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at the shortest - notice. The Itzposrronr OFFICE hae,just
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lari:Mr. John K. Shryock our authorized Agent to
receive Subscriptions and Advertisetnents,,and receipt for
the game. All letters should be addressed to• •
_ Id'CLURE & STONER, Publishers.
Coat, Lumber, &c.
CARPENTERS AND , BUILDERS
TTENTIONI
The nadenigned have now on hand, at their
PLANING AND FLOORING MILL,
• largo Supply of Sash, Shutters, Doors and Blinds fur sale
or made tosorder.
Mouldings of all descriptions, from half inch to 8 inches,
on hand. ,
Plain and Ornamental Scroll Sawing neatly executed.
Abao—WOod Turning in all its branches. Newel Posts,
Banisters, Bdd Posts, &c.„ on handy
A large supply of Dressed Flooring for sale.
Also—Window and Door Frames on band or made at
abort notice. HAZELET, VERNON S. CO.,
febl•tf Harrison Avenue, Chambersburg, Pa.
G EO.- A
GRAIN AND AGRICULTURAL WAREHOUSE
Delis Ls buying Ray.
Dolts is I.!uyfng Wool.
Deitz le buyingPloar.
Daitt la buying Wheat and Rye
/hits is baying Oats sand Cora
Deft 1, buying Cloverand Timothy Seed.
Deft% vbaying Flaxseed.
Delta is buiti Apples and Potatoes.
AND PAIING THE RIGFIEST FMCS,
AT DEITZ:B
QUIN AND AGRICULTURAL WAREHOUSE,
North of Rail Road Depot.
Delta is selling Plow&
Deits is selling Corn_Shellers and Fodder Cutters
Deite 11 selling Ford's Phosphate or Fertilizer.
Reitz is selling the best Family Flour.
Deitzis selling all kinds of Feet:.
Deitz is selling the best Stove c6al
Dent is selling Salt and Plaster.
Deitz is selling Cement and Calcine Plaster.
Deitz islling the beet Lime coat
Deitz is selling the best Blacksmith Coal
Dell= is selling Mir for Plastering.
Delta is selling Fonadey Coal
Dolts Is selling off alo•small profits
Dolts isselling Pine and Bexitlock Boards, Plank, Joint,
Scantling, Sawed and Shaved Shingles, Plastering Lathei,'
Flooring., Palling; Railn, &c.
Be wire and buy as
DMZ'S , WAREROVSE
COAL AND LUMBER YARD,
sixl get a gok4 article r sateap.
Nortl7 . a - tia IroeSDepi:)t.
LEO. EB*RT Sr. SON
Have constantly on band, and will furnish
to order all kinds of
SEASONED I,,,UMBER,
,auckt al
11 and 2 inch Plank,
Boardi!, worked Flooring,
Weatherboarding,
J.llll and Scantling,
railings wad Shiugles,
all on the most reasonable terms.
LIME AND STOVE COAL
We also keep on hand a good supply of Lime and Stove
Coal, which we will famish at the lowest Prices.
Offiee'in rear of I.he Jail, Chambersburg. Pa.
ootlS LEO. ERERT & SON.
STL-AM SAW MILL.—The undersign
ed hive erected and in operation a Steam Saw Mill
at the South Mountain, rear Graffenbarg Springs, and are
prepared to caw to order Bilis, ori.wurrE OAK, PINE,
HEMLOCK or any kind of timber desired, at the shirt.
est notice and at low rates. One of the firm will be at the
Hotel of Sam'l Greenawalt, in Chambersburg, on Satur
day the 24th inst. and on each alternate Saturday thereaf
ter for the prupose of contracting for the delivery of lum
ber. LUMBER, DELIVERED at any point at the Low
s= RMS. All letters should be addressed to them at
Graffenburg P. 0., Adams co, Pa.
43•014-17- MILTENBERGER & BRADY.
iigir Small Jots of Lumber, Shingles, &a, from our
=Wet an be procured at any time at
W. F. EYSTER d BRO'S,
Market Street, Chambersburg.
BBBL D IN G LUMBER.—The under
signed is prepared to saw all kindrof Boding Loin
Der at the lowest market price. R. A. RENFREW,
GREW WOOL MXLLO, Fayetteville P. O. dee-N.ly
LIJ 318 E R.—All kinds of Lumber for
L
sale at reasonable rates at A. S. 11 . 01.:N'S Mill, near
Quincy, Pa. July 19 .t f
attornego at 'Cato.
G. 34 . & W.S. STENGER, ATTOR
. NETS AT LAW —W. S. STENGER, District At.
turuey and Agent for procuring Pensions, Bounty Money
and arrears in pay
Office in James Duffield's detailing, un the W,2 side of
Second Street, between Queen min Waskingion Streets.
aug24
QTLIMBAUGH & GEHR, ATToitNEYs
AT LAW:,—Office opposite the Poet Office. Will at
tend promptlyto all business entrusted to their care.
P. B.—Authorized Agents for the collection of Pen-,ions,
Bounty, Bark Pay and all other claims against the govern.
scuff
WWs EVERETT. Attorney at Law.
. Ottlee on Slarket Street, opposite the Court
}louse, Ittrrnerly oecnpied by Jer. Cook, Esq. All lophl
business* entrusted to his care tmll receive prompt filen.
tlon. xoy7-tf.
JOHN STEWART, ATTORNEY AT LAW
Office on Segmnd Street, a few doom South of al
Mittel House. PENSIONS, BOUNTY and other claim
promptly collected. rang 31
TJ. NILL,. ATTORNEY AT LAW. 0
fits at his residence Second greet._ 4.01'.}
TB. KENNEDY, ATTORNEY AT Law
• Office on Market street. ' mll9_
VARPETS! CARPETS!! CARPETS ! ! !
