BE
i nn
JiViL
i
two Cellars per Annua In Adrtoce.
' JACC2T & HOlLCR roWIs&eri.
TRUTH AND RIGHT GOD AND OUR COUNTRY.
BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA. CO., PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 8,1866. VOL. L NO. 24.
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- C7 Or FILE -la Khiva' Block, Corner of Main
4 lr Stri-eU.
tj... -Addre. J ACORT & IKEL.EU.
" . Bloomtbarc. Columbia County, F.
I -. -
, For the Democrat and Star.
'"Campaign Bong. No. 4.
i- ! .,. ,. r: .BTRavex. -
,t - . r
. ... - AlVi-Bruces Address. !
-Come "listen tome while I sing
How 'Abe Lincoln would be king
' And 'from the record 1 will bring, ;
V Ju'sVhow the thing was done. ,;
- And finJt'he gathered to his side
- A host of lordings in their pride,
"The ship of state to help him guide, .
And to support his throne'
"With them a coxrncil he must hold,
1 Ilia aim and object to unfold. " ; . '
T And then and there to them he told,
The part each one mnst play,
1 For now' the time has coiiie at last
1 For us to make our power, fast,
The power we have begin, to taste
' We will not throw away. . .
A bloody war: wo will begin, .
tTo live in peace would be a sin, .
Amid the clatter and the din, t :
""We'll found our dinasty. -
We soon can subjugatethe Soufeh?
For thonaands will eome pouring torth,
We'll then with bayonets rule the North,
. Who carea for liberty ?
, ; -i " '
,With greenbacks we will fill the land,
And give then with a liberal hand,
And then proclaim them free.
Thus some with money we will buy,
And others gain with honors high.
While some we'll punish 'till the die,
This is our policy.
Yon see that row of little bells,
TCach one to some ofSci&l tell
Some copperhead with treason swell,
Go bring him forth to me,
I'll teach him how to speak his mind,.
' His story in silence I will bind ;
r Or for him I'll a prison find, ,
Until he bows the knee.
-What care we for widow's woes i . , ,
What cart we far a nation throes ? - -
Or care we that the Union goes, -
." To picce3 inqutHght;4 , .
, Let constitutions stand aulc,
Opposing laws we'H overridej
','Ana moving with majestic strido .
t- Our word is law and sight; .
Alas ! alas, for human skill, . ; .
Man may propose, and man may will,
A Providence rules o'er us still,
Though oft m mystery.
Thus Abe Lincoln in his pride,
Just when the good he had descried,
.'By wicked hand he bled and died,
.And lost his his dynasty.
-From this a lesson we may learn,
TAnd from our hearts should never pura,
But deeply let it blaze and burni
- - That this is freedom's bad, ; " ' 1
That they who rule must rule by right,
Not by a tyrants cruel might, .
Or eLe they must expect to fight;
A noble patriot ban. . . , . . .
For we will never have king,' ' -But.
to the constitution cling, -t
And God is with us in this thing
The God of liberty
Let tyrants trcmbh; at the fate,"
Of all whd crush a noble State,
For time or die at any rate, "
" The people wUl be free.
tl- - ! -- - -
- "Erarrr More as Twtlvk.'.! Dutclt
faiaa ra Pennhrania leased his. lands io an
oi2 company in Pennsylvania asi ispring, on
condition of receiving oe-e:ghth of the oil
procured." The weU proTed to be a pretty
jrood one, and tha Iutch fanner begap to
think that the oil men should give him a
ybettet chance,' an J rentured to tell tliem so.
They asJced him what he wanted, lie
aaid tey ought to give him orteHwclfth.
TnS agreement was fiBajlv hde-, with the
uaderstandiKg that the Datchmld was not
to tell any one. - t ; . .
All went smooth until the next division
day came when our friend was early on hand
id se no much, better he would be off un
'derthencw bargain. Eleven barrels were
Veiled to one side for the oil men, and one
for him. This did not suit him. -
"IIow's dish?" says he, "I tint I was to
get more as before ; hy jinks you mate a
mistake.'
The matter wai explained to tim, that he
formerly got one barrel out of every eight,
but it was his own proposition to only take
one out of every twelve. , . . . ,
This revelation took' him back. He
.scratched his head and looked across,and re-
- Hered hi-3 feeling of self reproach by indig
nantly remarking : , . ' .
" Velh dat ish great, dish ish de first time
as ever I knowed eight Tash more as twelve."
m m ' -
A Radical Epitaph on Jim Lane.
A radical sheet that could notforgive Jim
Lane for supporting the President s resto
ration' policy, closes a notice of tun 'with
the following couplet: ;
After I ife' fltfl ferer.
lm . I. rw in hell.
hfoi- radical rjanera say that he died of
Andy Johnson on the brain or rather from
having voted right once or twice in the ben
ate It is probably nearer the truth to say
that lie died of aa awakening of conscience
lonj calloused b7 crime.:
r
L2 TliSSiI
: IUvcr U a
tii!o
ia
A GREAT LETTER.
POLITICAL
PARSONS
RACK.
CV THE
Judge Black's Reply to the Rev.
