mm mmmm mmm mi mimn ' -.-Ai '" ' " "' "" ' ' """ 5 .I:)vf;;iA:ini'l 7 - v ; t '.'t;'.4 -. ... i .. . Trnlli and Right God and onr Conutrj. TWo Dollars per Aniran In Atlrabte, bloomsburg; Columbia ;co., pa. Wednesday; march i4, 1866, KEfr8Ettio..VOli.:l; NO; 3. TOE. XXX. j oldseiiics; i I . 1 i n f t 3 r. J r " " -TiTS- l .nmClOCRAT AND STAR, t,9 PUBLISHED EVERT WEDXESDAT, IN t, CIXXJildBUEQ. COLUMBIA COUNTY. PA., BY ' JACOBY. Si IKELER. TERMS, tl 00 In advance. If ant paid till tha rrt oMhjpiir. 58 cent additional will aa charged. Nopapr lj,continu4 oatil all arraarufe faidxcvt at tb opiiioa of tbe ditrt. : HATES OP IBVEHTISI G. . A-i-n ua coitai itu raa fcoa. aiunr 'oa or threa incartioiia ....... ,ry aubaquect Insertion tuan 13 . t.-" - Ix. S. Sji. Cjf, . ft 50 It. One aiaara,-ul' : s.co 1 I SCO 5.00 7 00 8, 1'2.00 18 OO 4 00 e,oo l,"o 14.0J 30.09 6.00 I 0,00 I io.ii 14,00 la.oo SUO'i 50,00 Two aquarea, ( 3 Oo Tlrrte - S.09 i 14,0.1 18 00 30.00 four aiiara, .i t Ilairroiumn. 10 Oo On eolaron, J 13.00 .Kxrcutor's aa4 Adaiiliiatrator'a No ilea. .........3.0) A a (J it oi 'a Noticai,.. .... i 9.i0 . littler advaniaenaata iaaertedaeordiH(toapeciai "vantrmtt. . . t . . - luuncM aotieca. without adaniemot, twantjr. aar ta per Una. - v Transient adrertiaemenia pajaoie in auanee, ant- vtitata due alter t.na urt tsaurtion. .-, v ,. AUir. JACOB Y A. IKKLER. tiioomiburf, Columais County, Pa. fuilliiailiaaaaaigwaaaaMaaMaaMaaaaMaaaaMaaaaawM SPEECH or Mxys c;tj dickalew, . i Ot ; PX.NSSTLVANIA, la tbe Sec&le or the Cnltcd Stales, Fttrcvj r vl-' ' ' ' Hit ' AFPOKTIOMMf NT OP RkfB E Jl TaTlOJf. ' Mr. PUCKALEW. I more that the fienaU reamo tba ooosider&tioo of the joint resolution proposing to amen J the Constitution. - The motion was agreed to j and the Senate ii in Cotnmiiteo f the Whole resumed the eonsidsratiott of the joint reiolution (II. R. No. 61) proposing to amend the Constitution of the United fitteaJ. Jlrw BUCKALEW. Mr. PresrJenS t shall not rpeak to-daj aa a party map, nor aa a sectional man, but a n Amer ican, as a cit:zeu of the United States anxicas to maintain its unity, and to mote, so far as mr hamMa efforts can do it, the welfare of our common coun try. I have .looked forward daring tLe dreary months of the recent war to a time arheo a new class of subject woald arise ' for oar consideration. The d a ussion of measures of force in the pros ecution of the war and the discussion cf the Yarions questions connected wijh tbe tuf jeel of liYery did not provoke me upon any single occasion to address tbe. Senate at length; It a turning from a foreign country after the commencement cf the war, when it was in full progress, and when no human power could avert the storm whifti fell upon us, I foa&d myself, as did most oft: c citizens of our country, absolutely controlled by the circumstances which surrounded us and which pressed us tbrward upon a course of conduct which we could not aroid. I thought thf-n, and I think now, that there waa bat one thing to do. We were engaged ia a eontest which was, aa it has been often described, a contest ' of life and death, and there was nothing to be done except to fight it oat, to fight on. to promote or assist the coiluion of forces whiih were then arrayed again. t each other until soma ultima'e re.ult should be reached. . A a member of the minority in this Chamber, I gave my vote for those meas ures of (he majority which directly point J to the use of tbe force of this Gov ernment "to subjugate tbe insurrection which raised its head against us. I was opposed .to the political policy of that . majority, and have continued to entertain fcnd evince that opposition down to this time in a respectful and proper manner. But upon the question of prosccuticg the war to a conclusion, I never bad any dificuity, I nevtr bad any hesitiion. Upon an examination of ay record iod tumble as it may be, even v it may by some peraons tt aomo lime be cxamiaed it will be found, that f;om tbe time I assumed the seat to which mj Siate had . ass'gnad me in this Chamber, my course was such as I have indicated, anJ wis in eiact 'accordance with the convictions that I held. " I thought there was little to be attains d by speech-making by a member, even fi oia the great Commonwealth of Penn tylv3Cta,upon political questions during the war. While the passions of the coun try frere inCamea by the wsr.rcason could cot be heard. 