.J The undersigned takes pleasure in anni,onebur t o t h e
public, that they have on hand, at their store
ON SOUTH MAIN STREET,
Cbambenburg, a large stock of Carpets, consisting of
In
grain, Venitian, Stair, Cottage, Rag and List Carpets, of
afferent styles and qualities. Also,
• FLOOR, STAIR AND TABLE OILCLOTHS.
Cocoa Matting, Door Mats, Coverlets, Cotton Laps, Stieh
l:lg Yarn and Carpet Chain always on hand.
They also continue to manufacture all kinds of
RAG CARPET
at reasonable rates.
novßrThe highest price paid for good carpet rags.
ly P. ICICKLAS & BRO.
XV AN T E D.—Agen ta, MALE or FE
T MALE to introduce the best selling A. 10.00
FAMILY SEWING MACHINE
in the world. All complete—Hemmer, Sell.Seaer, Bin
der, Beater, Tacker, &c., &e. We let gaud Benti pay
for the machines alters they sell them. For partimthirx
addressor call on. ' . LATHROP &C , ,,
asP6.3n2 Nu. 142 South 6th St., Phll'a., Pa._
REMOVAL OF BUSH'S TOBACCO
AND SEGAR STORR—Tbeundersigned taw re•
moved his Tot:metros:ad Seger Store to hls new room, OR
SECOND STREET, mkt door to the Friendship Argyle
/louse, where he will keep on bead a complete stock
TOBACCO AND BEGABB, auohas Natural Lear, of
Iran and Swat, TObtooo, PIMA. tts.
Ivo n. H. BURR.
tranklin frpositorg.
OF
ANDREW JOHNSON,
President of the United States.
READ IN CONGRESS TUESDAY, DECEMBER 5, IBM
Follow•CiliZOOS of the Solace and Holm. of Reprosentatireo:
To express gratitude to God, in the name of the
People, for the preservation.of the United States,
is my first duty in addressing you. Our thoughts
next revert to the death of the late President by
an act of parricidal treason. The grief of the na
tion is still fresh ; it finds some solace in the con
sideration that he lived to enjoy the highest proof
of its confidence by entering on the - renewed term
of the Chief Magistracy, to which be had been
elected; that he brought the civil war substauti
ally to a close; that his loss was deplored in all
parts of the Union; andthat foreign nations have
rendered justice to his Memory. His removal has
cast upon me a heivier weight of cares than ever
devolved upon any one of his predecessors. To
fulfill my trust I need the support and confidence
of all who are associated with me in the various
departments of Government, and the support and
confidence of the people. There is. but one way
in. which I can hope to gain their necessary aid;
it is, to state with frankness the principles which
guide my conduct, and their application to the
present state of affairs, well aware that the effi
ciency of my labors will, in a great measure, de
pend on your and their undivided approbation.
The Union of the United States of America was
intended by the authors to last as long as the
States theinselVes shall last. "TILE UNION SHALL
BE PERPETUAL" are the words of the Confeder
ation. "To FORM A MORE PERFECT UNION,"
by an ordinance 'of the people of the United
States, is the declared Ifii_qose of the Constitu
tion. The hand of DivinsrP'rovidence was never
more plainly visible in the affairs of men than in
'the framing and adoption of that.instrument. It
is, beyond comparison, the greatest event in Amer
. ican history, and indeed is it not, of all events in
modern times, the most pregnant with consequen
ces for every people of the earth? The mem
bers of the Convention which prepared it, brought
to their work the expenence of . .. Confederation, of
their several States, and of other Republican
Governments, old and new; but they neeeded and
obtained a wisdom superior to experience. And
when for this validity it required the approval of
a people that occupied a large part of a continent
and acted separately iu many distinct conventions
what is more wonderful than that, after earnest
contention and long discussion, all feelings and all
opinions were ultimately drawn in one way to its
support?
The Constitution to which life was thus im
parted contains within itself ample resources for
its own preservation. It has power to enforce
the laws, punish treason and ensure domestic tran
quility. In case of the usurpation of the Govern
ment of a State by man, or an oligarchy, it be;
comes a duty of the United States to make good
the guarantee-to that State of a republican form
of government, and so to maintain the homogene
otsness of all. Does the lapse of time reveal de
fects? A simple mode of amendment is provided
in the Constitution itself, so that its conditons can
always be made to conform to are requirertents
of advancing civilization. No room is allowed
even for the thought of a possibility of its coming
to an end. And these powers of preservation have
always been inserted in their complete integrity
by every patriotic Chief Magistrate—by Jeffer
son and Jackson, not less than by Washington and
Madison. The parting advice of the Father of
his Country, while yet President, to the people
of the United States, was that " the free Consti
tution, which was the work of their hands, might
be sacredly maintained," and the inaugural words
of President Jefferson held up " the preservation
of the General Government, in its constitutional
vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home
and safety abroad," The Constitution is the work
g rc a r t a bs tr aiiink t i cd•
. State e s," .1.1 it
It is not strange that theeframers of the Con—
stitution which had no model in the past, shofild
not have fully comprehended the excellence of
their own work. Fresh from a struggle against
arbitrary power, many patriots suffered from ha
rassing fears of an absorption of the State Gov
ernments by the General Government, and many
from a dread that the States would break from
their orbits. But the very greatness of our coun
try should allay the apprehension of encroach
ments by the General Government. The subjects
that come unquestionably within its jurisdiction
are no numerous that it must ever naturally re
fuse to be embarrassed by questions that lie be
yond it. Were it otherwise, the Executive would
sink beneath the burden ; the channels of justice
would be choked, legislation would be obstructed
by excess; so that there is greater temptation to
exercise some of the functions of the General
Goiernment through the States than to trespass
on their rightful sphere. "The absolute acqui
escence in the decisions of the majority " was, at
the beginning of the century, enforced-by Jefier
son, " as the vital principle of republics;" and the
events of the last four-years have established, we
will hope forever, that there lies no appeal to force.
The maintenance of the Union brings with it
" the support -of the State Governments in all
their rights;" but it is nut one of the rights of
any State Gocernihtnt to renounce its own place
in the Union, or to nullify laws of the Union.
