TERMS OF TJME "AMERICAS."
HENRY B. MA88ER,
JOSEPH EISELY.
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It. B. JMSSERy Editor.
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From the National Intelligencer, Extra, March 4.
Inaugural Address
PR ES I D EXT II iimisox.
Called from a retirement which I had
supposed was to continue for the resi
due of my life, to fill the Chief Execu
tive office of this great and free nation.
I appear before you, feIlowcilizens, to
take the oaths which the Constitution
prescribes, as a necessary qualification
for the performance of its duties. And
in obedience to a custom coeval with
our Government, and what I believe to
be your expectations, I proceed to pre
sent to you a summary of the principles
which will govern me, in the discharge
.)( the duties which I shall be called u
pon to perform.
It was the remark of a llotnan Con
sul, in an early period of that celebrated
Republic, that a most striking contrast
vas observable in the conduct of can
lidatcs foroffice3 of power and trust,
efore and after obtaining them they
eldom carry out in the latter case the
ledges and promises made in the for
ner. However much the world may
ave improved, in many respects, in the
ipse of upwards of two thousand years
incc the remark was made by the vir
jousJtnd indignant Roman, 1 fear that
strict axamination of the annals of
jmo of the modern elective Govern
lents, would devclope similar instan
3s of violated confidence.
Although the fiat of the People has
one forth, proclaiming mc the Chief
lagistrate of this glorious Union, no
ting upon their part remaining to be
ne, it may be thought that a motive
ay exist to keep up the delusion under
hich they may be supposed to have
:ted in relation to my principles and
unions; and perhaps there may be
me in this assembly who have come
re either prepared to condemn those
ihall now diliver, or, approving them,
doubt the sincerity with which they
e uttered. But tfie lapse of a few
inths will confirm or dispel their fears,
e outline of principles to govern, and
asures to be adopted, by an Admin
ration not yet begun, will soon be ex
v inged for immutable history ; and I
, .11 stand, cither exonerated by my
av mtrymen, or classed with the mass of
io se who promised that they might dc
ei ve, and flattered with the intention
o 1 jet ray.
lowevcr strong may be my present
urposc to realize the expectations of a
nasnanimous and confiding People, I
oo well understand the infirmities of
tuman nature, and the dangerous temp
itions to which I shall be exposed, from
he magnitude of thejxwcr which it has
een the pleasure of the People to com
nit to my hands, not to place my confi
lence upon the aid of the Almighty
ower which has hitherto protected me
.nd enabled me to bring to favorable
ssues other important, but still greatly
nferior trusts, heretofore confided to
ne by my country.
The broad foundation upon which
mr Constitution rests, being the People
a breath of theirs having made, as a
reath can unmake, change or modify
t it can be assigned to none of the
$rcat divisions of Government but that
f Democracy. If such is its theory,
hose who are called upon to adminis
er it must recognise, as its leading
)rinciple, the duty of shaping their mea
sures so as to produce the greatest good
o the greatest number. But, with these
road admissions, if we would compare
;he sovereignty acknowledged to exist
n the mass of our People with the pow
3r claimed by other sovereignties, even
jy those which have been considered
nost purely democratic, we shall find a
nost essential difference. All others
ay claim to power limited only by their
own will, inc majority ui uui uu
zens, on the contrary, possess a sove
reignty with an amount of power pre
cisely equal to that which has been
granted to them by the parties to the
national compact, and nothing beyond.
We admit of no Government by Divine
rightbelieving that, so far as power
is concerned, the beneficent Creator has
distinction amongst men, that
nil nm ntvtn an cnualitv. and that the
only legitimate right to govern is an ex
rrp errant of nower from the govern-
i.l ThR Constitution of the "United
' States is the instrument containing this
ntr.r nmver to the several depart-
ments comoosinct the Government. On
en examination of that instrument, it
ivill bo found to contain declarations o
rwir m-antcd. and of power withheld
ttor is nlsn susceptible of division
into nowcr. which the ma jority had a
right to grant, but hich they did not
Absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the
By Masser St. Elscly.
think proper to entrust to their agents,
and that which they could not have
granted, not being possessed by them
selves. In other words, there are cer
tain rights possessed by each individual
American citizen, which, in his com
pact with the others, he has never sur
rendered, borne ol them, indeed, he is
unable to surrender, being, in the lan
guage of our system, unalienable.