'Log o is thrown away upon the passions. -It can only bs beard Hr t'Jey fcava'.subaded .But, sir, I loykodvjorward to - the days tbroagh which we are novi - passing, contcmpla licg a cjt.ditiod x( things entirely bhang d, th coming up cf new question, es pecially qwtiota connected with econo my, with revenaS, with finance, with or dinary lfglalatiou with the administra lioncCjAlici isliexever the jurisdiction of ttisGoYernment extends all those questions... which; rsquira intelligence, which' require ' investigation, which re quire labor, the habita of the stadtnt. I looked forward " to that class ol ques ticas, intending to speak upon them on t and proper " bccaaioiss, and when, io tnr opinion, I : ctghi contribute some thing 03efcl ta the current of 'ygar dc- j.Bot.thre ?ras one thmj which I did not s'.kipaifl; -1 diJ tax anticipate that nearly one year a.r;er thf lefmiuaiioa v the war, cue ) ji- i':er th-grsat jaie whljrTwefe atrared : against ot had aobmiued ta oor poer aril fcal capHa!;ed to our forces ia J, "nearly a year after open rej islance to oar ssihori'y haJ triwiaa edj'ani when ia point of fact (herd was no reaiitince to tha Govern rrent cf tie TJaited States' !ij arry frl j rl cjt era vr in lha'Conjreas cf 1..2 's'....J biu-essloald be i!iai:a?i3g ti? .';-:?stiatj cf ...whsthrr.tha war hail been ? ' r re', wb ' r Mr eovv.'.:ry was, IT, , trnp.e:?, . a unit J under the Constitution of tbe United States, ' no longer broken and severed into part?, hot one homogeneous whnle, cnited to gether by the fondamental law, the Con stitution established by ocr fatter. 1 ; diS not anticipate the necessity of debasing aub jects of this description, because coald not foresee either the passions or interests of party wbich precipitate opoa ns ibe qoes lions oat of which ttreae debatea arise. Bm, air, thee sobjcis are here, and they are to be met, and it ?a because with reference to some of these question I have not heard my own ideas presented by others, ibat I now trespass upon .the attention of the Senate apd pray tneir attention lor a brief time. " Among thtt other subjects which are brought before us by this celebrated committee of fifteen, which seems to have taken charge to a great extent of tbe affairs of the Gas erument, which seems to have assumed io itself the functions of Congrei and the functions also of an advi sory body to the Executive -among the other enbjocta thrown into Congress for the operation of the previous question in the House of Representatives and for the prompt Insb of party discipline in the Sen ate, is the subject of representation in this Government, one that has undergone no 1 consideration, pt very slight consideration, from the year 1789, when the Constitution of the United States went into operation, to this day. We have talked about etrrrything else, a;o have considered everything else except this great utj3Cf, because we sup posed that represen'ation in this Govern ment had been established upon just and proper foundations by oor fathers. We were content with their work. We took it for granted that they had made a proper ar rangement in that portion of the Constitu tion which related to this subject.. Bat the com ml tree of fifteen hare iotiO(!oced to oor attention a resolution proposing a lim itation upon tbe representation of the States of thi Union io the Home of Representa tives in all caes whvre the right of suffrage shall be abridged by such State as to any class ot its inhabitants en recount of race or color. TLe resolution of the committee raise one ot lae question a whicri we are now to consider. That resolution had a swift pas sags through tbe Hoo.e of Representatives, but here it has had a somewhat prolonged consideration, and it is well that it has been considered, because as tbe debate has progressed more and more oT opposition to it has been manifested, and more and more plainly have appeared to ike Senate and the peopla of the country who read our debates the imperfections of the plan of amendment proposed by that resolution. . Mr. President, I shall speak to-day upon the subject of representation of States in this Senate, and of the people ot States in the House of Representative; and the par ticular questions eiamioed will be 1. The senatorial representation of the eastern States ; 2. TLe preent admission o Senators and Representatives from the South ; . 3. The proposed amendment of the Con stitution,, limiting representation in the House of Representatives in future. The provisions of the Constitution of the United States which will come under re view in oor present inquiry, are the three following; all to be louud io the first ar ticle : "The SenVe of the United Sta'es abatl be composed of two Senators Irom each State, cb&sao by the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote.1' Section 3, clanse I. "The House ol Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every sec ond year by the people of the. several Sta'es. and tbe erectors in each Slate -ehafll have Ibe qualifications requisite for electors of the most nomeroos branch of the State Legislature." Section 2,ctdtue 1. "Representatives and direct taxes