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Transient adTert4enent payable in ad) nnee, all other due after the flri insertion. , C7 OFFICE In 8aive'a Block, ComerofMain and iron Street. ' ... Addre, JACOBY Sc. IKELER. " ' ' Bloomsburg. Columbia County, Pa. J - For tiie Democrat and Star. CAMP AIGN SONG, No. 8. .; .' BY RAVEN. "AlR Kob Mountain. A voiee comes Bounding through the hills, And echos back among the rills, ' From Berks it spreads along the vales' ; That Clymer is the man. He's one of Pennsylvania's sons, ' . ' 'lie stands among her noble Ones, ' Through whom the blood of Hiester runs, I And marks him as the man. No one sustains a purer facie, - There rests no blot upon his name, r III? country's honor is his aim, We need just such a man. When in the councils of the State, IIe was a lion in debate, Amidst opposing strenglhand hate, .... , lie showed himself a man. ' When Negroites made much ado, And money ptfshed the question: through, lie boldly stood and voled ','no." And proved himself a man. . lie pressed the Soldier'sTionest claim, , In war and peace, he was the game, He played no mevcenary game, But always played the man. - And now while wider troubles grow, : We need a man to help us through, A man who dares his duty do, And Clymer is that man. The broken arch we' must repair, The Keystone will sustain her share, We'll sti ike if tome will tell us where, ... And Clymer i3 the man. . Eacfc State must herj) the President, And stand by him in each event, If any will, with pure intent, Then Clymer is that man. Then 'rouse ye Democratic host, Let evey man be at his post, And we soon can shout the toast, .That Clymer is the man. Is . Hon. LEVI L. TATE. " The preliminary contest for State Senator, so far at least as this county is concerned, has closed, and the result has been the se lection of the gentleman whose name heads this article. , We believe the decision of the convention will meet the popular approval. Not but that either of the gentlemen named for that position, would have been as warm ly supported by the masses, as their success ful competitor, but on account of the posi tion he has occupied for the past few years, is his selection a fitting one.. No Democrat in this county ha3 been more persistently abused and more bitterly persecuted by our political opponents. The shafts of their malice have been unceasingly directed at his venerable head. By their silly and harmless ridicule they have sought to bring him into contempt By their foul-mouthed abuse they have endeavored to bringupon him dis honor and shame. By their threats they hoped to make him succumb to their power. But how signally they have faOed,let his pop ularity with the people the masses of this county attest The more his political oppo nents abused, persecuted, slandered, ridicul ed or threatened him, the closer he clung to the tenets of his political faith. He defied their threat and laughed to scorn their malice and impotent ravings, while their siHy ridicule fell harmless at his feet To-day he stands ahead and shoulders above them all. We, trust the conference will give him a unanimous nomination, He is deserving of it .We clip the following complimentary re marks in reference to the subject of our short article, from the columns of the Democrat and Star : - " (Jn last Monday 4he Democratic Con vention of this county, nominated the Hon. LetiL. Tate, for State Senator, with a res olution directin the Conferees to use all honorable means to secure his nomination by the District Conference. It is certain CoL XATE was deserving., tnis, nonor. . Having Ecrved the Democratic Party earnestly, as an editor and public speaker j for a period of over thirty years,' It was only a spontaneous tribute of the people ta his honesty, capaci ty and fidelity. He is very favorably known, not only in the District, but throughout the State--served faithlully in our State Legis- htTrre,'1 as a Democratic champion of liberty, Trhen it was considered treason by our politi cal opponents, who were then in power, to li a Democrat he is very," popular among e people on 'account of his ..high, social ending, and for having aided the Dmoc- y largely with botn pen and voice in every ilitical contest idnco 1SC6. - The Democra r of this District can do no greater credit to mselres than to connrm the nomination llx. Tate, and we feci sure that he will ive such a vote as his labora deserve." 2. CO t 300 I 4.00 3 0o 5,oO I 6,00 5,00 7,00 8.50 6. UO I J0,"o lO.Oo J? 00 (14 00 13.00 IS W I 20.00 BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA Important to Every Voter. The issues of the present campaign are about these, which every candid and consci entious reader and voter ought to seriously consider before the October elections : 1st. TheKegro. The Disunion party fa vor negro suffrage. Every man is in favor of srivins the nero civil protection. But it is not necessary to give him the privilege of the elective franchise in order to do this. "Aliens are protected, women are defended, children are guarded by the civil law, with out having the privilege of voting. The Disunion party go in for negro suffrage. Is it necessary? Is it reasonable f Is it pos sible? Is it advisable ? 