The largest liberty is to be-maintained in the dis
cussion of the acts of the Federal Government ;
but there is no appeal from its laws. except to the
various branches of that government itself, or in
the people, who grant to the member's of the Leg
iglative and, Executive Departments no tenure
but a limited one, and in that manner always re
tain the powers of redress.
"rho sovereignty of the States" is the language of the
Confederacy, and not the language of the Constitution
The latter ....vow.. the• , etl_intie words: 'Ti., Censtitte
tion. nod the laws of the Called maw. wood: dual he
made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which
shall be made under the authority of the United State+,
shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in
every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the eon
mthition or tans of any State to the Contrary notwith Mani'
ag.' e
11,EITZ'S
Laths, &C., &C.,
Certainly the Government of the United State,.
is a limited government; and so is ev'ery \State
Government a limited government. With - us, this
idea of limitation spreads through every fu m of
administration, general, State, and 111111116 1, and
rents on the great distinguishing principle of the
recognition of the rights of man. The ancient re
publics absorbed the individual in the State, pre
scribed his teligion, and controlled his activity.
The American system rests tairthe assertion of the
equal right of every_ man to life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness; to freedom of conscience, to
the culture and exercise-of all his faculties. As
a consequence the State Government is limited,
US AO the General Government in tilt° interest of
Caton, as to the individual citizen in the interest
of freedom.
b Stab. , . with proper - limitations of power, are
.essential to the existence of the Constitution of
the toiled States. At the very commencement,
v, lieu aesuined a place among the Powers of
the earth, the Declaration of Independence was
adopted by States; so also were the Articles of
Confederation; and when "the People of the Uni
ted Staten" ordained and established the Consti
totem, it Has the assent of the States, one by one,
a hich gilVf• it vitality. In the event, too, of an
amendment to the Constitution, the proposition
of Congress needs the confirmation of States.
Without States, one great branch of the legisla
tive government would be wanting. And, if we
look beyond the letter of the Constitution to the
character of our country, its capacity for compre
hending within its jurisdiction a vast continental
empire i= due to the system of States. The best
weurit‘ for the perpetual existence of the States
is the "supreme authority" of the Constitution of
the ruited States. The perpetuity of the Con- ,
stitution brings with it the perpetuity of the States;
their mutual relations make us what we are, and
in our political system their connection is indisso
luble. The whole cannot exist without the parts,
nor the parts without the whole. So long as the.
Constitution of the United States endures, the
gill endure; the destruction of the one is
the: destruction of the other, the preservation of
the one: in the preservation of the other.
I have thus explained my view of the mutual
relations of the Constitution and the States,, be
cause they unfold the principles on which I have
sought to solve the momentous questions and over , .
come the appalling difficulties that met me at the
very-commencement of my administration. It has
been my steadfasVobject to escape from the sway
of momentarypassions, and to derive a healing
policy from the fundamental and unchanging prin
ciples of the Constitution.
ranklin ellepo.z iturtt
BY M'CLURE & STONER.
FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE
I found the States suffering from the etrects.of
a civil war. Resistance to the General Govern
ment appeared to have exhausted itself. The
United States had recovered possession of their
forts and arsenals; and their armies were in the
occupation of every State which bad attempted
to secede. Whether the , territory within the li
mits of those States shouldl4 held as conquered
territory, ender military authority emanating from
the President as the head of the army, was the
first question that presented itaelt for decision.
E•%ow, military governments, established for an
indefinite, period, would have offered no security
for the early suppression of discontent; would have
divided the people into vanquishers and vanquish
ed, and would have envenomed hatred, rather
than have restored affection. Once established,
no precise limit to their continuance was conceit . -
able.. They would have occasioned an incalcula
ble and exhausting expense. Peaceful emigration
to and front that portion of the country is one of
the best means that can be thought of for the res
toration of harmony; and that emigration would
have been prevented; for what emigrant from
abroad, what industrious citizen ut home, would
place himself willingly Under military rule t The
chief persons who would have followed in the
train of the army would have been dependents on
the General Government, or men who expected
profit from the miseries of theirerring fellicw-cit
izens. The powers of patronage and rule which
woultlive been exercised, under the President,
over a vast and populous, and naturally wealthy
region, are greater than, unless under extreme
necessity, I should be willing to entrust to any
one man; they are such as, for myself, I could ne
ver, unless on oecaslins of great emergency, con
sent to exercise. The wilfoLuse of such powers,
if continued through a period of years, would
have endangered the purity of the general admin--
istration and the liberties of the States which re
mained loyal. -
Besides . , the-policy of military rule over a con
quered territory would have, implied 'that the
States whose inhabitants may have taken part in
the rebellion had, by the act of those inhabitants,
ceased to exist, c.But the true theory is, that all
pretended acts of set eswere, from the begin
ning, null and void. The States cannot commit
treason, norsogreen the individual citizens who
may have committed treason, any more than they
can make valid treaties or engage in lawful com
merce with any foreign Power. The States at
tempting to secede placed themselves in a condi
tion where their vitality was impaired, but not
extinguished—their functions suspended, but not
destroyed.
But if any'State neglects or refuses to perform
its offices, there is the more need that the Gene
ral Government should maintain all its authority.
and; soon as practicable, resume the efercise
of-all its functions On this principle I hose-let
ed, and have gradually and quietly, and by almost
imperceptible steps, sought to restore the rightful
energy of the General Government -and of the
States. To that end, Provisional Governors have
been appointed for the States, Conventions called,
Governors elected, Legislatures aesenubled, and
Senators nal-Wpresentatives chosen ro' the Con
gress of the United States. At the same time,
the Courts ofthe United States, so far as c o uld
be done, have been re-opened, so that the laws of
the United , States may be enforced through their
agency. The blockade has been renieved and the
eustmiamises re-established in por*Ll-4_,)f entry, so
that the revenue of the United Statt-snay be col
lected. 'T
-be Post Office Department renews it ,
ceaseless ac ti v ik , and the General Goverrment
is thereby'kenableitto communicate promptly with
its officers and agents. The courts bring security
to persons and property; the opening of the ports
invites the restoration of industry and commerce;
the post office renews the facilities of social inter
course and of business. And is. it not happy tin•
us all, that the restoration of each one of these
functions of.the General_ Government brings w ith
it a blessing to the States over which they arc ex
tended? Is it not a sure promise of harmony and
renewed attachment to the Union-that, after all
that has happened, the return of tfisi General Go
vernment is known only as a beneficence?