shall b apportioned amnn? tbe several States which may be included within this Union, according Io their respective, nombers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole, unmber of tree persons, inclu ding those bound to service for a term of year, and exclodin Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." Same seclion, clause 3. These provisions, regulating representa tion io the Government of tbe United States, have remained unchanged from the forma tion ot the Constitution down to this day. or for more than seventy-five years. Shall ibey continue to stand, or shall they be chaoged ? . That question must now be met and answered, for the committee of fifteen has proposed, and the House of Represent tatives has passed, a resolution proposing a material change ia one of these clauses ; and other changes have been proposed, in both Houses, and are now pending; and for the lime being Congress declines or de lays to execute these clauses of the. Con stitution so far as they relate to the repre sentation of southern States. . I shall apeak, in the first place, of tbe representation o( the eastern States in tbe Senate; for ahhoogh this subject has not been raised d'ectly by any bill or resolu tion presented in either House, or been re ferred to in debate in either House, so far as I have observed, it is intimately con nected with the questions which have beeo raised, and which are undergoing public debate, j '. t .-. - ' , . i v'' -'' aiFRCflSTATlOX CTVRt EAST IX TUE StlUTC The six Stales beyond t?9 Hudson river, commonly called -"Newi England," have twelve Senators on -this Boor' by tirtSa of that clause of the. Constitution relating .lo senatorial 1 represcratlon which I iave r?ad. Esch State Is to havetwo' Senatora -naiiher more nor Iswi:hoor any "ra j gard to the number of inhabitants it may contain. And by the concluding clause of the fifth article cf the Constitution, relating to amendment, it is provided ibat "No State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Sen are." .. . ' . - , '. . By referring to the Censes of I860, the population of ihe eastern. Stale ia found to be as follows ; (asms ararcs. Mairte New Hampshire Masachuetia . ttt 219 ' 326 073 1,231,066 174,620 4"60 147 315,098 3 135,283 Rhode Isand Connecticut Vermont Total Six States with twelve Senators. Dividing this total of population by the number twelve, will show the number of inhabitanta to each Senator upon an equal apportionment according to numbers. The resulring ratio or number for a Senator will be found to be 261,273. In other words, there ia one Senator to each 261,273 inhab itants It requires a tittle over a quarter of a million persons in the East, (the whole population there bejng considered in the computation,) for one Senator in this body. Having thus ascertained the ratio of ap portionment for tbe East let us ascertain what it will be for the other States repre sented in the Senate and which adhered to our Government during the war. 1 Their population in 1360 waa aa follows : CENTRAL A KB WC3TKRN BYATEa New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland West Virginia Ohio Michigan Indiana Illinois Kentucky Missouri Wisconsin Iowa Minnesota Kansas California Oregon Total " 3,8$'0.735 67 2,03 5 2,906,215 112.216 C87 049 349 69 2,339 511 ?4S,1I3 1,350 428 1,711,951 1,155 681 1,182.012 775 881 674 913 172,023 I07,20t 379,991 52,465 19 259,129 Here are eighteen States with thirty-six Senators, and dividing iheir whole popular lion by the number thirty six will ahow a ratiofor one-senator of 534,976. It reqaires therefore, more than half a million inhabit ant sTu those Stales lor one voie in the Senate. Fr the purpose of further comparison let us next lorn to the States of the South, which are now unrepresented in Congress. Their population in 1860 was as follows; SOUTHERN STATES. Virginia North Carolina Sooth Carolina Georgia Florida Alabama Mississippi Tennessee Louisiana Araansaa Texas Total I 248:B20 992 622 703,708 I 057. 28 140 424 964 201 791 305 1 109 8C1 70S.002 435,450 604.115 8,75a 634 Here are are eleven States with twenty two Senators, and dividing their total pop ulation by twenty two, there results a ratio or number to each Senator of 397.892. I have deducted from the popalation of Vir ginia tbe population of tbe forty-eight' counties which were, under the name of Wet Virginia, admitted into the Union as a new State by ibe act of 31st of December, 1862. The new State, with Its proper num ber of inhabitants, appears in the table of the central States already given, inasmuch aa it waa represented iq the last Congress. Let us now consolidate these totals of population in.lhe several divtaions of the country, as jest given, to obtain a common ratio of distribution : Six eas:ern States 3,135,283 Eighteen central and western . 