2d. Class Lrffifhitton. The Disunionisfc? favor class , les'tJation. . No law should 'be passed that will discriminate in favor of the negro or prefer him bofore the white man, yet the last Disunion Congress did little else during the last session but pass laws favor ing the negro. . The civil rights bill exoner ates him from the penalty of State laws and gives him great advantages over the white man iriCourt, granting him the privilege of being tried in .the Courts of the United States foe offences against the State, whUe the white cuizen is amenable to the penal ties of Statelaws. . Is this just?. : , ' 3d. Rrpeaditures. The Freedmen's Bu reau Bill, another Disunion measure, makes large appropriations, amounting to some twenty millions of dollars, to feed lazy and idle fi-eedmen, who are as able to work as the tax-payers of the Noith. Is this right? Is it advisable? - Congress voted two thou-, sand dollars to each of its mcmbeis in the shape of extra pay. Was this neccessary ? Was it advisable to increase the present bur dens of the nation to the tune of seven hun dred thousand dollars ? These are all Dis union measures, 4th. State Rights. The Disunion raity favor a consolidated government We think Pennsylvania State should have the control of her own election laws, fcc. We always have maintained that right. If she has that right, so should every other Suite have a similar right. The Disunion party are op posed to Stale Rights. The Democratic party are in favor of Slate Rights and in favor of a Union of States only for general purposes and general defence. 5th. Soldiers' Boun'.ies. Congress gave only one-fourth of the soldiers any bounty at all, and to those they only gave about one bundled to two hundred dollars a piece, without making any appropriation for its payment, while the negro soldier is paid three hundred dollars in money already ap propriated. Is this just ? Is it patriotic ? 6th. Representation. Is it right to tax the South and refuse them representation? Is it just for one portion of the Union to make laws taxing another portion who have no representatives in Congress ? The Dis union party say yes ! The Democratic Par,y say no ! The signers of the Declaration of Independence said no! 1th. Exempting Bonds From Tax. The poorest man in the North has to pay his share of the general National debt, while the rich man can put his money into U. S. Bonds and escape taxation. This is the pol icy of the Disunion party. Is it just? Is it honest to do so ? Slh. Amending the Constitution. Is it necessary to disturb that ancient and honor able document that emanated from the brains of the founders of our Republic? The Disunion parly say that amendments avc necessary. The Democrats say not. Is it nccessaiy to say in it thai "no Stale shall pass any law abridging the privileges or the immunities of any cii.izen," when it is known that the laws of every State protect even aliens ? Is it desirable to change the basis of representation thafe has stood unchanged for nearly a century? We say no. Is it necessary to say in the Constitution that the Rebel debt frhall not be paid, when the Rebel bonds themselves say so? These bonds pro vide for payment only on the condition that the United States acknowledge the Indepen dence of the Rebel States. Is it it necessary then to change the fundamental law of the land for this? The Disunionists say it is. We say no. 9th. Forgiceness. Is it a part of the creed of a Christian people to forgive, or is it a part of their creed not to forgive? Arc we not all Rebels against not a human but a Divine Government? If we will not forgive rebels against human law, can we expect forgiveness, who are rebels against Divine law? Is eternal enmity desirable ? 10th. lopcrity. Is it not the true policy of thus Government and the heartfelt wish of every patriot to see th 3 whole countiy prosper the cotton interests as well as the coal interests the sugar interests as well as the corn interests ? Are we not all concerned in cheap cotton and sugar ? Every additional pound of cotton, tobacco, rice or sugar that U raised in the South makes such articles so much cheaner in the North. Do ' we not then stand in our own light when we oppose Southern prosperity? Are not our own merchants, mechanics and manufacturers op posing their own interests by opposing the South? . llth. Peace. Does not a condition of peace and good-feeling prosper the country and relieve the Northern citizen, by enabling the South to increase her wealth and her real estate valuation, and her business, which will throw upon her greater taxation, every dollar of which will just relieve the North ern tax-payer so much ? . Is not peace there fore desirable ? ; ' .' 