The boasted privilege of a Roman
citizen was to him a shield only against
a petty provincial ruler, whilst the proud
democrat of Athens could console him
self under a sentence of death, for a sup
posed violation of the national faith,
which no one understood, and which at
the time was the subject of the mockery
f all, or ol banishment Irom his home,
lis family and his country, with or with
out alleged cause; that it was the act,
not of a single tyrant, or hated aristo
cracy, but of his assembled country
men. Far different is 16 power of our extensively complained of, and the cor
sovercignty. It can interfere with no recti ves w hich mav be applied. Some
one's faith, prescribe forms of worship
for no one's observance, inflict no pun-
isnmcni dui aner wcu ascertained gum,
the result of investigation under rules
prescribed by the Constitution itself;
Thcse precious privileges, and those
scarcely less important, of giving ex,
pression to his thoughts and opinions,
either by writing or speaking, unrc-
strained but by the liability lor injury have been made, hitherto without sue
to others, and that of a full participa- cess, to apply the amendatory power of
tion in all the advantages which flow the States to its r.nrreriinn.
from the Government, tllC ackllOwlcd-
ged property of all, the American citi-
zen derives from no charter granted by
his lei ow man. lie claims them be-
cause he is himself a Man, fashioned by
the same Almighty hand as the rest of
his species, and entitled to a full share
of the blessings with which he has en-
dowed them.
Notwithstanding the limited SOVC-
eignty possessed by the People of the
Jnited States, and llio restnetod grant
rei
u
of power to the Government which they
have adopted, enough has been given to
accomplish all the objects for which it
was created. It has been found pow
erful in war, and hitherto justice has
been administered, an intimate union
effected, domeslic tranquillity preser
ved, and personal liberty secured to the
citizen. As was to be expected, how
ever, from the defect of language, and
the necessarily sententious manner in
which the Constitution is written, dis
putes have arisen as to the amount of
power which it has actually granted,
or intended to grant. This is more
particularly the case in relation to that
part of the instrument which treats of
the Legislative branch. And not only
as rcrrards the exercise of powers
claimed under a general clause, giving
that body the authority to pass all laws
necessary to carry into effect the spe
cified powers, but in relation to the lat
ter also. It is, however, consolatory
to reflect, that most of the instances of
alleged departure from the letter or spi
rit of the Constitution, have ultimately
received the sanction of a majority of
the people. And the fart, that many of
our Statesmen, most distinguished for
talent and patriotism, have been, at One
time Or Other Of their political career,
on both sides of the most warmly dispu-
ted questions, forces upon this inference
that the errors, if errors there were, are
attributable to the intrinsic difficulty, in
many instances, of ascertaining the in
tentioil of the framers of tllC CoilStitU-
tion, rather than the influence Of any
sinister or unpatriotic motive.
But the great danger to our institu-
linnt Hofts not annear to be in a USUrpa-
tion, by the Government, of power not
erantCti by the People, but by the acCU-
mulation, in one ot the Ueparimcnis, ot
that which was assigned to Others. Li-
mited as are the powers which have
.A . a
been granted, still enough nave ueen wutcn tney nuea aa me jasi nopesoi noer.y. mi
granted to constitute a despotism, if out denying that the result 10 which they looked
concentrated in one of the departments, with o much apprehension is in the way of Wing
This danger is greatly heightened, or it realized, it is obvious ihey did not clcaily ee the
has been always observable that men modeofitsaccorrplishment. The General Govern-
are less jealous OtcncroachllientS Ol Olie
- . .
department Upon another, than Upon
their Own reserved rtglllS.
When the Constitution of the United
States first camo from the hands of tho
Convention which formed it, many of
the Sternest republicans Of the day w ere
alarmod at thO extent Ot lite power
w hich had been crantcd to the X ederal
Government, aud moro particularly of
that portion which had been assigned
tO tho Executive branch. TllCie Were
in it features w hich appeared not to be
in harmony With their ideas Of a simple
representative Democracy or Republic,
And knowing tilt tendency of power tO
AND SHAMOKIN JOURNAL.
majority, the vital principle of Republics, from which
Sunbiiry, Northumberland Co.
increase itself, particularly when exer
cised by n single individual, predictions
were made that, at no very remote pe
riod, the Government would terminate
in virlual monarchy. It would not be
come me to say that the fears of these
fiat riots have been already realized,
hit, as I sincerely believe, that the ten
dency of measures, and of men's opin
ions, for some years past, has been in
that direction, it is, I conceive, strictly
proper, that I should take this occasion
to rc-cat the assurances I have hereto
fore given of my determination to arrest
the progress of that tendency if it real
ly exists, and restore the Government
to its pristine health and vigor, as far
as this can be effected by any legitimate
exercise of the power placed in my
hands.