19 259,129 Eleven Southern States 8,753 634 Total , Here are 31.148.046 thirty-five States in all, with seventy Senators, and by dividing their to tal popolation by the number seventy, wa obtain a common ratio for tbe whole coun try of 444,972. We arenow prepared for a compstison cf eastern representation with that of other sections upon exact data. The Territories, not being represented, are excluded from tbe calculation, as is also the Slate cf Neva da, which was not represented during the war. But it is to be remembered that as the new States of the West increase much more rapidly in popolation than the old Atlantic States, the inequality between the East and the ceutral and western sections is now greater than it was ic 1860, when Jhe cen sus was taken. . . Bat upon tbe figures as now slated, tbe case will som op as follows v ratios roa a sen AToa. For eastern Statea 261,273 Ceotral and western Statea 534,976 Southern States 397,892 Common ratio 444,972 Deducting tbe ration of New England from the common ratio for the whole Union will ebow'a deficient dopulation Jin tbe for mer, upon each. Senator allowed her, ol no less than 183,639 and multiplying this de ficiency opoa one Senator by twelve, (the whole cumber of her Senators) .will show a total deficiency to the enormous extent of 2,204,383, That is, aha has representation in this SenateYor nearly two aod a cmrsr million persona who are actually located in the centra! and western States. But-, astonishing aa these figurea are, they do not exhibit the full extent of the ir.equat itr Which now exists with Ibe South onrep resented. Tbe popalation of all the States is taken into account to produce tbe result just staled. But drawing the comparison between her and the central and 'western States, actually represented here, will show het deSciency in popolation greater than before by 253,336, or a total deficiency of 2.463.324. These two and a half million people exist. Tbey are rota wiyth not imaginary persons but real breathiog men, women and children, in New York, Penn sylvania, Ohio, Indiana. Illinois, Kentucky, and Missouri. They are found along ibe Hudson and the Mobawk, by the Susque hanna, tbe Wabash and tbe Ohio. And the men among them are a main support of this nation, bearing ita industries forward and abiding by ita laws. They turn the furrow in Ihe field, or push the plane in the workshop, or smite tbe anvil in tbe smithy, or dig fuel from the bowels of the earth, or build great towns and smiling hamlets throughout the great Statea of the center and tbe West. Not one of ibera ia found in East, though men of tbe East vote for them in this Senate. Not a dollar of fishing bounties wrung from an impnveri-hed Tre ascry ever reached them in its disburse ment. They hare been content to receive justice Ta'iber than favcv Irom Government ; Their patriotism has been spontaneous, con stant ami sure, without calculation of imme dl ate advantage, and with no thrawd cal culation of future profit or dominion. When, therefore, the readjustment of representation in .this Government is pro posed; when Congress and the country are considering piopositions ol amendment and ol change in ihe basis of p'o.litical power, I insist thai their viewa and interests shall be taken ioio account rather than those which exist io a section which has been.beretofnre, lavored at theirexpense if not to their injnry. But, before snggealing any change in the senatorial representation of tbe East, cr showing the connection which exists be-i tween the inequality already described and the question of southern representation in Congress, it will be instructive and useful to ilia irate eastern "in-uence in the Govern ment (resulting from her senatorial repre sentation) by some pertinent examples. I bat influence i shown in the selection of Presidinz Officers ol tTie Senate. Fcr I v four jears from the4ih of March, 1861, an eastern Vice President occnpitl the chair at the opcaing of sessions and occasionally af:erward,with the power of the casting vote. He waa chosen by the peop'e. But the of ficer tvbo usually presides over ocr deliber ation" ihe President pro tempore is selec ted by the Senate itself, and, io selecting him, the power of ihe East is manifested. All our presiding Officers recently have been from that quarter ; in the TWrty-Sev-entb Congress the Senator from Vermont, Mr. Foot, 1 in the Thirty-Eighth Congress the Senator from New Hampshire, Mr. Clatk, and in the present Congress, the Senator from Connecticut, .Mr. Foster.") In .brief, the East has held Ibe chair ol the Senate during the whole war, and holds it now. Aer grasp upon it has not been re leased for a moment, and still continues. In caucuses or consultations