12th. Tariff. Is a change in the tariff necessary, and if necessary, is it worth while to elect Disunion men to .Congress for this purpose, when it 13 well known that the last DisuEioa Congress-" absolutely ".refused to change the tariff laws, though every Con gressman from Pennsylvania, except one Republican, voted for a higher tariff on iron? We say, is there any force in the argument that Disunion tariff men should be elected, when it is known that, when elected, they will not vote for increased duties on iron? Voters, consider these matters seriously and vote conscientiously. The true patriot goes in for the best interest of the whole country. Consider well these questions bo fore voting. . ' If you think the negro should vote, say so and vote so. If you think that the white man should work hard to feed the negro, vote so. If you think there should be class legislation, vote so. If you think a negro soldier ought to get more Government boun ty than a white soldier, vote so. If you think there should be taxation without rep resentation, say so, vote so. If you think bonds should not be taxed, vote so. If you think our good old Constitution should be tinkered up, voie so. If you don t forgive and don't expect forciveucss, vote so. If you are opposed to ; the prosperity of the whole countiy, vote so. If you are opposed to Union and peace, vote so. But if not, vote the Democratic ticket - - Radical Tactics. From the Hartford Courant (Rep,). There is to be a convention at Cleveland, Ohio, next month, of soldiers and sailors who sustain the platform of the late Phila delphia Convention. We regret to see in some of our Republican exchanges an nn- qualified. condemnation of the men who have feigned the call, and the application of such terms as cowards and poltroons to th'cm and all who shall atlend the convention. While it is eminently proper to condemn such meas ures as mav seem to us hostile to the best in terests of the country, i he Union Republi can party will gain nothing, but lose much, by resorting to personal defamation. Among the signatures to the call for the Cleveland Convention arc many names which have ad cd lustre to the annals of the late war for the Union names of brave men, who fought gal'antly, and, in many cases, poured out their blood for the good cause. Shall such men be termed cowards and poltroons be cause they do not, forsooth, happen to think and act precisely as we do ? Has it come to this, that all men must think jjike, and act a'ike ; that conscience and judgment shall rest alone with one party, whose pverogative it shall be to sit down in the temple of his own conceit, and thank God "we are not as other men, extortioners, adulters, etc ?" We had better be publicans than such Republi cans. The Union pai ty cannot afford to become a party of BrowDlowsand Stevcnscs. . Its self respect, to say nothing of its bright record in the past, demands something higher and better. We have never lost anyt'uing yet by appealing to the reason of men. What ne cessity, then, is there now for appealing to low passions ? The tangible proof the party gave of its ability to save the Union is evi dence that it can maintam the Union, if good couHsels will be listened to. But if men are to be abused for opinion's sake ; if the stand ard of admission to the party is to be placed above reason and common sense, on the very pinnacle of fanaticism and proscription, the opportunity will be lost, and the party will die in the house of those who call themselves its best friends. While we have no sympathy whatever with the so-called Philadelphia movement, the political trickery of which is covering up, for the time being, the pro-rebel and the pro-Democratic element of strength which it mainly rtiie3 upon for success is so transpa rent that it will glimmer through a blind man's eye ;" -et we would not dispute the right of sol diers and sailors to assemble in Cleveland to endorse the movement, nor stoop to that low partisanshipwhichwouIdcallthc.se men, who have furnished the best evidence of their loyalty and bravery, cowards and pol troons. Our Union Republicanism is not of that kind. A Lousisiaxa Loyalist. The individ ual who represented Louisiana in the late Disunion Convention of Southern loyalists was no other than B. Rush Plumley a man who, in 1850 was driven out of this town for attemp.'ing to bride voters. This Tlnmley is a man of no character whatever, and could not get a vote in the city of New Orleans for the position of Constable. He has been liv" ing, like Beast Butler, on what was stolen from the Defenceless woman and children of New Orleans ever since its capture by orr Navy and was lately a high priest in the Freedmen's Bureau Department, but was kicked out of that for alleged cotton frauds. We think Mr. Plumley was a veiy patriotic man during the war, but we never heard of his risking his carcass where there was any danger. Sunday Mercury. A witty young rascal, passing the town of , in Alabama, not long since, wanted some whiskey, and knowing it could only be obtained by a physician, wrote himself an order, signing it with his own name, to which a learned M. D. was attached. He presented it at the drug store of a gen tleman who, though unrecognized by him, proved to be an old acquaintance. "Hello, Frank," said he, "when did you get to be a doctor?" " I'm not a doctor." . ,sWhy, what's that M. D. to your name for, then?" . Frank saw he was caught ; but determined to make the best of it, put on a very inno cent look and meekly answered ; ' " Oh ! that'afor Mighty Dry?' . i Of course he got the whiskey. CO. PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 26,1866. wSEniEsj VOL. L NO 31. General Stoneman's Speech at Memphis. Friends and Fdloic- Countrymen .You have called before you not a partizan or poli tician, but a simple citizen of the government of the United States, knowing no North?no South, no East, no West The war in which the people of this greatest of all great coun tries has been engaged daring the past event ful years is ended, the issues upon which the war was based are settled. H there is any thing