Doctor Nevin.
Polit'tct tn. the Pulpit Handled TT77ort
- Gloves.
To the Rexerned Alfred JTecin, D D ,
Mr Dear Sir : Your letter addressed to
me through the Philadelphia Ecming ISuh
letin disappoints me ; because I did not ex
pect it to come in that way, and because it
does not cover the Subject in issue between
us. But if I am silent your friends will sa',
with some show of reason, that j'ou have vin
dicated "Political iVpacAirtflr" so triumph
antly that all opposition is confounded. I
must, therefore, sneak freely in reDlv. In
doing so, I mean to sar nothing inconsistent
with my gnjat respect for your high charac
ter in .the church and in the world. 1 he ad
mirable style and temper of your own com
munication deserve to be imitated.
I tully. concede the right you claim tor cler
gymen to select their own themes and handle
them s they please. You say truly that
neither lawyers not physicians nor any other
order of men have tfie.lest authority to con
trol you in these particulars. But you will
not deny that this is a privilege which may
be abused ; you expressedly admit that some
clergymen have abused itr "and by doing so
did more titan any other class of men to ctm
mence and continue the late rebellion."
While, therefore, we can assert no power to
dictate your conduct, much less to force you.
we are surely not wrong when we entreat you
to impose upon yourselves those restrictions
which raason and revelation have shown to
be necessary for the good of the church and
the safety of civil society. ,
1 acknowledge that your commission is a
very broad one. You must "declare the
whole counsel of God," to the end that sin
ners may be convincea and converts built up
in their most holy faith. Truth, justice,
temperance, humility, mercy, peace, broth
erly kindness, charity the whole circle of
the Christian virtues must he assiduously
taught to your hearers ; and if any of thera
be inclined to the opposite vices, you are to
denounce them without fear, by private ad
monition, by open rebuke, or by a general
delivery of the law which condemns them.
rou are not bound to pause in the perfor
mance of this duty because it may offend a
Sowerful ruler or a strong political party.
lor should you shrink from it when bad men,
for their own purposes, approve what you
do. Elevate the moral character, enlighten
the darkness, and purify the hearts of those
who are under your spiritual charge, at all
hazards ; lor this is the work which your
treat Task -master has given you to do, and
e will admit no excuse for neglecting it
But this is precisely what the political
preacher is not in the habit of doing. lie di
rects the attention of his hearers away from
their own sins to the sin, real or imputed, ot
other people. By teaching his congregation
that they are better than other men. he fills
their hearts with sclr-conceit, bigotry, spirit
ual pride, envy, hatred, malice and all un-
chantableness. Instead of the exhortation,
which they need, to take the beam out of
their own eye, he incites thcta to pluck the
mote from their brother's. He does not tell
them what they shall do to be saved, but he
instructs them very carefully how they shall
act for the destruction of others. He rouses
and encourages to the utmost of his ability,
those brutal passions which result in riot
bloodshed, spoliation, civil war, and general
corruption of -moral.
You commit a grievous error in supposing
that politics and religion are so mingled to
gether that you cannot preach one without
introducing the other Christ and his apostles
kept them perfectly separate. They an
pounced the great facts of the Gospel to each
individual whom they addressed. When
these were accepted the believer was told to
repent and be baptized for the remission of
his sins, and afterwards to regulate his own
life by the rules of a pure and perfect mor
ality. They expressed no preference for one
form of government over another, they pro
voked no political revolutions, and they pro
posed no legal reforms. If they had done
so, they would havte flatly contradicted the i
declaration that Christ's Kingdom was not
of this world, and Christianity itself nould
have died out m half a century. i,ut tjjey
accepted the relations which were created by
human law and exhorted tiieir uisciples to
discharge faithfally the duf Us which aro.se
out of them. Thongh liie laws which de
fined the authority of husbands, parents,
masters and magietrates were as bad as hu
man perversity could make them, yet the
early Christians contented themselves with
tcach'jg moderation in the exercise of legal
Tower, and uniformly inculcated the virtues
of obedience and fidelity upon wives, chil
dren, slaves and subjects. Thev joined in no
clamors for or against any administration,
but simply testified against sin before the
only tribunal which Christ ever erected on
earth ; that is to say, .the conscience of the
sinner himself. The vice of political preach
ing wo3 wholly unknown to the primitive
church.
It b triii that Paul counselled obedience
to the government of Nero ; and I am aware
that modern clergymen interpret his words
as a justification of the doctrine that support
of an existingadministrationis "Part t their
allegiance to God." Several Synods and
other ecclesiastical bodies have solemnly re
solved something to that effect But they for
get that what Paul advised was simple sub
mission, not active assistance, to endorse his
atrocities merely because he was "the admin
istration duly placed in power." They did
not go with him to the theater, applaud his
acting, or praise him in the churches when
he kidnapped their brethern, set fire to
city, or desolated a province. Nor did they
assist at his apotheosis after hi? death, or
pronounce funeral sermons to Bhow that he
was greater than Scipio, more virtuous than
; Cato, and more eloquent than Cicero. Polit
ical preachers would have done this, but
Paul and Peter did no such thing,
There is nothing in the Scriptures to jus
tify the church in applying its discipline to
any member for ofienses purely political,
much less for his mere opinions or feelings
on public affairs. The clergy are without
authority, as they are often without fitness,
to decide for their congregations what is right
or what is wrong in the legislation of the
country. They are not calledor sent to pro
pagate any kind of political doctrine. The
Church and the State are entirely separate
and distinct in their origin, their object, and
the sphere of their action ; insomuch that
the organism of one can never be used for
any purpose of the other without injury to
both.