of the ma jority, jvhere very often the course of ac tion in open session is determined; where the laws ol party discipline are applied to crush out dissent and to overrule individual judgement,!! is most evident that the twelve voices irom the east must be very potential. But upon this point I must speuk with some prudent reserve. Tbe m)steries ol the caucus-room are shut off Irom direct obser vation; and my curiosity is circumscribed by tbe limits of the possible. As I cannot know whet occurs in those secret consulta tions I shall not speculate much upon them and shall limit my remarks on tb's point to the general inference concerning eastern in fluence which naturally atises. - 1 pass to another point which is not ob scure, the fscts ol which are open and known, or rosy be known to all. I mean tbe constitution of committees, and particu larly ihe selection of their chairmen. The Congressional Directory, just published, shows twenty-three standing committees ot the Senate, and three joint ones established In connection wib tbe House. Among them tbe following have eastern chairmen: Foreign Relations, Mr. Sumner, of Massa chusetts i Finance,- Mr. Festeudeo, of Maine; Manufactures, Mr. Sprsgoe, of Rhode Island ; Military Affairs and Militia, Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts ; Post Offices and Pot Roads, Mr. Dixon of Connecticut ; Claims, Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire; District of Columbia, Mr. Morrill, of Maine; Public Buildings and Grounds, Mr. Foot, of Vermont " These are all standing committees. Of the three joint committees, that on Priming has for its chairman, Mr. Anthooy,of Rhode Island. The general result is, that while the popolation of the East ialesa than one seventh of the popolation of Ibe Slates rep resented in the Senate, she baa the chair manshipaof one third of the committees, including tbe leading ones. The case was still stronger in ihe last Congress. I observed, at one time, that of the twen ty eight joint, standing and select commit tees then organized, fourteen, or one half the whole number, bad New England chair men' At the same time tbe great State' of New York bad' 50 be, and rcy own State a single one that on Patents. Let oi -con-tamp fate the figures which apply here for a Population of eastern States , 3,135,283 action in Congress and in ihe Government. Population of Pennsylvania , 2,906 215 j . the Thirty-Eighth Congress the Senate Population of New York 3880i7S',s , consisted of forty-nine members, including The East, with her three million, bad the j one from Virginia. By a resolution adopt cootrol of fourteen committees out of the . d by the Senate a quorum ol the body for twenty-eight, New York none, and Peonsyl- the transaction of business was declared to vania the Committee on Patents. Well,,sirr be a majority of tbe members from adhering New York bassiuce Leen promoted in the J States, in other words, a majority of mem- senatorial scale. One of ber .enators ai tbe present session has been assigned to the bead of the Committee on Private Land Claims. I am-not sure that that Committee ever meets, but it is displayed in tbti list of committees in elegant type, doubtlesa very much 10 the satisfaction of the good people ol the empire State, who are thua honored through their representative. As to the Committee on Patents, I look upon it with special eciion. I have a faint recollection that some bill was report ed from it at a former session ; but my par ticular interest in it arises from the fact it was assigned to my State as her particu lar post ol honor during the war. Massa chusetts took charge ol Foreign Relations, Military Affairs, and Slavery and the Treat ment of Freedmen. Post Offices and Post Roads and Public Boildings were in charge ol Vermont, Connecticut attended to Pen sions and matters in this DiMiict, New Hampshire had charge of tbe Navy and Claims, Maine looked a'ter the Finances, while little Rhode Island burdened herself with ihe subject of Manufactures and the sutject of Public Printing. Trios there was en engrossment by those Slates of tbe lead ership of most of the committees which commanded effective power, patronage, and influence. Bet it ia refreshing for a roan from my own Stale to reflect that she was not altogether overlooked. Her modesi claims received'dua recognitiop, and the position then assigned her she yet retains Sir, whenever, the Senator from Mastachn saitis, Mr. Wilson, chairman of the ommittee on Military Affairs and the Mili tia, shall marshal the Senate Committees ir military array asa borne guard, in defense of the Capitol, each with its appropriate organization, there in the midst of trial pa triotic throng, will be seen the stalwart form of my colleague bearing alolt in proud