to be forgiven, let it be forgiven ; if there is anything to be forgot, let it be for gotten. Let us recollect that we have but one country and one flag. The object for which we are all assembled here to-night is, as I understand it, reconstruction nd re union. You may force a separated man and wife to live in the same house, lodge in the same room, but they will never be re-united as man and wife, until they have first become reconciled. I said the war was ended. As we were enemies in war, let us be again friends, and in this sentiment I know that none will join nie more heartily than the gal lant and distinguished president of this as semblage. The bravery that was displayed daring the past by each one engaged in the war, let it be the common property of all. We soldiers that done the fighting are rec onciled and want peace and harmony, and we call upon you editors of the laud to aid us with your pens and tongues. Preachers of the Gospel whose solemn obligation is to preach peace and good will, we ask your prayers and invocations, and from you, poli ticians, we demand that you shall cease your wrangling and allow the good work to go on until our object i3 attained. And your fair maidens and noble matrons, who, during the fijht'ng, cheered us with your smiles and fiighteucd us with your frowns, lend us the potency of your power in the accomplish ment of a woik so laudable and so noble. As I am not a candidate for your suffrages, nor never expect to le, nor never cast a vote for President in my life, you will not expect me to define my posiaou ; bat this much I will say : I have been a member of a club for near a quarter of a century, and which was orgairzed three-quarters of a century ago. By the Constitution of that club its Presi dent is elected every four years. Its first President was George Washington ; its pres ent President is Andrew Johnson, whom the people call "Our Andy."" A Good Deal Mixed. The Cincinnati Enquirer (Radical Demo crat) having been burned out of its former establishment, that paper is being printed at the office of the Tinv-s (Radical Republican. ) The Commercial, of that city, pleasantly comments upon the incidental perplexities of the situation, as follows: The editorial corps of both papers occupy the same room. We can imagine the em barrassment that must occasionally result from such mingling of political antipodes Abolition editor on one side of the table, and Democratic editor on the other, peppering away at each other with the deadly lead (pencil) and thrusting vicious stabs at each other with flashing steel (pens,) to say noth ing of the clash of resounding sc issors, which play no unimportant part in the engagement. Just think! nothing but a narrow table be tween such fiery belligerents. One side try ing to haul ten states into the Union by the collars of their gray jackets, and the other side endeavoring to keep them out by tug ging at their abbreviated coat-tails. Between them the States have a tough time of it Enquirer editor is horrified to find him self writing an article in favor of the Civil Rights Bill, and discovers that he has got on the wronsr side of the tible. Times edi tor making a similar mistake, catches him self eulogizing Andy Johnson. The "clippings" get mixed upon their way to the compositors, and if it were not for great ciicumspection on the part of the respective foremen, each paper would copy and endorse the most pernicious doctrines. Suppose the pressmen should print the En quirer on one side and the Times on the other, the mistake not being discovered until several packages had been sent with the early malls. Who can picture the conster nation which would seize the respective pro prietors? BoU-ng with rage, they rush to the press room together and discharge the unfortunate pressmen with one voice. The indignation of the Enquirer folks is only equalled by the shame of the Times people. Both assert with equal bitterness, that they were never so humiliated before. It must be very confusing to visitors, this singular fellowship. : A Copperhead from Holmes County rushes in giasps Times editor wanuly by the hand, under the impression that he is the editor of the Enquirer, assur ing him that "Holmes County can't be drafted." He don't know the war is over. Malignant Radical mistakes Enqui. er editor for Times editor, and thinking to curry favor with him, chuckles over the destruction of the Enquirer establishment He is summa rily kicked down the stairs by the combined editors of the two papers. What a scene election night must present as the returns come in, each side of the table trying to figure out a victory, and each side of course, claiming it A frantic strudi between the Times man and the Enquirer man, as each tries to thrust his flag out of the same window compromise! at last Ly hanging them from different stories, which is ouite appropriate, from the fact that they tell different stories of the election. A brass band played in front of the office.- The serenade is claimed alike by the Times editor and the Lnmurcr editor. Ihey ap pear at different windows and return their fuses the band to such an extent that they march off in several directions, each man playing a different tune. It is a terrible mix, take it altogether. Constitutional Amendment. Joint Resolution proposing an Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, that the follow ing article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Leg islatures, shall be valid as part of the Con stitution, namely : 'Article . Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, or sub ject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States and of the State where in they reside. No State shall make or en force any laws which shall abridge or im prove the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States, nor shall any State de prive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal pro tection of the laws. Sec. 2. Representatives shall be appor tioned among the several Slates according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each Stite, excluding Indians not taxed. But whenever the right to vote at any election for Electors of Presi dent or Vice President, or for United States Representatives in Congress, Executive or Judicial officers, or the members of the Leg islature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, "being twenly-onc years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for articipation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein f-hall be re duced to the proportion which the number of such ma'c citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. Sec. 3. No person shall ho a Senator, or Representative in Congress, or Elector t President or Vice President, or hold any office, civic or military, under the Lnitcd States, or under any Sta le, who, having pre viously taken an oatlr as member of Congress or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive , or judicial officer of any State, to suppose the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insur rection or rebellion against the same, or giv en aid or comfort to the enemies thereof; but Congress may, by a two-thirds vote of each House, remove such disability. Sec. 4 The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, inclu ding debts incurcd for the payment of pen sions and bounties for sen ices in suppressing the insurrection, shall not be questioned, but neither the United States nor any Slate shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of iusuircciion or rebellion against the United Stales, or any claim for the loss, or emancipation cf any slave, but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. . Black-and-Tan at Philadelphia. Fkederick Douglass told the black guards we do not use the term in any of fensive sense, but simply mean those who have constituted them selves the special guar dians of the blacks at Philadelphia, that negroes had as good a right to vote as the English, Irish and Dutch ; and the argu ment was applauded as unanswerable. The thing was well put by Frederick, and may have been original with him, but is not new. It was, for a considerable period, a favorite way of putting the cae, by one certainly, if not more, of the Republican journals of this city ; and it it has not made its appearance of late, the fact is due partly perhaps to pru dential considerations an unwillingness, by invidious remarks, to alienate the foreign born voters among us and partly to a pro gress in sentiment to the point which would admit that the negroes have as good a light to vote as anybody. The intellectual state of the assemblage of persons who applauded this saying of the col ored orator may be gussed at from the fact that they seemed to choose to be instructed by negroes aud women. One white delegate from the South volunteered a confession that the negroes had passed around the hat among themselves to raise the means to pay his expenses, which will afford a pretty good idea of the style of men of which the body was composed. Their knowledge of and re spect for the Constitution may be seen in the fact that when JonN M. Bona declared that a forty years' study of that instrument had led him to believe that it gave no power to Congress to enfranchise the negroes, he was answered by hisses. It is pretty evident that the longer the Convention sat the more ne groey it grew. Considerations of prudence gave way before the growing enthusiasm. When Mr. Randolph, a mulatto from New Orleans, rushed to the rostrum and demand ed tunes of impassioned eloquence suffrage for the negroes in consideration of their la bors and their sacrifices in the war, the ex citement burst all bounds ; Congo and Saxon rushed to mutual embraces. Docglass and Dickinson swapped hats ; and the chances seemed toie that the furor would hardly be gotten rid of without a resort to those cere monies which used to be employed for a simi lar purpose by the Anti-baptists and Adam ites in Europe, the Vandaux in Africa, and the Millerites if all that is said about them is true in the United States. lhe Dandy is a clothes-wearing man, a man whose trade, offiee and existence con sists in the wearing of clothes. Every fac ulty of his soul, spirit, purse and person is heroically consecrated to this one object the wearing of clothes wisely and well, so that as others dress to live helives to dress. The State Nominations. It is creditable to the patriotism and good feeling of the delegates, that, with so many fit namescompcting for the Governorship, the 1 Convention wa-i able to make a nomination by acclamation. It was from no lack of other strong names that Mayor Hoffman was se lected, as if