• I know very well that this policy is attended
with some risk; that for its success it requires at
least the acquiescence of the States which it con
cerns ; that it implies an invitation to those States,
renewing their alleaiince to the rnifea sant,ea
risk tigiMite6qllittamf,ftEfosm,
of difficulties, it is the smallest risk; and to di
minish, and, if possible, to remove all danger, I
.have felt it incumbent on me to assert-one other
power of the Government—the power of pardon.
As no State-can throw a defence over the crone
of treason, the power of pardon is 'exclusively
vested in the-Executive Government of the Uni
ted States. In exercising that power, I have ta
ken every precaution to connect it . with the
clearest recognition of the binding force of the
laws of the United States, and an unqualified ac-"'
knowledgment of the great social change of con
dition in regard to slavery which has grown out
of the war.
The next step which I have taken to restore
the constitutional relationit of the States, has been
an invitation to them to participate in the high
office of amending the Constitution.' Every pa
triot must wish for a general amnesty at the ears
hest epoch consistent with public safety. For
this great end there is need of a- concurrence of
all opinions and the spirit of mutual conciliation.
All parties in the late terrible conflict must work
together in harmony. It is not too much to ask,
in the name of the whole people, that, oin the one
side, the plan of restoration shall proceed in con
formity with a willingness to. cast the disorders
of the past into - oblivion; andlhat, on the other
the evidence of sincerity in the future mainte
nance of the Union shall be put beyond doubt by
the ratification of the proposed amendment to
the Constitution,which provides for the abolition
of Slavery forever within the limits of our coun
try. So long as the adoption of this amendment
is delayed, so long will doubt; and jealously and
uncertainty prevail. This is the measure which
will efface the sad memory of the past ; this is the
measure which will most certainly gall popula
tion, and capital and security to those parts of
the Union that need them most. Indeed, it is
not too tnuch to ask of the Stites which are now
their . places in - the family of the Union
to gm, this pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace.
I - Mil it is dune, the past, however much we may
desire not be forgotten. The adoption of
the amendment reunites us beyond all power of
disruption. It heals the wound that is still im
perfectly closed; It removes slavery, the element
which has so lung perplexed and divided the
emintry;`it makes of us once more a united peo
ple, renewed and strengthened, bound more than
ever to mutual enctiuu and support.
The amendment to the Constitution being adop
ted, it would remain for the States, whose pew
era have been so long in obey rime, to resume
their places in the two brunettes of the National
Legislature, and thereby complete the work of
restoration. Here it is for }on, fellow-citizens of
the House of Representatives, to judge, each of
you for yourselves, of the elections, returns, and
qualifications of your own members:.
The full assertion of the powers of the General
Government requires the holding of Circuit Courts
of the United States within the districts where
their authority has ben interrupted. In the
present posture of our pubhe attains, oug ob
jections have been urged to holding those courts
in any of the States where the rebellion has exis
ted ; end it was ascertained, by inquiry, that the
"Circuit Court of the United States would not be
held within the Division of Virginia during the
autumn or early winter, nor Mail Congress should
have " an opportunity to consider and act on the
whole subject." To your deliberations the resto
ration of this branch of the civil authority of the
United States is therefore necessarily referred,
with the hope that early pros ision will be made
for the resumption of all its functions. It is mani
fest that treason, most flagrant in character, has
been committed. Persons who are charged with
its commission should have fair and impartial tri
als in the highest civil tribunals of the country.
In order tat the Constitution and the laws may
be fully vindicated ; the truth clearly established
and affirmed that treason is a crime, that trait
ors should be punished and the offence made in
famous; and, at the same time, that the question
may be judicially settled, finally and forever, that
no State of its own will has the right to renounce
ifii-place in the Union.
The relations of the General Government to
the foqr millions of inhabitants whom the
war has called into freedom, have engaged my
most serious eonsiderationr. On the propriety of
attempting to make the faTdinen electors by the
proclamation of the Executive, •I took for my
counsel the itself, the interpretations
of that instrument by its authors and their con
temporaries, and recent legislation by Congress.
When, at the first movement towards indepen
dence, the Congress of the United States instruc
ted the several States to institute governments of
their own, -they left each State to decide for it
CHARBERSBURG, PA., WEDNESDAY, DEC
self the conditions fur the enjoyment of the elec..