defi nee the banuer of the Committee on Pat ents! . Mr. President, the chairmanship of a committee ia a position ol much influence and power. The several distinguished gen tlemen boldiog that position have virma! control over tbe transaction of business.both in committee and in the Senate. Each one bas also control of of a committee room,acd the services of a competent clerk, not only 1 for public business but for conducting pri vate correspondence, and for the various other labors imposed upon a Senator by Lis station. ' I will say here, in view of complaints made in ihe country, that t consider the employment aa clerk of a son or other rela tive by a chairman as wholly unobjectiona ble. The relation of clerk and chairman is both confidential and intimate, and hence such clerkship is qni'e unlike any other office which may be filled by senatorial in flaence. A President of the United Stales may very properly employ his son as pri vate secretary, and it has been the practice from ibe foundation of our Government for our ministers sent abroad, among whom have been tbe most distinguished and able men of ihe country, to take iheir aons with them as secretaries of legation. The uewspaper criticisms which have been directed against tbe employment of young gentlemen as clerks ol committees who are related by ties of family or blood to chairmen, are wholly misapplied. Nep otism, '.he appoin'ment of relations to office, or tbe obtaining their appointment by the use of one's official influence, is justly odi ous, and shouldalwayn be denounced as of evil example and corruptive tendency. But an appointment 10 private and confidential service or to duties which involvesuch ser vice is not within the general objection, and is justified by the opinions and practice of tbe best ofmcn. Mr. President, the burden of correspon dence and of other besinesa independent of ordinary legislative duties, thrown upon members from populous States is very great. Their lime is consumed and ibeir exertions expended upon variooa matters outside ol public business transacted in the Senate. Their time for study and proper legislative labor is thus curtailed, and tbey are likely 10 be over asked by the multtfarious duliea which press upon them. Now.it is evident that in the last Congress by the distribution of a dozen clerks or more among ibe twelve New England Sen ators, they obtained an amount of assistance which removed Irom them a great part of the labor tbey woold otherwise have borne, and enabled them to act with more efficien cy and influence in their high office. But these advantages .were not enjoyed by a large par: ol tbe members Irom other States to whom iheir allowance would have been more reasonable. I know it may be said'ihat many of the oldest members of the Senate, possessing fitness for chairmanships, are from the East. The same explanation was made in behalf of the Sooth in former years wben she was charged with engrossing 100 many positions of influence here. But tbe explanation ia insufficient in the present case, as it was in tba former, and besides it does not meet the main point of my argument, which ia that the East ia over-represented. . Tbe over-representation of tbe East, and her consequent.undue power in thia Senate must Jbe taken into acconnt by aoy one who would correctly understand past or preset? t bers elected and admitted to seats. Membership Irom insurgent States was wholly excluded Irom the computation. Twenty-five members, iherefore. constitu ted a quorum for the transaction ol business and thirteen constituted a majority of that quorum. In other words, it was a possible case that a law ahoold be enacted by ibe IweUre eastern votes with a single vote add ed to them fiom all the rest of ihe Union. So nearly had the East approached com plete control it) this body. Nevada bas since been admitted into the Union, and is rapres ented here by two Sen ators. A quorum under tbe resolution just raenticned is therefore at present twenty six. If Colorado should be admi-ted as a Stae and her Senators to seata herehe quo rum would bo twenty-seven ; but whether Colorado be admitted or roi, the number of votes required to constitute a majority ol the quorum under the existing resolution woold be baiely lourteen, requiring, to se cure it, bet two votes lobe added to tbe vote ol the Eat ; and yet the whole popu ation of the East is less ihan one seventh of the population ot the States represented btre ! It would require much more time than ia at my command, and much more inclina tion, for the tark than I postess, to describe tbe effect upon tbe legislation of the coun try of the predominance of the East. But I will mention two sobjecls which clearly illustrate it. F.rst, the fishing bounties, or donations of money from