Do I therefore Eay that the Christian re
standiiiff the unfaithfulness of many profes
sors, it has already changed the face of hu-
nian society ; and it will yet accomplish its
mission by epreainq peace, independence
truth, justice, and literty regulated by law,
"from the eea, to the uttermost ends of the
earth." But this will be aecom Dli.-hed only
hy reforming and elev.iting the individuals of
whom society is composed ; not by exaspe-
ratm-' communities aeauiit each other ; not
by any alliance with the governments of the
world ; not by Any vvJcar partnership with
politicians to kill and plunder their enemies.
Every time you reform a bad man and
bring his character up to the standard of
Christian morality, yau make an addition.
greater or lessj to that righteousness which
exalteth a nation, and subtract an equal sum
from the sin which is a reproach to any peo
ple, bometimes a single conversion is ex
tremely important in its immediate effect
unon the public interest of a whole nation
No doubt the truth by Dionysius the Arco
pacitc had much to.do in moulding the sub
sequent laws and customs ot Athens. 1 he
conversion ot Uonsta:atine was tollowed Dy
the instant abrogation of all laws which fet
tered the conscience. In the reign of The-
odosius the people of Thessalonica rose
against the Roman garrison and killed its
commander. For this act of relllion the
Emperor decreed against them the curse of
and the innocent were confounded together
in one general slaughter. His spiritual
guide, pliilosopher. and friend "at the time
was Ambrose, Arcnlushop ot Lilian, wno
boldly denounced hiscruelry, refused to give
him the sacrament, or even to administer it
in his presence, compelled him to take his
seat among the penitents on the portico of
the church and induced him to humble his
diadem in the dust for eight months in suc
cession.. The conscience or the Emperor was
thoroughly awakened : his subsequent reign
Was distinguished by J ustice and mercy, the
integrity -of the empire was preserved in
peace, and the 'great. Theodosian code, the
product of that bitter repentance, isstillrcad
and quoted . for .its admirable union of hu
manity and policy. Ambrose produced these
consequences by aetin,r in the true capacity
of a Christian minister ; for he reformed the
criminal by a direct appeal to his own heart.
A political preacher in the same circum
stances would have in flamed the sanguinary
passions of the monarch by exaggerating the
treason of the Thessaloniansand counselling
the military execution of all who presumed
to sympathise in their sufferings.
ou will see. I think, the distinction I
would make. A gospel preacher addresses
the conscience of his hearers for the honest
purpose of converting them from the error
of their ways; a political preacher speaks to
one community, one party or one sect, and
his theme is the wickedness of another. The
latter effects no religious purpose whatever:
but the chances are n?nct3'-nine in a hundred
that he excites the bad passions of those who
arc present, while he slanders the absent and
undefended. Both classes of preachers fre
quently speak upon the same or similar sub
jects, but they do so with different objects
and aim3. t .
I wiU mate my meaning more cleaf by
taking you own illustrations. You believe
in the first day of the week as a Sabbath,
and so believing, your duty undoubtedly is
to exhort all persons under your charge to
observe it strictly ; but you nave no right to
preach a crusade against the Jews and Seventh-day
Baptists, to get intolerant laws en
acted against them for keeping Saturday as
a day of rest If drunkenness be a sin
which easily besets your congregation, you
may warn them against, and inasmuch as
abstinence ra always easier than moderation,
you should advise them to taste not, touch
not, and handle not ; but your position gives
you no authority to provoke violent hostili
ties against tavern keepers, liquor dealers or
distulers. it any oi your hearers be igr.o- i
rant or coar.se enough to de-ire more wives
than one a piece, you i hould ccrta:.ii!y teach
them that polygamy is the word feature of
Asiatic niaanors, inconsistent with Christi
anity and dangerous to domestic happiness ;
but you cannot lawi'r.'iy urge them to carry
fire and sword into the Territory of the Mor
mons merely because 'some of the Mormons
are in this respect less holy than you. If the
holding of slaves or bond-servants be a prac
tice question among the members of your
chnrcn, I know of nothing which forbids you
to teach whatever you ixmscientiously believe
to be true on that subject Jbut in a com
munity where slavery is not only unknown
but im possible, why should any preacher
mike it the subject of his weekly vitupera
tion?' You do not improve the religion of
the slaveholder by traJucing his character,
nor mend the spiritual condition of your
own people by making them thirst for the
Hood of their fellow-men ?