five franchise. Daring the period of the Confed
eracy their continued to exist a very great diver
sity in the qualifications of electors In the sever
al States; and even within a State a distinction
of qualifications prevailed with 'regard to the of
Seers who were to be chosen. The Constitution
of the United States resoguises these diversities
when it enjoins that, in the choice of members of
the House of Representatives of. the United
States, "the electors in each state Shall have the
qualifications requisite for electors of the most
numerous branch of the State Legislature," Af
ter the formation of the Constitution, it reinaind
ed, as before, the uniform usage for each State to
enlarge the body of its electors, according to its
own judgment ; and, under this system, one State
after another has proceeded to increase the num
ber of its electors, until now universal suffrage,
or something very near it, is the general rule. So
fixed was this reservant of power in the habits of
the people and so unquestioned has been the in
terpretation of the Constitution, that during the
civil war the late President never harbored the
purpose—certainly never avowed the purpose—,
of disregarding it and in the acts of Congress,
during that peiiod, nothing can be foundovhichl
during the continuance of hostilities, much lessi
after their clone, would have sanctioned any de
parture by the Executive from a policy which
has so uniformly obtained. Moreover, a conces
sion of the elective franchise to the freedmen, by
act of the President of the United States, must
have been extended to all colored men, wherever
found, and so must have established a change of
suffrage in the Northern, Middle and Western
States, not lees than in the Southern and South
western. Such an act would have created a new
-class of voters, and would have been an assump
tion of power by the President which nothing in
the Constitution or laws of the United States
would have warranted.' -
On the other hand, every danger of conflict is
- avoided when the settlement of the question is re
ferred to the several States. They can, each for
itself, decide on the measure, 'mid whether it isle
be adopted at once and absolutely, or introduced
gradually and with conditions.— In my judgment,
the freedmen, if they show patience and manly
virtues; will sooner obtain a participation in the
eleetbFe fra:nehise through the States than through
the - GlMeral Government, even if it had power te
intervene. When the tumult of emotions that
have been raised by the suddenness of the social
change shall have subsided, it may prove that
they vi ill receive the kindliest usage from some of
those on whom they have heretofore most closely
depended.
-But while I have no doubt that now, after the
close of the war, it is not competent for the Gen
eral Government to extend the elective franchise
in the several States, it is equally clear that good
faith - requires the security of the freedmen in their
liberty, and their property, their right to labor,
and their right to claim the just return of their
labor.' I catillot too strongly urge a dispassion
ate treatment of this subject, which sbonld be
carefully kept aloof from all party Strife. We
must equally avoid hasty assumptions.' of any nat
ural n»possiedity for the. two races to; live side by
side, in a state of mutual benefit and good will.
.The experiment involves us in no inc,onsisteney;
let us thee go on and make that experiment in
geed faith, and not be too easily disheartened.—
The country is in need of labor, and the freedmen
are in need of employment, culture, end piotec
tern. While their right of voluntary migration
and expatriation is not to be questioned, I would
not advise their forced removal and colonization.
-Let us rather encourage them to hoporable and
industry, where it mai' be beneficial to
themselves and to the country, and, instead of
hasty anticipations of the certainty of failure,
let there be nothing wanting to 'the fair trial of
the experiment. The change in their condition
is the substitution of labor by contract for the
status of slavery. The freedmen cannot fairly be
accused of unwillingness to work, so long as doubt
remains about his freedom of choice in his pur
suits, and the certainty of his recovering his stip
ulated wages. In this the interests of the em
ployer and the employed coincide. The employ
er desires in his workmen spirit and alacrity, and
these can be permanently secured in no other
way. And if the one ought to be able to enforce
d~tATAnihtle
for the freedmen. Until this is in same way ac
complished, there is no chalice for the advanta
geous use of their labor; and the blame of ill-suc
cess will not rest on them.
I know that sincere philanthrophy is earnest
fur the immediate realization of its remotest aims;
but•time is always an element in reform. It is
one of the greatest acts on record to have brought
four millions of people into freedom. 'The ca
reer of free industry must be fairly opetfed to
them: and then their future prosperity and con
dition must, after all, rest mainly ou themselves.
If they fail, and so perisfr away, let us b, careful
that the failure shall not he attributable' to any
denial of justice. In all that relates to the desti
ny of the freedmen, we need not be too anxious
to read the future ; many incidents which, from a
speculative point of view, might raise alarm, will
quietly settle themselves.
Now that slavery is at an end or near_ its end,
the greatness- of its evil, in the point of view of
public economy, becomes more and more appa
rent. Slavery was essentially a monopoly of la
bor, and as such locked the States where it pre
vailed against the incoming of free industry.—
Where labor was the property of the eapttalsit,
the w bite man was elcluded from employment,
or had but the second best chance of finding it ;
and the foreign emigrant turned away from, the
legion where his condition would be so precari
ous. With the destruction of the monopoly, free
labor will haliten from all parts of the civilized
world to assist in developing various and immeas
urable resources which have hitherto lain dor
mant.- The eight or nine States nearest the Gulf
of Mexico have a soul of exhuberant fertility, a
climate friendly, to long life, and can sustain a
denser population than is found as yet in any part
of our country. And the future influx of popu
lation to thou will be mainly from the North, or
from the inpst cultivated nations in Europe:,
From the sufferings that have attended them dur
ing our late struggle, let us look away to the fu
ture, ',hie), is sure to be laden for them with
greater prosperity than bun ever befmv been
known. The removal of the monopoly of slave
labor is a pledge that those regiotis w ill be peo
pled by a numerous and enterprising population,
which «ill c ie with any in the Lulea in compact
ness; inventive genius, wealth andindustry.-
GA,,,r Government springs trout and was made
people—not the people for the Govern
ment. To them it ows allegiance; from them it
must derive its courage, strength, and wisdom.—
But, while the Government is thus bound to de
fer to the people, front vt hum it derives its exist
ence, it should, from the very---consideration of
its origin, be strong in its power of resistance to
the establishment of inequalities. Monopolies,
perpetuities, and class legislation, are contrary to
the genius of free government, and ought nut to
be alloc, ed. here, there is no room for favored
classes or monopolies, the principle of our Gov
ernment is that of equal laws and freedom of in
dustry. Wherever monopoly attains a, foothold,
at is sure to be a source of danger, discord 'and
trouble. \%e shall but fulfill our duties as legis
lators by according "equal and etsact justice to
all men," special privileges to none. The Gov._
eminent is subordinate to the people; bungs the
and representatii e of the people, it must be
held superior to monopolies, which, in themselves
ought never to -be granted, and which, where
they exist,, must be subordinate and yield to thus
Government.
The Constitution confers on CUngress the right
to regulate,vaminerce among the several States.