I proceed to state, in as summarv a
manner as I can, my opinions of the
sources of the evils which have been so
of the former are unquestionably to be
found in the defects of the Constitution ;
others, in my judgment, are attributa-
ble to a misconstruction of some of its
provisions. Of the former is the elcgi-
blility of the same individual to a second
term of the Presidency. The saga-
cious mind of Mr. Jefferson earlv saw
and lamented this error, and attempts
A., however, one mode of correction I. in the
power ottvt,y prMldent, ,n,i consequently in mine,
it wouM ,,e , ,nJ h jnijiou. ,0 rnu.
mcratfl lhc evils of which jn the 0,,inil)n of
of our ft l!ow citiienil thU error f ,he who
frlmfJ th. Constitution may have been the source.
anJ the ,,iUer ftuiu which we ,re t hcr
from .f ifit con(inuM (o Jj(jfigurc oi,f m h
m nu,.i k. .,,., h
,hut Republic, can commit no greater error thn tj
,Jopt or cominue ,ny fea(UIf in iMr tyntrm9 o
.ovtrnrnfni W,1M:0 m calculated to create or
government wliicb may
increase the love of power, in the bosoms of those
to whom necessity obliges them to commit the
management of their affairs. And, sute'y, nothing
is more likely to produce such a state of nimd than
the long continuance of an office of high trust. No
thing can be mote conupting, nothing more de
stiuciive of all those noble feelings which b.-l- ng to
the character of a devotid republican patriot. Whim
this corrupting passion once takes po?sc;on of the
human mind, like the love of gol I, it becomes in
saiiable. It is the never-Jing worm in his boom,
grows wi h his growth, an.l strengthens with the
declining jcars of its victim. If this is tiue, it is
the part of wi.dorn for a republic to limit the service
of that officer, at least, to wh im she has entrust' d
the management of her foreign tela ions, the execu
tion of hcr laws, and the command of her aimits
and navha, to a criod si short as to prevent his
forgrtl'ng that he is the accountable ogent, not the
pr ncipal the servant, not the master. Until tin
amendment uf the Constitution can be cfl'ected, pub
lic opinion msy erure the desirtd object. I give
my aid to it, by renewing the pledge heretofore gi
ven, that undei no circumktancca will I content to
serve a second term.
Upwards of half a century has elapsed since the
adoption of our present form of government. It
would be an object more highly desirable than the
gratification of the curiosity of speculative stales-
men, if its precise situation could lie ascertained, a
fir exhibit made of the operations of each of its
Departments, of the powers which they respectively
claim and exercise, of the collisions which have oc-
currcd between them, or Ihe whole Government
and those of the States, or cither of them. We
could then compare our system with what it was
in the commencement of its operations, and ascer-
tain whether the pioductions of the patilots who
opposed its adoption, or the confident he-pee of its
advocatca, have been teal realized. Tbe great dred
of 'he former seems to have been, thai Ihe reserved
rowers of the states would be absorbed by those of
ihe Federal Government, and consolidated power
esmonsncu, ic..inB io u f u .iiauo-, ....,,
f independent action for which they had ao
zealously contended, and on the presentation or
1 a. a s ft .a a. a sii...
I .. I i-l r
men! lias seiznl upon none ol me reerveu ngma ot
the Stales. Aa fur as any open wanaie may nave
gone, the Mate authorities nave ampiy niauuaineu
Iheir lighta. To a casual ob-erver, our system pre.
sent no appearance of discord between the difler-
lent members which compose it. Lven the adduiou
of many new onea has produced no jiuing. iney
move iu their respective oiuila in perlect harmony
with the central head, and w ith each other. Hut
there is still an utuler current at work, by which, if
not seasonably checked, the worst apprehensions of
our anti-federal patriots will be realized. And not
only will the Plate authorities be overshadowed by
the great increase of power in the Executive Dc-
partment of the General Government, tut the char-
acter of bat Government, if not its designation, be
k
there U no appeal but to force, the vit.il principle and
Pa. Saturday, March 13, I II.