If any person, to whom the service of an
other is due by the laws of the State in which
he lives, shall need your instructions to reg
ulate his personal conduct towards the .lave,
you ar bound in the first place td tell him,
that as long as that relaxation exists he
should behave with the utmost humanity and
kindness: for this you have the clear war
rant of the Apostolic example and precept
In dealing with such a person you may go as
much further as your own conscientious in
terpretation of the Bible will carry you. If
you are sure that the divine law does1f under
all circumstances, make the mere existence
of such a relation sinful on the part of the
master you should induce him to dissolve it
by the immediate emancipation of his slaves;
for that b truth to you which you believe to
be true. But where is the authority for
preaching hatred of those who understand
the scripture differently? What privilege
can you show for exciting servile insurrec
tion ? Who gave you the right to say that
John Brown was better than any other thief
or murderer, merely because his crimes were
committed against pro-slavery men ?
I think the minister, in his pulpit dis
courses, ia forbidden to. touch at all upon
that class of subjects which are purely polit
ical ; such for instanee, as the banking law,
tariff, railroad charters, State rights, the
naturalization laws, and negro suffrage.
These are questions of mere political expe
diency ; religion takes no cognizance of them ;
they come within the Bole jurisdiction of the
statesman: and the church has no more
right to take sides upon them than the civil
government has to use its legislative, judicial
or executive power for the purpose of enforc
ing principles wholly religious.
In short, if I am not entireinistaken, a
Christian minister has no authority to preach
upon any subjects except those in which di
vine revelation has given him an infallible
rula of faith and practice ; and, even upon
them he must speak always for the edifica
tion of his own hearers, "rightly dividing
the word of truth, ' so as to lead them in
the wavof all riffhteousnessn. When he
(does more than this he goes beyond his com
mission, he becomes a scurvy politician, and
pose of propagating political doctrines under
any circumstances, or with any excuse, is in
piy judgment not only without authority, but
it is tne nigncst crime mat can oe commiueu
against the government or wod or man.
Perhaps I ousht not to make this broad as
sertion without civine some additional rea
sons for it .
In the first place it js grossly dishonest I
employ you as a minister, py your salary,
and build you a church because I. have con
fidence in your theological doctrines. But
you may be at the same time wholly unfit for
my political leader. Now, you are guilty of
a base traud upon me, n, instead or prcacn
ing religion, you take advantage of the posi
tion I have given you to ventilate your crude
and ignorant notions on State affairs. I have
asked for bread and you give me a stone ; in
stead of the fish" I bargained for, you put
into my hand a serpent that stings and poi
sons me.
It destroys the unity of the church. There
is no room for rational dispute about the
great truths of Christianity ; but men will
never agree upon political subject", for hu
man government is at best but a compromise
of seliih interests and conflicting passions.
Whenj'ou mix the two together yon break
the church into fiamcuts. and instead ";f
' One Lord, one iai h and one baptism,"
substitute the proverbial bitterness of the
odium theolocricviH for the "charity which
thinketh no evil"
No one will deny that a Union of Church
and'State ia always the cause of bad govern
ment, perverted religion and corrupt morals.
I do not mean merely that legal union which
exists in European countries. That is bad
enough ; but you have less common sense
than I give you credit for, if you do not see
that this adulterous connexion assumes its
most polluting form when the church is vol
untarily prostituted by her own ministers to
a political party in a popular government
The evil influence of such connexions upon
Church and State is easily accounted for.
Both of them in combination will do what
either would recoil from if standing alone.
A politician backed by the promise of the
clergy to sustain him can safely defy honesty
and trample upon law, for do what he may,
he is assured of clerical support here and
of heaven hereafter. The clergy, on the
other hand, and those who are under their
influence, easily acquire the habit of praising
indiscriminately whatever is done by their
public men. Acting and reacting on one
another, they go down together in the direc
tion of the pit that is bottomless; and 1-oth
are f und to have "a strange alacrity at sink
ing." Jso man can serve two masters faithfully ;
for he must hate one if he loves the other.
A minister who admires and follows such
men as those who have lately ruled and ruin-
od this country must necessarily despise the
character of Christ If he glorifies the cru
elty, rapacity and falsehood of his party
leaders, he is compelled by an inflexible law
of human nature to "deny the Lord who
bought him."
j. he experience of fifteen centuries proves
that political prcachecs are the exeat curse
bT the world More than half the bloody
wars which at different periods have desola
ted Christendom, were produced by their
direct instigation; and wherever they have
thrust themselves into a contest commenced
by others, they always envenomed the strife
and made it more cruel, savage and uncom-
Eromismg. lhc religious wars, so-called,
ad nothing religious about them except
that they were hissed up by the clergy.
Look back and see if this be not true.
The Anan controversy (the first trreat
schism) was followed by wars in which mil
lions of lives were lost. Do you suppose the
real quarrel was for the insertion or omission
of filinque in that part of the creed which de-
scr-.oes the procession of the Holy Ghost?
Iid a liomoousian slaughter hi brother
because he was a homaunisian'l No, it
was not the difference of a diphthong, but
the plunder of an empire that they fought
for. It was the politics of the church, not
her religion, that infuriated the parties and
converted men into demons.
