view our existing policy, that we may
correct the errors into which we havo
fallen. .No man, of the least observation,
cau fail to be impressed with the fact that,
by the operation of some cause, our appa
rent prosperity has been checked, and our
prcg:ess in the development of American
civilization seriously hindered. The la
borer seeks employment often in vain,
and when employed, it is at such prices as
barely enable him to live. When tho
employer is able at all to survive the de
pression to which he has been subjected,
his chief care has been to discharge from
his employment his surplus hands ; and
in thousands of instances the laborers,
who have toiled at the mines, the furna
ces, and mills, for the support of large
and entirely dependent families, find
themselves unexpectedly deprived of their
only source of support. The great capU
tal of the country is its labor, and, unem
ployed, it seeks investment in vain. I
will venture the statement, that for more
than two years past there has not been a
furnace built ; and those that remain iu
blast, unless enjoying some sqi(?c5al advan
tages, have reduced their production iu a
manner corresponding to the limited de
mand ; many, unable to catch a ray of
hope from the gloomy prospects that still
lie before them, have with a wise and cau
tious prudence closed up their establish
ments, and others have been forced to sale
by the sheriff.
The gentleman from Vermont Mr.
Mokkill supposed that furnaces, like
ships, wero not now worth more than half
their cost ; but I do not suppose there are
many furnaces that would this day bring
one-fourth of their cost. The Govern
ment, too, without any cause for extraor
dinary embarrassment, is unable to meet
the demands upon the Treasury without
a resort to loans. Now, sir, what enemy
has done this' Has the Creator been
sparing of his bounties to us ? He has
blessed us with a luxuriant soil and a
healthful climate. J le has sent us neither
war nor pestilence. Neither has ho for
gotten his covenant for seed-time and har
vest ; for the earth, as ever, still yields
her increase. Amongst the richest ores
of the world are deposited with us, and in
convenient proximity lies the fuel where
with they may be smelted. We have
thousands of strong and willing workmen,
to dig both fuel aud ore, and smelt it into
the pig, and fashion it into the the bloom,
the bar, the rail, and all the shapes iu
which it can enter into human consump
tion ; and yet, sir, they stand idle, aud
stand in each other's way for employment,
whilst these placers of wealth, far richer
than the gold of "Onuus or of lnd," lie
undisturbed, as they have lain from the
ages of their iormation, guarded by some
hidden power which keeps the way, that
no man cau ciitcr iu.
a 1
t
c
1
a
i
d
-i
'X
a
it
4
I
4
l-
m
i-
ea
I'll-
J,
m
tt
"'d
s
in
ed
r
i
t -
4
it.
ta-
y
"or
od
J
ft
er-
70-
re-
; I
ive
Hr
lUb
am
to
her
ird
mo
mj
-es-my
ing
l a
res
oia-
. J
noe
13111
ho
V
the
thr
s
s
V
Was
f
t
his
erod
chat
P
ft
et
te
IT