essentially and rad'rally chingrd. Thia aisle of
things has been in pirl eflcclcJ by causes inherent
in the Constitution, ai;d in pnrt by the ncvi'i-failing
tendency cf political power to increase itself. By
making the President tho s:le distributor of all the
patronage of iho Government, the framers of the
Constitution do not Appear to have anticipated at
how short t period it would become n formidable
instrument to control the free operations of the
'tate governments. Of hifl nj impoitauce nt firs',
it had.eatly in Mr. Je(Ters"ri's administra'ion, lw
come so powerful as to create great alarm iu the
mind of that patriot, from the potent influence it
might txert in controlling the freedom of the il c
live fratich sc. If such had been the effects of its
influen.'c, how much greater tnuit the danger at
tbi tine be. quadrupled in amount as it certainly is,
i nd more completi ly under the control of the Exe
cutive will, than their construction of their prmers
allow ci, or the forbearing characters of all the early
Presidents permitted them to make. l)ut it is not
by the extent uf its pa'.ronage olojin, that the Exe
cutive Department h.". befoul 9 j nn- rous, tut by
the use which it appears may be made if the ap
pointing power, to biing tindci it control tho whnl
revenues of the country. The Constitution has de
clared it to be the duty f the Trefident to sec that
the laws arc executi d, and it makis him the Commander-in-Chief
of the Armies and Navy tf the
United Slates.
If the opinion of the mo-.t approved writers upin
that species of mixed (Sovcinnient, whi. h, in nn d
etn Europe, is termed Munarchy, in contradistinc
tion to Detputism, is correct, there was want nj no
other aditioti to the powers of our Chii f Magistrate
to stamp a monarchi l character on our Govern
ment, but the control of the public finances. And
to me it appears strange, indeed, that any one should
doubt that the entire control which the I'rcsi.lcnt
pouches over the officers who have the custo.'y of
the public money, Uy the power of removal with or
w ithout cause, docs, for all mischievous purposes at
leant, virtually subject the treasure also to disposal.
The first Itomau Emperor, in his attempt to seize
the sacred t.ea-uro silenced the opposition of the
officer to hoe charge it had been committed, by a
significant allusion n his sworj. Uy a atlcctiou
uf olitieal instrument fur the caio of the puld.e
money, a reference to their commissions by a IVsi
dent, would be quite as cflcctual an argument as
that of Cesar to the Komun Knight. I urn not in
sensible of the ilit'iculty that exists in deviling a
propir plan for tho safe kei ping and disbursement
of ti e public revenues, and I know tho importance
which bus been attached by men of great abiliiie
and patriotism to the divorce, aa it is called, of the
Treasury from the banking institutions. It is not
the divorce that is coirptaincd i f, but the unhail w
ed union of the Treasury wi h tho Executive be
partment which has created such extensive alarm.
To this danger to our rcpuhl can institutions, and
that created by tho influence given to the Executive
through the instrumentality ol the f.'di-nl otfici r, I
projiose to apply all the remedits which uiny be a'
my command. Il was certainly a very gral enor
in the darners of the Constitution, not to have
made the olficer at the head of the Treasury Di-
partment entirely iudeqiei dent of the Exicutive
lie should at least have been removable o.dy upon
ihe demand eif the p yu'.ur brunch uf tho l.ci -la-lure.
I am determined i.ever to icmoe a Sec
tary of the Tieatury wi'bout commuuicatin all he
circumstances attending such lemoval to both Hou,e
of Congress. The influence of the Executive io
controlling the freedom eif the elective fraiich.se
through the medium of tho public ..flicers c m be
ifllcluully checked by renewing the prohibition pub-
lished by Mr. JeUeraon, forbidding their inUifer-
ence in elections tmther than giving their own
votes; and their own independence secured by un
assurance of ptrfeil immunity, in exercising this
sacred nrivili ce of fieemen under tho diclalea ol
their own unbiassed judgement. Never, with my
consent ihall un ollicer uf the l'to, !.', cainpeiisat d
for his services out of their pockets, become the pi.
ant instrument vf Executive will.