The Thirty Years War in Germany is often
supposed to have been a fair stand up fight
between the two leading forms of Christian
ity. 1 1 was not so. 1 he religious difference
was a false pretense or the political preach
ers for the promotion of their own schemes.
There was not a sane man on all that conti
nent who would have ftdt himself impelled
by motives merely religious, to murder his
neighbor for believing or disbelieving in
trausubstantiation. It proof of this were
wanting, it might be found in the fact, that
long before the war ended, the sectarian
cries were abandoned, and Catholics, as well
as Protestants, were fighting on both sides.
It is utterly impossible to believe that the
clergy of England and Scotland, if they had
not been politicians, would have thought ot
waging bloody wars to settle questions of
election and reprobation, fate,forc-knowledge
free-will, and other points of metaphysical
theology. Nor voul i they, apar: fiomthoir
politics, have encouraged and commuted the
other horrid crimes of which they were guil
ty in the name of religion.
Can jou think that the Irish were inva
ded, conquered, oppressed, murdered and
robbed for centuries, merely because the En
glish loved and believed in the Protestant
religion ? I suppose you know that those
brutal atrocities were carried on for the pur
pose of giving to political preachers in En
gland possession of the churches, cathedrals,
flcbe lands and tythes which belonged to the
rish Catholics. The soldier was also reward
ed by confiscations and plunder. The church
and the State hunted in couples, and Ireland
was the prey which they ran down together.
Coming to our own country you find Mas
sachusetts and Connecticut in colonial times
under the sole domination of political preach
ers. Their treacherous wars upon the Indi
ans for purposes wholly mercenary ; their en
slaving of white persons, as well as red ones,
and selling them abroad, or "swapping them
for blackamoors;" their whipping, impris
oning and killing Quakers and Baptists, f$
their conscientious opinions; and their base
treatment of such men as Roger Williams
and hi friends will mark their government
through all time as one of the cruellest and
meanest that ever existed.
Political preachers have not behaved any
better since the Revolution than before.
About the commencement of the prescntccn
tury they were busy in their vile vocation all
over NewEngland and continued it for many
years. The wilful and deliberate slanders
habitually uttered from the pulpit against
Jefferson, Madison, and the friends who sup
ported them, were & disgrace to human na
ture. The immediate effect oS thisvras the
Yankee plot to secede from the Union, fol
lowed by corrupt combinations with a foreign
enemy to betray the liberties of the country.
Its remoter consequences are seen in the
shameless ranacitv and bitter malignity
which, even at this moment jjlgjigyjij'ox-
You and I both remember the political
preaching which ushered in and supported
the reign of the Know-Nothings', Blood-tubs,
and Plug-usrlies, when Maria Monk was a
Saint and Joe Barker was Mayor of Pitts
burg; When pulpits resounded every Sun
day witn the most injuriousfalsehoodsagainst
Catholics; when the public mind was de
bauched by the inculcation of hypocrisy and
deception ; when ministers met their politi
cal allies in sworn secresy to plot agamst the
rights of their fellow citizens. You cannot
forget what came of tins not. murder,
church-burning, lawless violence all over the
land, and the subjugation of several great
States to the political rule of a party desU
tute afiVe bf principle and capacity.
I could easily prove, that those clerical pol
iticians, who have tied their churches to the
tail of the Abolition party, are criminal on a
grander scale than any of their predecessors.
But I forbear, partly because I have no time
and partly it may, for aught I know, be a
sore subject with you. I would not excite
your wrath, but rather "provoke you to good
works."
Apart from the general subject there are
two or three special ideas expressed in your
letter from which I venture to dissent
You think that, though a minister may
speak from the pulpit on politics he ought
not to indicate what party he belongs to. It
strikes me, that if he has a party, and wants
to give it ecJessiastical aid or comfort, he
should boldly avow himself to be what he is,
so that all men may know him. Sincerity is
the first of virtues. It is bad to be a wolf,
but a wolf in sheep's clothing is infinitely
wone. , ,
You represent the Church as an unfinished
structure and the state as its scaffolding I
think the church came perfect from the hand
of its divine Architectbuilt upon a rock,
established, finished, complete and every
one who comes into it by the right door will
find a mansion prepared for him. It needs
no scaffold. Its founder refused all connec
tion with human governments for scaffolding
or any other purpose.
lou say (in substance) that,witnoutsome-
' i u: ::, - ;
good and bring him no respect The gospel
is not vague, indefinite or non-committal up
on the subjects of which it takes jurisdiction,
and upon them you may preach as loudly as
j-ou please. But I admit that in times of
great public excitement an important elec
tion or a civil war men listen impatiently
ti the teach'ns of faith and repentance. A
sermon which tells them to do justice, love
mercy and walk humbly before God, is not
an entertainment to which they willingly in
vite themselves'. At such a' time a clergy
man can vastly increase his personal conse
quence, and win golden opinions from his
audience, by pa m fieri ng their passions with
a highly seasoned discourse on politics. J he
temptation to gratify them often becomes too
strong for the virtue of the preacher. I fear
that you yourself arc yielding to it As a
mere l.ivman I have no riirht to advise a
Doctor of Divinity, but I hope I am not over
presumptuous when I warn you against tins
specious ailurementof Satan. All thoughts
of putting the Gospel aside because it does
not suit the depraved tastes of the day. and
making political harangues to win popularity
in a bad world, should be sternly trampled
down as the suggestions of that Evil One,
"who was a liar'and a murderer from the
beginning.'