the Treasury of the United States to men along our northeastern coaM, engaged in the fisheries of the ocean. Thia money is bestnwed uoder pretense of en coorsginging the training and making of seamen and ihe annual expenditure lor the purpose amounts to three or four hun dred thousand dollars. The whole amount heretofore expended exceeds twenty-five minions dollars. This is the most ques tionable of all our appropriations of public money, and it would long since have teen stopped she Saws authorizing it swept from the statute-hook if the disbursement Vrere made in any other section of the cocotry except the East. The enormous political power of that section bas maintained these bounties in existence, and was foend saffi-ciet-t to maiutnin tbem even during the se verest financial pressure cf the war. Take, next, the third section of the sup plementory conscription act of July 4,1864, by which the agents of States were author ized to go into ihe southern country and procure enlistments ot men, white or black, to fiil their quotas under the conscription laws. It was material to the East to retain sires tbe concession to be made upon Con ner laborers at home to maintain her Indus- j dition of negro suffrage. Tbe proteges cf trial interests and general prosperity, not- . ber policy, the objects of ber long contind withstanding the war. j ad agitation cfthe country, however unfit Accompanying this measure was another ( 0r onWorrhy of the elective franchise, are for ihe payment of liberal bounties by the ' 10 be endowed with it as her political aUiea Luited Mates, to meet the outlays ol which, the celebrated special five per cent, income tax was imposed. I need not recite the the proceedings upon these measures the debates and votes connected with their pas sage. The East triumphed throughout.--Voted down or repulsed upon more than one occasion, she rallied her strength, and by persistence secured her objects. We were cooly informed upon one occa-' sion that if we did not assent to one of these propositions, the Massachusetts mem bers in tbe House had determined to de feat, and would defeat, the whole of an important public bill in which it was con tained. Of course, the point was conceded and perfect harmony reigned over the con cluding boors of a great session. Very active and energetic efforts (n ob taining recruits in other States of the North, negro recruits in the South, and foreign em igrants, enabled the East to fill her quotas without exhausting' her laboring population at borne, in consequence of which, in-con-nection with ibe expansion ol the currency secured by her votes, the dividendl of her manufacturing companies became spleo did, and her profits in furnishing Govern ment supplies immense. Her lecrnitment of southern cegroea to fill her quotas was checked the following year by the repeal of the seciion nuthoiiz ing itj upon a motion submitted by me. There was a prolonged contest over the question of repeal, but for once there was a sufficient force rallied to overcome the eastern interest. One fart shown In the debate may be again mentioned. No sooner had the news been f.asbed North by tele graph thai General Sherman had captured Savannah, than agents were despatched by Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, to en list all tbe negroes that could be obtained at that point. Having dene this, he applied to the Secretary ol War for permission to bia agents to go South and make the enlist ments; and the computation of time was made with such exactnesa thai it was be lieved the permission from the Secretary would reach Savannah precisely at tbe time hen the negroe should be shipped North Enterprise and smartness are fine things in limes of war as well as in times ol peace, and, influence. With Government opena a fine field for their exercise, as io the case in question.' . It might be interesting to go 00 'in this connection and examine the tariff aett and internal revenue -4 awe which have been passed since 1840, and Io abowMbat iq ihe particular arrangements made of duties and taxes the East received more than ber 3ae share of consideration and favor. But why multiply proota that political powfr 111 always seek its own tends, and givfj- such, direction to Government as shall becr be thought to be, favorable to its Own interests? Look over the whol field of Government policy, whether political, sectional, or economical, aoofeyoa will disco vet the marks ol eastern power in every pari. And by its alliance wiib, or. rather, master ship of, a great political party of the North, it is at thia moment almost omnipotent ia the Government. - . . .. .. Sir, the East controlled the Senate dating the war, as av.e controls it now, and by virtue of that control she bas dominated the House of