There is no part of the means pi ic.vl in the hands
of the Executive which might ! used with greater
effect, for unhallowed purposes, than the control f
the public pa. The maxim which our ancestors
deriveJ fioin th"? muhcr country, that "tho freedom
of tho press is the real bulwark of civil and reli
gious liberty," is one of the most precious legacies
which they have left us. We have teamed, loo,
from our own aa well as the exiericuce ol o.her
couutiit-s, that golden ahackeN, by whomsoever or
by whatever pietenco imposed, are as fatal to il as
the iron bonds of Despoli.-in. The presses in the
necessary employment of the Government sh mid
never le used "to clear tho guilty, or vanish
crimes." A decent and manly examination of the
acts of Government should be not only lolcwlcd but
encouraged.
I hate spoken of the necessity of keeping the re-
iiu-eiiee Deimriir.eriW of tbe Goveriiinenl. as will
ull ulhcr .uih.iritiesofoureoui.trv. wilbin their an-
propriate orbit.. This is a matter of d.ficulty
...me easels, as the noweia whiih thev resneciivelv
claim are often not defined by vert distinct line.
Mischeviou. however, in their tendencies, as colli
lions of ihi. kind may be, those which arise between
the ie.-neclive eo.nniunitic, which for c rlain i
noses comm.. one nation, ate much mote ao;
uo such nation can long exist without the careful
culture of those fetlings of confidence and aftictioii
which are the vffective bor.ds of union betwetw fie
immedia'e parent of despotism. Jtrranso.
Vol. I--Xo. XXV.
and confederate Slates. Strong as is tho tie of in
leie.it, it has b. cn often found ineffectual. Men,
blinded by their passions, have been known to adopt
measures for their country in direct opposition to all
the atifigesti n of policy. The alternative then, is,
to destroy or keep down a bad pis-ion by creating
and fosliring a good one; and this seem4 to be the
corner stone upon which our American political
architects have rear, d the fabric of our G ivcrn
ment. The cement which waa to U id it, and p r
pituate its existence, was the uiTeclionale attach
ment bitwecn all its members.
To insure the continuance of this fee I in.', pro
duced at first by a community uf dangers, of sulT r
ings and of interests, the advantages of each were
made accrs-ible to all. No participation in any
good, possessed by any member of an extcn-ivr
confedracy, except in domestic govo nmeni, was
wi Lheld from tbe citizen of any other member. Dy
a process atti nded with no difficulty, no deliy, no
expense but that of r moval, the citizen of one
mijht become the ci'.'zen of another, uud succes
sively of tho whole. The lines, too, aeper.itinp
powers to be exercised by the citizens i f one State
from those of aoother, ccm to be so distinctly drawn
as to leave no room f . r mieundcrta idiug. The
citizens of each State unite in their peiaona all iho
privileges which thry may claim as citizens of the
United Sinter; but iu no case can the same peron,
nt tho sjme lime, act a n cbizen of two repergte
States, and lie is thcrefure positively pncludeit f ont
any interference with the nservctl poiuc s "f any
State but that of which he it, fur the lime being,
a citizen. lie nmy inJc.d oil r to tbe ciliz .'ns of
other States bis advice as to their management, and
the form in which it is tendered is left to his oitn
discretion and sense of propriety.
Our Confederacy, fellow-citzens, can on'y, be
preserved by the same fjrbearanc. Our cit'zvn
mu-t be content with tho exercise of the power
with which tho Conslisulion clothes them. The
attempt of theise of one state to control the domes
tic institutions of another, can only result in feel
ings of distrust and jealousy, the certain ba bingrr.
of disunion, violence, civil war, and the u'tiinate
destruction of our free inst tu'ions. Our Confeder
acy is perfectly illustrated by the terms and prnci-
1 pies govering a common copartnership. There a
tund or power is to be exercised un er the direc
tion of the joint councils of the allied members, but
thnt which has been r served by the individual
in mbera is intangible by ihe common govermcnt
or the individual inomU'rs composing it. To at
tempt it finds no r-upp rt in the principles of our
Constitution. It should be our constant and ear
nest endeavor mutuilly to cult va'e a spirit of Con
cord and harmony among the various pails of our
Conf derac.v. Experience has abundantly taught
us thit the ngitation by citizens of one part of the
Union of a ul j cl not confij. d to the Gem rut Gov
ernient, but exclu-ively undci the gu irdianship of
the local nuth ir ties, is productive of no other con
sequences than bitterness, alienation, discord, and
injuiy In the very cause wh'ch is intended to be
advanced. Of all the gre it inteiets which app r
tain to our country, that of union, cordial, c n.flJ'i g
frate nil union, is by far the mot imporiaiv, since
it is 'ho only true and sur. guaranty f ull other..