Faithfully yours, kc,
J. S. Black.
York, July 25, 1866.
Wholesale Starvation of Infants
in Massachusetts.
The Lawrence Massachusetts American of
the 11th inst., gives sonie most horrible de
velopements which an investigation before a
coroner of that city, had quite recently
brought to light That such things should
l-e in the midst of a community so gushingly
philanthropies so aggressively devoted to
the leveling of social distinctions in other
States, and so intolerant of human wrongs
and weaknesses in other people, may cause
some wonder.
"Coroner Dr. W. D. Lamb held an inquest
yesterday afternoon over the body of an in
fant of lour months, named Charles Keating,
whose parents are in Lowell, which develop
ed horrors enough to make one shudder; It
appeared that one Mrs. Rogers, who is lo
cated in a small building on the alley between
Jackson and Newbury, Essex and Common
streets, has been in the habit of receiving
young children from the age of one month
to one year to board. Some of the mothers
were married and some not married. She
his had as many as nine at one time, and a
day or two since had six.
The one on whom the inquest was held
died on Saturday evening, and on Monday
niornins a neighbor looked in and found the
body of 'the child lying quite black, covered
with maggots, and its eyes not closed. The
woman, who was far from civil, said thatshe
was going out to make arrangements for its
burial, tihe held another child alout the
same ags, a poor little attenuated thing, ap
parently very near dead, and which b prob
ably not living while this is written. The
death of the one in question, according to
the woman's own statement, must have been
attended with great suffering. One witness
did not hesitate to express the opinion that
the wretched infant had sucked its fingers to
the bone and quite raw in the agonies of
starvation. The witness also mentioned sim
ilar cases of the kind which had occurred in
that house, or anion? infants immediately
after being removed from there. They were
fed, to use the expression of a witness, upon
flour gruel scared with milk. Two of the
witnesses testified to the horrible smell which
pervaded the place, and the filth with which
the house abounded.
The evidence differs about the presumed
guilt of the woman Rogers, thus far, though
there mav be further developements at the
inquest this evening, to which time it has
been adjourned. There can be no doubt,
however, about the criminal neglect of pa
rents who would trust their children in such
hand. It is stated, and quite possibly with
truth, that two or three of these unnatural
mothers expressed the hope that their in
fants would die, and they would then be
relieved of the burden of paying a dollar a
week to the women for their support
Much excitement has prevailed about the
matter and the den has been visited by hun
dreds. At one time the alley was quite
blocked up with people, all of whom were
expressing bitter indignation, both against
the old women-and the parents whose chil
dren were deposited there. .
P. S. We are informed that the mfant
supposed to be dying yesterday, has been
bv its mother, a single woman
. nnrtrtwesr. nart of the citv. and that
it is still living. .
times lading poiiucai euiyecia, uiiuioici ui
in danger of falling into a ''vague, indefinite
and non-committal stvle." which will do no
REMARKS
. .. . .- op " .
HON. CHARLES R. BUCKALEW,
On the Bill appropriating $50,000 out
op the m0ney8 of the united states,
for the relief of the sufferers by
the.late fire ijt portland, maine.
Mr. JOHNSON. I move that the Senate
proceed to the consideration of the bill intro
duced by me for the relief of the sufferers by
the late fire in Portland, Maine.
The motion was agreed to, And the Senate,
as in Committee of the whole; proceeded to
consider the bill (S. No. 428) for the relief
of the sufferers by the late fire in Portland,
Maine. ,
It proposes to authorize the President of
the United States to cause to be purchased
such provisions and clothing and such other
articles as he shall deem advisable, and to
tender the same in the name of the Govern
ment of the United States to the State of
M aine, for the relief of the citizens who have
suffered by the late fire in the city of Port
land in that State, and appropriates a sum
not exceeding $50,000 for that purpose.
Mr. JOHNSON. I move to amend the
bill by striking out all after the enacting
clause and inserting the following as a sub
stitute: , . -
That the President of the United States
be, and he is hereby authorized to render to
the Governor of the State of Maine, in the
name of the United States, for the relief bf
the sufferers by the late fire in the city of
Portland, $50,000, to be used in such man
ner as he may think best.
SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That
said sum of $50,000 be, and the same is
hereby appropriated, to be paid but of any
moneys in the Treasury not otherwise appro
priated. Mr. President, if a measure lite this is to
pass, the sooner it is done the better. The
fare at Portland was unexampled in its de
struction, covering miles of streets, and has
thrown upon the world, houseless and im
poverished, thousands of citizens. The in
dividual contributions that have beeh made
throughout the United States2 I see, are not
adequate to meet the immediate wants of
the people.