Representatives and influenced powerfully and consiactly tbe Execotive department. Her power here baa been, in fact, a power over tbe whole Government, and when considered, in .jts totality has been enotmous and irresistible: Necessa rWy, the action of the House of Represen tatives has had reference to the action, of ijve Senate whenever the concurrence of the latter in any measure waa necessary. -Besides, tbe House is frequently filled with new men, while the Senate, on account of he long duration of senatorial terras, and of frequent re-election of its members., ia less subject to change. For thia reason, and because of its participation with the President in the distribution of offices and in tbe formation of treaties, the Senate rr.nst possess a larger measure of influence than tbe Hoosq, and must extend more of influence to that body than it receives from it. For tbe same reasons, and for oihere equally obvious, the influence of the Sea a'e over the executive branch of the -Gov. ernment (especially when the President il united by party bonds with a Senate ma jority) must be very considerable. Id the case of Mr. Lincoln this influence was t important force in giving direction to exec utive policy and conduct. He complained sometimes of the "pressure" brought to bear upon him, but aoooer or later - be always submitted to it, and performed ita behests. And onqcestionsbly the same eastern power hopes ultimately to obtain from the present Piesideot an equal degree of acquiescence in its present and future demands. "Itis enthrone here; it grasps firmly the scepter of authority, and has to intemion tn abdicate Its function or surra a der any portion of its power. Intrenched, as it believes firmly and forever within the Constitution as to its senatorial representa tion, it is unwilling to weaken that re pre sentative power by the admission of mem bers from the South. It resists the admis sion of members even from Colorado and Tennessee, and bases its opposition to in creased representation upon grounds which, must long continue to exist; And if repre sentation must hereafter be conceded-10 southern States and to new States, the de for the future. Mr. President, it is in human nature that power once held or wielded shonld be sur rendered unwillingly. The individual who has held high office very commonly retiree from it wi h reluctance and under the pres sure of some constitutional or popular poorer which he cannot resist. And thus, a'so, great sectional or social interests yield power unwillingly, aod when compelled to do so bitterly regret the aacrifice. It re quired the stroke of war to loosen tbe grasp of the slaveholder upon his slave ; be aur renders bis power only When compelled by overwhelming force. A manufacturing or agricultural popula tion, protected by the most extravagant of tajiffs or by the most oppressive ol corn laws, will never willingly yield their power over marketa and consumers. Political in terests stronger than they must wrest from tbem ihe advantages which tbey possess it they are ever to be deprived of their en joyment. No one, therefore, need be surprised at the roluctance manifested by the East ta surrender any portion of th power which she has held during the war, aod now holds, in the Government. In this particular she but exhibits another illastratioa of that cbaracteriatie of human nature which t have mentioned, and which, outside the breasts of saints and heroes, is universal. Twenty-two Senator! from the southern States and two Irom Colorado being duc tile the number of those from tbe East would reduce tbe importance of the latter in the Senate and remither back to the condition in which she stood in her relatione to tbe Union before the war. True.ehe woold even then possess ranch more than her pro portion of weight in ihe Senate, regard be ins had to ber population, but she would no longer dominate or control the Govern ment of the United Slates. A balance of power in the Union, utieriy broken by ac cession and war, would be restored, and existing interests iu all sections of the coontryewould be heard in Congress, and be regarded in the enactment of laws. And the effects of this charge would be felt ia the executive snd judicial braochea of ihe Government. Tbe principles. f the Cor atitntion would waken to a new life. Jus tire and tolerance would return to thecoaa cila of the Government and to the hearts of he people. Publi a expenditures would bo diminished, a'ona with the pre'endad ne cessities which now create or excuse tbem. Trade would revira, production increase, and the public credit be established upott sure foundation. More than ibis, we Wos'd stand strong before the nation of the earth by being made thoroughly secure sgatcrt their secret intrigues onopen teatility.