In consequence' of the cuibui ras.-ed stale of busi
ness and the currency, some of the States may
meet difficulty in their fmnnic .1 cuncer. However
dcep'y we may regre t uny thing imprudent exces-
cive in the ngigenie'tiis into which States have
entiTe'd for purposes of their iwn, it die not be
come us to i parage! the State Governments, nor to
discourage the n from making proper efT s for
their own relii f; on the contrary, it is our duly to
encourage them. M the extent of our constitutional
authority, to apply th. ir best means, and cheerful y
to make nil necessary sacrifices and t-ulnnit to all
nece-sary burden l . fulfil th- ir engoiemenia an.l
maintain iheir credit, for the character and cred I of
the aevcral Statea form part of the character and
credit nf the whole country. Tho resources of ihe
country are abundant, tho enterprise and activity
of our people proverbial ; aud w e may well hope
that Wise legislation and piudciit a liiiiuistraiion, by
the respective Gocvunei.U, each acting w ithin its
pn sp..eie, will restore former prosperity,
Unpleasant and even dangerous aa c d iston mtv
sometimes be, betes cen the conciliated authorities
e.r the citizens uf our country, in relalio:i to ihe
line which separate their reflective ju isJic.ions,
the results can be of no vital inju-y to our ins itatioii",
if that ardent patriotism, that devoted uttachment
to lit erty, that spirit of moderation aud forebeirance
for which our countrymen were once dislinguis'-d
cotuinuotohe cherished. The eatne e.uses will
ever produce the same effects; and us ling as the
love of pow er is a dominant passion of thu human
bo-om, and i long as tho undemanding of men can
le warped and thcit affections changed by opera
tions upon iheir passion and prejudice-, so long
wilt the liberty of a people depend on their own con
aa atanl attention Io Its
servation. I he danger 10
a well-established fee give......... ...
in unwilbngness of the -cople to ii.te in its exisi
cnee, or horn me u.uaeuce ... Ue., B ....... u.
ting iheir attention from ihe qiurter whence it
- approaches, to a source Irom which it can never
come. This is ihe old trick of those who would u-
ur. aurp ihe goverrumt of their country. In in name
for of Deuiocney they apeak, warning the people a-
gainst the influence of wealth and t.' uanger 01
1 ariatocracy. History, ancior.t and tnoJern, is
l of mch fxiunples. Cair l-ertn the mastir of
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Advertisements left without dirretion aa to the
length of time the are In he pub ihed, will be
continued until ordered out, and charged accord
ingly. fjj'ixtecn lines make a square.
.- XJ "'!'.. i i i i i an . sjimi
the Roman penp'e and tho Senate under the pre
tenco ofauppoit'ng the democratic claims of the
fo'mfr against Ihe aristocrary of the letter; Crom
well, in the character of pro ectot of the hlierties of
the people, became thn dictator of England; i.nJ
Dolivar possessed himwlf of unlimited powvr, with
the title of his c luntrj's Liberator. There is, on
the contrary, no single instanco on recorj of an ex
tensive and web estubl.shcj republ c being dung
ed into on a i locr.icy. The tendencies of all audi
Gov. c merit iu their de line is to monarchy ; i.n.I
lh' nut agonist principle t Ibx-rty ihero is the
it of faction a sp'rit wlii h a-sumrs the e' arar-tcr,
and, in times ot great rxc.tcmrn', impo-es i". If up-
n the people as ihe g nu:ne k, it it of fr id m, auJ
I kc false Ch ists whose co i.i. g was 1 neioM by ti.e
Saviour, seeks to, and were it p a-iV.e wonld, im
pose upon ihe true and m st faithful disciples i.f
liberty. It is in peiiods line this that it behooves
the e ible to I must wa cliful i t iXo-e to whom
they have intrusted power. And a tiuujh there is
nt limes mnch difficulty in distingu shing the fal-o
from the true spirit, a cahri and dispassionate in
vestigation will detect the eoutilerfeit as welly
character of iu operations, as the results that are
nduced.
The forogoin rcmirks rola'.o almost exclusively
lo madera connected with our domestic concerns.