by a common impulse, without the formality of a ballot. It was judged nee" cssary for the party to present a compact and united front ; and as, among the excellent competing names, his was borne to Albany on the strongest tide of popular favor, it was magnanimously agreed by the friends of the other candidates to withdraw them withouta contest, and unite as one man in placing Mayor Hoffman at the head of the ticket. We have for several weeks expected this result, although we were at one time inclined to doubt whether the delegates from the rural districts might not think some other candidate better fitted to weaken the Repub lican party, by drawing off conservative votes. Had the Radicals nominated a moderate, able man, such a course might have been expedi ent ; but even then it would have been un wise, unless the whole Democratic party would have cord:ally consented. But as ainst a narrow, bitter Radical, likcFENTON, there was no reason in the world why a regu lar Democrat should not be taken. FiAton has no hold on conservatives of any descrip tion ; he has no qualities to attach voters on any other ground man party sympainy. Under these circumstances, the Conservative Republicans could have no reason for asking any greater prominence on the ticket than cor responded to theirrelalive numerical strength The leading nomination, therefore, clearly belonged to the Democrats, and from among the good names at the disposal of the Con vention, it has undoubtedly taken the best Ifeto York World. A Capital Detective. liNo dogs ad mitted sir," said the porter to a gay assem blage, as a young man and his dog appeared at the entrance. You must leave him be hind if you go in. "Very well." said the young man, "you must be about here, Prince, till I comeback, and he joined the crowd within. By-and-by the young man wished to refer to his watch, when, behold ! the chain had Wen snapped into.and the valuable time-piece was gone. He considered the case a moment, and then a sudden thought flashed through his mind. So, stepping out whispered the fact to the porter, and gained permission to take the dog in a minute or two. '"Look here, rrince,you knowing dog, my watch is stolen." and he showed him the empty pocket, and the cut chain. "Do you understand, old fellow ? In there, sir, is the thief. You find it, my good doggie, and I'll get you a famous treat. You understand do you?" Prince wagged his head and tall, and gave his master a wonderful knowing look and then the two stole quietly into the palace. Quiet1' this dumb detective glided around among the people, smelling awy at this one's coat and that one's chain, untU at last he set his teeth firmly into the skirt of a gen teel looking man, and could not be shaken off. The young man quietly made known the case to the bystanders, who gathered around him, and had the thief s pocket duly searched. Six other watches were found upon him, which he had gathered up in the course of the morning, and which their right ful owners were very glad to get their hands 1 , 11" x on. l mice seieciea ins masters property in a twinkling as that was all he cared for, and gave it to him joyfully. It would have ta ken a very keen policeman to do the work so neatly and all agreed that he merited as good dinner as- a dog could have. A good beef bone and a bowl of milk, however abundant ly satisfied all his wants, and then he was just as ready to do the same favor again. The Difference Between Radical Congressman and the Boys in Blue. "He that providethnot for his own house hold is worse than an infidel. So thought the Radical Congress when it voted its mem bers $4000 extra pay, and appriated the money to pay it. It took good care to do the latter part It found time enough for that They voted the, "boys in blue" some S50, and some $ 103 extra bounty pay, but hadn't time, or was too careless, to make the neces sary appropriation to pay it. The consequence ia, that the Congressmen got their extra pay, while the "boys in blue" don't get theirs, but will have to wait until Congress again meets and makes the neces sary appropriation. As the old cat with her mouth over the cream pan said to the kittens: "Wait, honeys, your turn will come by ,and by, ' ' so say the Radicals to the ' 'boys in blue. ' ' Look on This Picture, Then on That. This Radical Congress voted the black sol dier $300forextra bounty, and appropriated the money to pay it It also voted the white soldierSOO in some cases, in others $100 cxtrabounty, but made noppropriation to pay it The black soldiers are drawing their $300 extra bounty. The white soldiers must wait until Congress can be induced to make an ap propriation for them. When the black was concerned, the Radi cal Congress made no mistake. It was only when the white needed its services that it was careless, indifferent, orhadn t time. SST It is related of an elderly dandy, who was more noted for running into de.bt than for paying his tradesmen, that he always made an exception in favor of his wig-maker, that he might be enabled to say that he wore " his own hair." , , , EST A man advertises for "competent persons to undertake the sale of a new med icine," and adds that it will be profitable for ihQ undertaker. The Mulatto Convention. It is useless to apply any other name to the degraded and besotted conglomeration that met in Philadelphia, last