Mr. BUCKALEW. I suppose that the
proper motion to be supported by those who
are unwilling or unable to vote for this mea
sure would be one to postpone it I see no
propriety in referring it to the committee
which has charge of the expenditures of the
Senate alone.
Mr. President, a few years ago the large
nnd flourishing town of Chambcrsburgin my
State was burnt to the ground. The greater
part of it was destroyed, not by the act of
God, by mere accident or casualty, but by
the act of the public enemies. It was Hone
at a time, too, when the Government of the
United States had stripped our Common
wealth of her whole armed force ; our sol
diers were under the control of the military
authorities of the United States and remote
from our borders. In that defenceless situ1
ation, caused by our responding to the appeal
of the General Government, our State was
invaded, and one of our large, flourishing,
wealthy and interesting towns wassweptfrom
the face ot the earth by fire. Great desti
tution and suffering fell upon our people.
If there ever was a ca.-e when an appeal
coul'l be made to the General Government
for aid because of the destruction of prop
erty by fire, that was the case. All the cir
cumstances surround ing that calamitous event
would have appealed powerfully to this Gov
ernment for aid and for relief to our people,
because that act was caused by the defaiijt
of this Government in defending our terri
tory ; it was caused by the act of this Gov
ernment in withdrawing those forces which
would have defended us on our borders, and
indiscreetly and unwisely diiosing of them
in such situations that we were not protected.
Not ode dollar has this Government con
tributed to those sufferers or to re-imburse
our people for the propcrtydestroyedonthat
occasion. If our people of Pennsylvania
possessed twelve votes in this body instead
of two. it is possible that some appeals would
have been made here and stronirlv pressed
appeals to the charity of the Senate for
relief or for re-imbursement to us, tor the
injuries which we suffered. Instead of that,
sir, what has been done? Private liberality
was appealed to to alleviate the suffering
which fell upon Our people, and subsequent
ly our State Legislature appropriated half a
million dollars to pay for the property thus
destroyed, nnd destroyed under circumstan
ces that if there was any fault at all, it was a
fault that rested upon this Government, and
a . i n,
iniL uputi LUC UOVCIUU1VUIU1 JICUJJ1G Ul x tnu-
sylvania.
Now, sir, the difliculty; the pressing and
sharp difficulty, which is in the mind of
every reflecting member against voting for a
measure of this kind is, that there is no
boundary, no limit to the exercise of a char
itable power of this description. You can
not distinguish letween cases of casualty or
of accident in different parts of the country,
and administer a system of charity from this
point upon any intelligent and upon any fair
nrincin'es of justice.
It will always be a system of favoritism if
you enter upon it In responding to some
appeal in case of famine in Ireland, or some
total destruction of a great city in Venezuela,
there are limits to the charity of the nation.
This is one of the powers of the earth, and
in its capacity as a member of the family of
nations you may, perhaps, infer some color
of power for charity of that description.
But in exercising this power among the
States of our Union, in distributing our
charity and our bounty where suffering ap
peals to us in the various States, we are en
tering upon a field of expenditure, we are
entering on the exercise of a power which
has no limit, no boundary, no rule, no equal
ity, and finally, to sum it up in a word, no
principle of justice by which you can be cer
tain tnat your bounty will be administered
in a proper niflnner and that it will reach
the proper persons.
Now, sir, we are unacquainted with tlie
special facts of this great disaster. e
know that it is one enormous in its magni
tude and most afflicting in its character, but
I think the State of Maine herself should
stand forward upon this occasion. Being pos
sessed of all the facts pertaining to thrs great
calamity, and being specially interested in it
as the governing authority, having jurisdic
tion in the place where the disaster happen
ed, she should step forward and administer
such relief and eitend such public bounty to
the sufferers in this case as is appropriate;
and when she has done that she will have
done no more than other States of this Un
ion have done under similar circumstances.
At all events, sin as at present advised, I
am obliged to say that so long as such cases
as the destructiori of Chambersburg are ex
isting facts in our recent history I am unable
to bring mv mind to that frame which will
by yeaa and nays resulted yeas 22, hays 18 j
as follows : . - i v
YEAS Messrs; Anthony, ChanUler.Clark,
Edmunds, Foster, Grimes, Guthrie, Ilendef
son, Johnson, Morgan, Morrill, Norton, Nye,
Pomeroy, Ramsey, Stewart, Sumner, Van
Winkle, Wade, Willey, Wilson and Yates
22.
NAYS Messrs. Brown, Buckalew, Con
hess, Cresswell; Davis, Doolittle, Harris,
Hower, Kirkwoodi Nesmith, Poland, Rid
dle; Saulsbury Sherman, Sprague, Trumbull,
and Williams 1 8.
ABSENT Messrs. Cowan, Cragin, Dix; '
on, Fessenden, Howard, Lane, McDotigalli
and Wright 8.
So the bill was passed.
My First Dock.
In' the morning when the light was about
the color of a grey cat in a cellar, Tim roused
me un and we sallied forth. We marched
silently aldng the shore, "looking sharp" in
the reeds, Tim constantlywhispering to me
to keen mv eves onen. The min felt verV
heavy, and, in that peculiar light, looked
about fifteen feet long. On we strode, pulse
going like a volunteer at Buena Vista. SudV
denly says Tim, softly:
"Ah! there sachanceibyJdve! Now,my
boy, all ready." .