It is of the first necessity, for the maintenance of
the Union, that commerce should be free and un
obstructed. No State can be justified in any 6-
vice to tax the travel and counnerce between
States, The position of many States is such that
if they were allowed to take advantage of it for
purposes of local revenue, the commerce between
States might be injuriously burdoned, or even vir
tually prohibited. It is best while the country is
still young, and while the tendency to dangerous
monopolies of this kind is still feeble, to use the
power of Congress en as to prevent any selfish
impediment to the free circulation of men and
merchandise. A. tax on travel and merchandise,
in their transit, constitutes one of the worst forms
of monopoly, and the evil is increased if coupled
with a denial of the choice of route. 'When the
vast extent of our country is considered, it is
plain that every obstacle to the free circulation
of commerce between the States ought to be
'sternly guarded against by appropriate legislation,
within the limits of the Constitution.
The report of the Secretary of the Interior ex
plains the condition of the public-lands, the tran
sactions of the Patent Office and the Pension Bu
reau, the mana*ueut of our Indian slain!, the
ER 13, 1865.
progress made in the construction of the Pacific
railroad, and furnishes information in reference
to matters of Focal interest in the - District of Col
umbia.: It also presents evidence of the success
ful operation of the Homestead Act, under the
,provisions of which 1,160,533 acres of the public
lands were entered during the last fiscal year—,
more than one-fourth of the whole number of acres'
sold or otherwise disposed of during that period
It is estimated that the receipts derived from this
source are sufficient to cover the expenses hid
dent to the survey and disposal of the lands en
tered under this Act, and that payments in cash
to the extent of from forty to fifty per cent. wilt
be made by settlers, who may thus at any time
Acquire title before the expiration of the period at
which Itwould otherwise vest. The homestead
policy was established only after long and earnest
resistance; experience proves its wisdom. The
lands, in the hands of industrious settlers, whose
labor creates wealth and contributes to the pub•
lic resources are worth more to-the United States
than if they had,been reserved as a solitude for fu
ture purchasers.
The lamentable events oche last four years and
the sacrifices made by the gallant men of our
Army and Navy, ha 4 swelled the records of the
Pepsion Bureau to an unprecedented extent. On
the 30th day of June last, the total number of pen
sioners was 85,986, requiring for their annual pay,
exclusive of expenses, the sum of, - $8,1123;445.
The nunlber of applications that have been allow
ed since that date will require a large increase
of this amount for the next - fiscal year. The
means for the•payment of the stipends due, under
existing laws, to our disabled soldiers and sailors,
and to the families °feud as have perished in
the service of the country, will no doubt be cheer
fully and promptly granted., A" grateful people
will not hesitate to sanction any measures having
for their object the relief of soldiers mutilated and
families made fatherless in the efforts to preserve
our national existence.
The report of the Postmatiter General presents
an encouraging exhibit OT th e operations of the
Post Office Department during the year. The
-revenues of the past year from the loyal States
alone exceeded the maximum annual receipts_
from all the States previous to the rebellion, in the
sum of $6,033,091; and the annual , average in
crease of revenue..during the last four years, coin
pared with the revenues of the four years imme
diately preceding the rebellion, was $3,533,845.
The revenues of the last fiscal year amounted to
$14,556,158, and the expenditures to $13,694,-
728, leaving a surplus of receipts 'ever expendi
tures of $861,430. Progress. has been made in
restoring the postal service in the Southern States.
The views presented by the Postmaster General
against the polio , of granting subsidies to ocean
mail steamship lines upon establiiihed routes, and
in furor of continuing the present system, which
limits the compensation for ocean service to the
postage earnings, are recommended to the care
ful consideration of Congress.
It appears, from the wort of the Secretary of
the Navy, that while, iyt the commencement of
the present year, then were in commission 530
vessels of all classes an description, armed with
3,000 guns, and manned 51,000 men the num
ber of vessels at present in commission is 117,
with 830 guns and 12,128 men. By this prompt
reduction of the naval forces the expenses of the,
G r oveminent bare been largely diminished, and ri
number of vessels, purchased for naval purposes
from the merchant marine, have been returned
to the peaceful pursuits of commerce. Since the
eimpres , ion of active hostilities our foreign squad
rons have been re-established, and consist of Yee.-
eels much more efficient than those employed on
similar service previous to the rebellion. The
suggestion for the enlargement of thenavy-yards,
and especially for the establishment of i one in
fresh water for iron-clad vessels, is deserving of
consideration, as is also the recommendation for
a different location and more ample grounds for
the:Naval Academy.
In the report of the Secretary of War, a gen
eral summary is given of the military campaigns
of 1864 and,1865, ending in the suppression of
armed resistance to the national authority in the
insurgent States. The operations of the general
administrative Bureaus of the War Department
during the t past year are detailed, and an estimate -
made of the appropriations that will be required
for military purposes in the &seal year commenc
innitarrlbYee' on tab let or may; tow,
1,000,516 men. - It is proposed to reduce the mil
itary establishment to a peace footing, compre
hending fifty thousand troops of all arms, organ
ized so as to admit of an enlargement by filling
up the ranks to eighty-two thousand six hundred,
if the eke - 4m' stances of the country should require
an augmentation' of the army. The volunteer
force has already been reduced by the discharge
from service of over eight hundred thousand
troops, and the Department is proceeding rapidly
in the work. of further reduction. The war esti
mates-are reduced from $516,240,131-=to $33 ;
814,461, which amount, in the opinion of the De
pAe measures rtmentisad of
retrenchment
adequate for ep
neachu
a e
irea establishment.
add branch of the service exhibit a diligent ecou- -
may worthy of commendation. Reference is also
made iu the report of the necessity of providing
for a uniform militia system, and to the proprie
ty of making suitable provision for wounded and
disabled officers and soldiers.