It may I proper, however, that I should give sr.me
indication to my fellow citizens of my proposed
course of conduct in th" man'ieemi'i't of our foreign
relations- I sssure them therefore, tint it is my in
tention to use every mean, in my power to preserve
the friendly intercourse which now so happily suh
sits with eveiy foreign nation; and thit, ol.houtjh,
nfc 'ir'se, not well informed as to the of any
fiendiii,; negotiation with s')y of them, I sec in the
personal clu.actrra of tho Sovereign-, as Wl-iI us in
the mutual interest of our own and of the Govern
ments with which our relations arc mo t intimate,
a plea-ing guaranty that the birnKiiy so important
In the interests of their subjec's, as well as our citi
zens, will not be interrupted by the aJvancsment of
any claim, or pretension upon their part to which
our honor would not permit us to yield. Long the
defender of my country's rights in the field, I truit
that my fellow eilizeu w ill not see ill my earnest
desire to preserve petice with foreign powers, any
indication that their rights wilt ever be sacrificed,
or the honor of the nation tarnished by any admis
sion on the part uf their Chief Mjgi. trite unworthy
of their former glory.
Before concluding, fellow cit'zens, 1 raut say some
thing to you on the subject of the parties at this tima
existing in our country. To mo it appears perfect
ly clear, that the interest of that count y require!
that the violence of the psr'y spirit by whicii those
parties are at this time giv rnej, must be gieatly
in tigatcd, if no' eirbt ly extinguished, or conse
quences will ensue which a-e apjia ling to be t'nou'.t
of. If pari e in a tej'ublic a-e nece-sirv to secure a
drgrei of visilanee sufficient to k ep the pu'ilie
functionaries wiihin the bounds of law nnJ duty,
at that point their u-elulness nJ. C yo ,d th-.!,
ih. y liccome destructive of public viitue.the pirents
of a spirit antagonist to that of liberty, and, event-
u il y, its inevitable conqu"or. We havcexamples
of Ite ublics, Mieie the lo.e of country and of lib
erty, at one time, weie the doaiinint pa-sions nf the
whole miss of citizens. And yet, with the contin
uance of the name and forms uf free government,
not a vestige uf the qualities remaining in the bo
som of any one uf its ciliz 'lis. Ii waa the l-cauti-fu!
rem nk uf a distinguished English wrier that "in
the Knm.n Se ate, Oclavius lnd a party, and
Anthony a puty, but the commonwealth had
none." Yet t .e Sen tte coutinued to me-et in tho
Temple of I.ilierty, I la k of the sacredncss anJ
b Huly of the c .mm'mweall'i, a'l t g.zJ al the sla
tue of the el h r Lirutu- and of i io Curtil -n.l De
cii. And the people h.si: uS!.l in the forum, tot
as in the days nf Carni'lin nnd the S ipio, to cast
their fn e vote- for urinu .1 magistrates r p i-s upon
the net of the Jeua-f, bu' to receive from the lead
ers uf II. e respective p .rties iheir sluic nf tho -p ii!s,
and Io shout for na or the o.her, as fu se collected
in Gaul, or Egypt, and the b s.-er Asia, would fur
nish ihe larger dieidend. Thn spirit of liberty had
fled, and, avoiding the abodes of civilized man, had
anight proiecti n in the wild of S.-ytbij or Scan
drnavia; and so, under the operation of the same
causes and influences, il will fly f.om ojr Capilul
and our forums. A cal miiy so awful, not only to
our country but to the world, rnu ft be deprecated
by every patriot; and every tenJeoey to a statu cf
thing likely lo prodj.ee it immediately checked.
S..cli a tendency l.aa existed does exist. Al.vsya
the fuei.d of my count'yin n, never iheir date er it
I ec imes my duty lo sav to them rrom this high pLce
to which their partiality bia exalted me, thn there
exists in the land a spirit hostil.' to their UcA inter-
cs's hostile ) liberty itself. Il :a a apirit contract
ed in i's viet, silfi.lt mils object. It Ik.kslJtha
agjiuu Ji-cmettl of a few, even lo the desl.ucii.in of
the interest of iho whole'. The entire remedy is
with he people. Something, however, msy bo ef
fected by the means which they have j Uced in my
hands. Il is union that we want, not of a party far
the sake of tint puty, but a union of lha whole
country fir the sake of the whole country for tha
defence of interests and its honor against foreign
aggression, for the defence of thjaa principles for
which our ancestors so gloriously contended. Aa
far aa it depend upon me, il stull tie accomplished.
All the iiifl jaoee that I pas, shall be exerted ta
present the fjmttior, ftt least of in EoeV.i- pr.
lull j
If