"Eh, chance! where ? at what?" -
Tim put his fingers to his hps; and; making
me crduch ddwnj pointed through the reeds
In minute, "sure enough, I saw a duck,
gracefully bobbing up and ddwh, about fifty
yards off or less. I became awfully excited.
"Let me shoot him, Tim."
' 'Certainly, crack away. ' '
I knelt down ; my fingers trembled like
those of a surgeon at his first operation.
the duck loooked about the siae of a turkey
gobbler to my distorted vision It was a
fearful moment
However, I recovered myself by a resolute
effort, brought the gun up, took a longt mur
derous aim; my finger pressed the trigger,
whang ! I beheld the sky and fourteen hun
dred thousand stars perpendicular before me.
Upon examination, I found this phenomenon '
was occasioned by ray horizontal position on.
my back; combined with the concussion of
theshot
"You've hit him; 'cried Tun. "He'a
wounded. Quick, quick; take" my gun.whihj
I load yours;
I looked at my weapon I had fired both
barrels at once. I looked at the duck he
was bobbing up and down violently. Con
siderably bewildered, I, however, seized Tim'a
gun, resumed my position, tookanotherdead
ly aim, and fired.
."T'other barrel! quick! or he's off,"
cried Tini:
Bang!
" By George ! yo'ti hare missed him: He'd
no, ne can t fly 1 See him spin round I
Here, give him one more ! Mind, aim care
fully, now." .
Bang ! fi-r-z; bang ! I saw the sky ana ,
one thousand more planets than before.
When I arose, that diabolical duck was still
there, spinning round more merrily than
ever.
"Tim," said I. "the duck is remarkably
tenacious of life. '
" Ye yes. The fact is. they are; gener-8
ally; especially canvass-back ; they are called
so on account of the thickness of their skim ,
I am convinced that's a eanvass-back."
"Tim," said I, "I'll take the skiff and
shove out there andgethimt Yon wait here;
He's nearly gone now."
."Yes: I'll go back to the house and ot- ;
der breakfast Your shots have spoiled fur- ,
thef sport, this morning: I'll have things
ready by the time you get back."
And without waiting for remonstrance,
Tim walked rapidly off.
I got in the bkiff, shoved out, reached the
duck, (who appeared as I advanced to have
his head entirely shot off,) picked it up, and '
found that it was a decoy ! My remarks
to Tim, upon rejoining him at the hotel, I
have upon reflection, concluded to omit
Go Wrni Them. If you want to be tar
ed to support the negroes of the South in
luxurious idlenca-go with the Radicals.
If you are anxious to pay for a swarrn of
useless office-holders to engender and perpet
uate discord between the Southern negrdes
and their employers go with the Radicala.
If you think the families of "fredmen
should be supported out of the Treasury,
while the widows and orphans of white sol
diers who fell in the war for the Union are
left to provide for themselves go with the
Radicals. If you think negro soldiers "bear
the palm" in suppressing the rebellion gd
with the Radicals. If you want negroes to
vote in Pennsylvania go with the Radicals.
If you want eleven States stricken from the
flag of the Republic go with the Radical.
If yon want wealth protected at the expense
of labor go with the Radicals: If you
want agitation and strife prolonged, business
paralysed, and the country bankrupted gd
with the Radicals. .
Ladies Should Read NewspapfjU.
It is a great mistake in female education td
keep a young lady's time and attention de
voted to only the fashionable literature of
the day. If you would qualify her for con
versation, you must give her something fcd
talk about give her education with this
actual world a dd its transpiring events. Urge
her to read the newspaper, and becorne .fa
miliar with the present character attd im-
provemcnts of our race. History is of some
importance, but the past world is dead and
we have nothing to do with it Ourthddghta
and our concerns should be for the present
world; to know what it is and improve the
condition of it Let her have an intelligent
opinion and bo able to sustain an intelligent .
conversation concerning the mental, moral
and political improvements of our times.
Let the gilded annuals and poems on the
centre-table be kept a part of the time cov
ered with the woekly and daily journals. Let
the whole family, bf men, women and chil-.
dren, read the newspapers.
Beware of Paper Collars. A Bostorl
paper has the report that a clerk in one of
the wholesale stores of that city has lately
been afflicted with a painful breaking out on
his neck, which be at first attributed to boils
but the matter getting serious, he applied td
a physician, who informed his patient that
he was suffering from the poisonous proper
ties of articles used in the preparation of his '
enamelled paper collars ; which has been
absorbed into his Fystem ; and upon inquiry
it was found that 6dme half dozen other"
clerks, all of whom wore these collars, were
affected in a similar manner
Singular. Pullup, coming home late
"pretty full," found the walking slippery,
and exclaimed, "V-ver-very tdng'lar, wh
whenever watef freezes, it always fr-freezes
with the slippery side up." '
A gentleman who took a young lady to
f;:rs cf rrcn, t" . n