The revenue system of the country is a subject
of vital interest to its honor and prosperity, and
should command the earnest consideration of Con
gress. The Secretary of the Treasury will lay
before yoult full and detailed report of the receipts
and disbursements of the last fiscal year, of the'
firstquarter of the preaent fiscal year, of the pro
bable receipts and expenditures for the other three
quarters, and the estimates for the year following
the 30th of June, 1866. I might content myself
with a reference to that report, in which you will
find all the information required for your delibe
rations and decision. But the paramount impor
tance of the subject so presses itself on my own
mind, that I cannot but lay before you my views
of the measures which are required for the good
character, and, I might almost say, for the exist
ence of this people. The life of a republic lies
certainly in the energy, virtue, and intelligence of
its citizens; but it is equally true that a good rev
enue system is the life of an organized govern
ment. I meet you attime when the nation has
t
voluntarily burdened tself with a debt unprece
dentedt in our anna . Vast as -is its amount, it
fades away into nothing when compared with the
countless blessings I,Liat will be conferred -upon
Our country and upon man by the preservation of
the nation's life. Now, on the first occasion of
the meeting of Congress since the return of peace,
it is of the utmost importance to inaugurate al l at
policy, which shall at once be put in motion, - and
which shall commend itself to those' who come
after us for its continuance. We must aim at
nothing less than the complete effacement of the
financial evils that necessarily followed a state of
civil war. We must endeavor to apply the earli
est remedy to the deranged state of the currency,
and not shrink from devising a policy which, With
out being oppressive to the people, shall immedi
ately begin to effect a reduction of the debt, and,
if persisted in, dischsrge it fully within a definite
ly fixed number of years.
It is our first duty to prepare in earnest for our
recovery from the' ever-increasing evils of an ir
redeemable currency, without a sudden revulsion,
and yet without untimely procrastination. - Fo r
that end, we must, each in our respective posi
tions prepare the way. I hold it the duty of the
Executive to insist upon frugality in the expendi
tures; mid a sparing economy is itself a great
national resource. Of the bunks to which author
ity has been given to issue notes secured by bonds
of the United States we may require the greatest
moderation and prudence, and the law must be
rigidly enforced when its limits are exceeded:
We may, each one of us, counsel our active and
enterprising countrymen to be constantly on their
guard, to liquidate debts contracted in a paper
currency, and, by conducting business as nearly
as possible on a system of cash payments or short
credits, to hold themselves prepared to return to
the standard of, gold and silver. To aid our fel
low-citizens in the prudent management gt their
monetary affairs, the duty devolves on us to di
minish by- law the anima of paper money now
in circulation. Five years ago the hank-note cir
culation of the country' amounted to not much
more than two hundred millions ; now the-circu
lation, bank and national. exceeds seven hundred
millions. The simple atiptement of the fact re
commends more strongly than any words of mine
could do, the necessity of our restraining this ex
pansion. The gradual reduction of the currency
is the only measure that can save the business of
the country from disastrous calamities • and, this
can be almost imperceptibly accomplished by gra
dually funding the national circulation in securities
that may be made redeemable at the pleasure of
the Government. ,
Our debt is doubly secure—first in the actual
wealth and still greater undeveloped resources of
the country; and next in the character of onr in-
VOL. 7.2.... WHOLE No. 3.736.
atitutious. The most intellige t observer among
political economists have not failed. to remark,
that the public debt of a country is safe in pmpor
lion as its people are free; that the debt of a re
public is safest of all. Our history confirms and
establishes the theory, and is, I firmly bdlieve,
destined to give it a still more signal illustration.
The secret of this superiority spring's not merely
from the fact that in a republic the national obli
gations are distributed inure widely through
countless numbers in all classes of society; it has
its root in the character of our laws. Hete all
men contribute to the public welfare, and bear'
their fair share of the public burdens. During
the war, under the itupubies of patriotism, the
men of the ',Teat body of the people, without re
gard to their own comparative want of wealth,
thronged to our armies an filled our fleets of
war, and held themselves ready to offer their live:
fbr the public good. Now, in their turn, the pro
perty and income of the country should bear their
just proportion of the burden of taxation, while
in our impost .system, through means of which
increased vitality is incidentally imparted to all
thedndystrial interests of the nation, the duties •
shall be'so adjusted as to fall most heavily on ar
ticles of luxury, leaving the necessaries of life as
free from taxation as the .. .absolute wants of the,
Government, economically administered, will jos
' tify. No fai cored class should deihand freedom
from assessment, and the taxes should be so dis
tributed as nolk.,tp fall unduly on the poor, but
rather on the adliumulated wealth of the country.
We should look at the national debt just as it is
—not as a national blessing, but es a hem.). Mir-,
den on the industry of the country, to be
charged without unnecessary delay.
It is estimated-by the Secretary of the Treasury
that the expenditures for the fiscal year ending
-the 30th of June, 1866, will exceed the receipts
$112,194,947. It is gratifying, however, to state
that it is also estimated that the revenue for. the
year ending the 30th of June, 1867, will exceed
the' expenditures in the sum:of $111,682,818.
This amount, or so much as may be deemed KA
'Cleat for the purpose, may be applied to the re
duction of the public debt, which, on the 31st day
of October, 1865, was $2,740,854,750. Every
reduction will diminish the total amount of inter
est to be 'paid, and so 'enlarge the means of still
further reduction, until the whole shall be' liqui
dated ; and this, as will be seen from the estimates
'of the Secretary of the Treasury, may be accom
plished by rfnunal payments even within a period
not exceeding thirty years. I have faith that we
shall do all this within a reasonable time ; that ' ,
as we have arnazedtheworld by the suppression
of a civil war which was thought to be beyond
the control of any Government, so we shall equal
ly show the superiority of our institutions by the
prompt and faithful discharge of our national
obligations.
The Department of Agriculture, under its pres
ent direction, is accomplishing much in develop
ing and utilizing the vast agriculturit capabilities
of t - ffe country, and for informatioa-respecting the
iletaila of, its management, reference is made to
the annual report of the Commissioner.