week. The word " Unionist" if insisted upon by the party that upholds and fraternizes with the motley assemblage of whites and blacks in the National Hall and League House, Phila delphia, must, hereafter, designate the true character of the party, and be applied in a literal sense, to mean a social and political amalgamation of whites and blacks. We say4 hereafter the name Unionist, when ap plied to them must mean what they advocate a union of the races a mongrelism a piebald and mulatto constituency disgust ing, brutalizing and diseased. The Conven- tion was a gathering of blacks and whites, and they carried on with a high hand. They threw off all restraint, went in for negro suf frage and negro equality ; and practically, they endorsed the latter. In the procession which marched through the . streets was Browiilow, John W Geary, Disunion candi date for Governor, and Fred. Douglass, head ing a negro delegation. Douglass and the negroes were cheered heartily as they passed along, by the Gearyitcs who lined the street The negro acknowledged the compliment by uncovering his head and bowing to the Geary admirers. At the Union League House, on Broad street, the following scene occurred. We quote from the Evening Tdegraph, a radical journal. . It says : " Three loud cheers were given for Gov ernor Curtin, the Soldiers' lricndt and his Excellency from the portico bowed his thanks. Fred. Douglass, arm in arm with Theodore Tilton, of " The New York Independent," came up the steps." At the Union League, Senator " blood letting Chandler," of Michigan, addressed the Radical crowd, and spoke bitterly of President Johnson, stigmatizing both him and Secretary Seward in the most outrageous terms, spoke of the former as an obstacle in the path of, radicalism, and significantly stated: " The obstacle tJiat is now in Via way of the people tcill be removed in a very short time. ' ' This looks as if he anticipated another Booth to make way with the Presi dent And further he said : " Who is An drew Johnson, and what is Andrew John son's policy ? (A voice, "heisa renegade.") Andrew Johnson has no more right to policy than my horse has." He also threatened the President with im peachment Chandler continued at length in a scurrilous and blasphemous speech of which the above is a fair sample. Governor! Yates threatened war and thought Montgom ery Blair ought to be hung. Before Yates had got through, loud calls were made for the negro, Fred. Douglass. When the dar key appeared the report states the " audi ence rose and greeted him with enthusiastic manifestations." Fred asked the question, what was to be done with the four or five millions of blacks in the United States. He answered by saying: "It was the thorough, the complete incor poration of the whole black element into the American body politic. (Cries of " Good. Bravo, " &.c. ) Anythi ng less than that would prove an utter failure. The neoroes should have the right to all the boxes the jury-box, the witness-box, the ballot-box." As Douglass left the stand, the delegates gathered 'round and shook hands with him xn the most cordial and admiring manner. Jealous Brownlow has gone to New York and has delighted the Radicals of that city so much with his scurrilous abuse of the oppo nents of the Jacobine conspirators tnat G reely has become jealous of his reputation, and he tries to outdo the Tennessee scullion, in efforts to revile the President It is not likely that Greely will succeed, for Brownlow has accumulated a larger amount of slang phrases than any other blackguard in the countiy. Even forney tacitly acknowledges that he is no match for the old scoundrel, who, when in the power of the rebels at the commencement of the war, was spared by them in order that he might inflict himself upon the northern people. A Case of Spontaneous Combustion The Loyal League House, in Philadelphia, in sympathy with the " Loyal Convention" in session there, went off in a blaze, and con sumed itself by fire, just as the crazy fools of the Convention want to consume their coun try. The fire caught in the laundry, where the dirty linen of the Convention was stored. It was a case of spontaneous combustion. The linen had taken the distemper from the backs of those who had been wearing it, and when thrown in a pile, it got hotter than a compost heap and took fire. Should the Insurance Company be called upon to make good the loss in such a case ? CtaT" Whenever you see a gal with a whol9 lot of sweethearts, it's an even chance if she gets married to any of 'em. One cools off and another cools off, and before she can bring any on 'em to the right weldin' heat, the coal is gone and the fire is out Then she may blow up a dust, but the deuce of a flame can she blow up again to save her soul alive. I never see a clever looking gal in danger of that but what I long to whisper in her "ear, " You dear little critter, you, take care, you have too many irons in the fire, some on 'em will get stone cold, and t'other ones will get stone cold, and t'other ones will get burnt, so they'll be no good in nature. Sam Slick. ' Laboring Men 1 devote ono day now to the defeat of the Disunionists who would deprive you of the privilege of voting, and support no man for Assembly "who will not pledge himself to the repeal of tho odious election laws of the last session of the Legislature.