I have &Veit thus fully on our domestic affairs
because of 'Weir transcendent importance. Un
der any circumstances, our great extent of
tory and variety of climate, producing althost
everything that is necessary for the 'wants, and
even the comforts of man, make nit singularly in
dependent of the varying policy of foreign Pow
ers, and protect us against every temptation to
"entangling alliances," while at the present ma
meat the re-establishment of harmony, and the
strength that comes from harmony, will be our.
best security against "nations who feel power and
forget right." For myself, it has been and it will
be my constant aim to promote peacd and amity
with all foreign nations and Powers; and I have
every reason to believe that they all, without ex
ception, are animated.by the Brune disposition.—
Our relatipns with the Emperor of China, so re
cent in their origin, are most friendly. Our com
merce with his dinniuiona is receiving new devel
opments ; and it is very pleasing`to 'find that the
Government of that great empire manifests satis
faction with our policy, and reposes just confi
dence in the fairness which marks our inter- •
conme. The unbroken harmony between the
United States and the Emperor of Russia is re
ceiving a new support from an enterprise design
ed to carry telegraphiclines across the continent
demininiutlnekstr.hr.PlMl/Cet
Course. Our commerce Wail /SWUM Allier= is
about to receive encourage - ment by a direct line
of mail steamships to the rising Empire of Bra
zil. The distinguished party of men of science
who have recently left our country to make a sci
entific exploration of the natural history and riv
era and mountain ranges of that region, have re
ceived from the Emperor that generous welcome
which was to have been expected from hie Con
stant friendship for the United States, and his
well.khown zeal in promoting the advaucement
of knowledge. A hope is entertained that our
commerce with the rich and populous countries
that border the Mediterranean sea may be large
ly increased. Nothing will be wanting, on the
part of this Government, to extend the protec
tion of our flag over the enterprise of our fellow-.
citizens, We receive from the Powers iu that
region. assurances of good will : and it is worthy
of note that a special envoy tins brought us mes
sages of condolence ou the death of our late
Chief Magistrate from tire Bey of Timis, whose
rule includes the old dominions of Carthage, on
the African coast.
Our domestic contest, now happily ended; has
left some traces in our relations with one at least
of the great maratime Powers. The formal ac
cordance of belligerent rights to the insurgent
States was unprecedented, and has not been jus
tified by the issue. But in the systems of neu
trality pursued by the Powers which made that
concession, there was a marked ilifierence_. The
materials of war for the insurgent States were
furnished, in a great measure, from the workshops
of Great Britain; and British ships, manned by
British subjects, and prepared for receiving Bri
tish armaments, sallied from the ports of Great
Britain to make war upon ,American commerce,
under the shelter du commission from the insur
gent States. These ships, having once escaped
from British ports, ever afterwards entered them
in every part of the world, to refit, and so to re
new their depredations. The consequences of
this conduct were most disastrous to the States
then in rebellion, increasing their desolation and
misery by .the prolongation of our civil contest.
It had, morebeer, the effect, to a great extent, to
drive the American flag from the sea, and to trans
fer much of our shipping and our commerce to
the very Power whose subjects had created&he
necessity for such a change. These events took
place before I was called to the administrati, n of
the Government. The sincere desire for peace
by vf, hick I am animated led me to approve the
proposal, already made, to'subinit the questions
which had thus arisen between the countries to
arbitration. These questions are of such moment
that they must have commanded the attention of
the great Powers, and are so interwoven with the
peace and interests of every one of them as to
have ensured an impartial decision. I regret to
inform you that Great Britain declined the orbit
lament, but, on the other baud, invited us to the.
formation of a joint commission to settle mutual
claims between the two countries, froirkwhich
those for the'depredations before mentioned should
be excluded. The proposition, in that very un
satisfactory form, has been declined.
The United States did not present the subject
as an impeachment of the good faith of a Power
which was professing the most friendly disposi
tions, but as involving questions of public law, of
which the settlement is essential to the peace of
nations ; and, though pecuniary reparation to their
injured citizens would have followed incidentally
on a decision against Great Britain; such compen
sation was not their primary object. They hada
higher motive, and it was in the interests olpenee
and justice to establish important principles of
ternstional law. The correspondence will be
placed before you. The ground o n w hi c h th e
British Minister rests his justification is, subStan
tially, that the municipal law of a nation, and the
domestic interpretations of that law, are the meas
ure of its duty as a neutral; and I tilel bound to
declare my opinion, before you and before the
world, that that justification cannot be sustained.
before the tribunal of nations; At the sainetitne
I do not advise to any present attempt at redress
by acts of legistation. For the future, friendship
between the two countries must rest on the basis
of mutual justice.
From the moment of the establishment of our
free Constitution, the civilized world has been
convulsed by revolutions in the interest of dem . -
ocracy or of monarchy ; but -through all these
revolutions the United States has e wisely and
firmly refused to become propagandists of repub
licanism. It is the only government suited to our
condition; but we have never sought to impose it
ou others; aud•we have consistently followed the
advice of Washington to recommend it only by
the careful preservation and pnident ose of the
bleseing. 'During all the intervening period the
policy of European Powers !nd of the United
Statee has, on -the whole, been harmonious.—
Twice, indeed, rtunors r invaaion of some parts
of America, in the interest of monarey,,have pre
vailed; twice my predecessors have had occasion
to announce the views of this nation in respect to
such interference. On both occasions the remon
strance of the United Stateswag respected, from
a deep conviction, on the part of European Gov
ernments, that the system of non-interference and
mutual abstinence from propagandism was the
true rule in the two heinuipherea. Since those
times we have advanced in wealth end power ;
but we retain the same purpose to leave the na
tions of Europe to choose their own dynasties and
form their own system of government. This con
sistent moderation may putty demand a corres
ponding moderation. We should regard it as a
great calamity to ourselves, to the cause of good
government, and to the peace of the world, should
any European Power challenge the American
people, as it were, to the defence of republicanism ,
against foreign interference. We cannot foresee
and are unwilling to consider what opportunities , .
might present themselves, what combinations
inightoffer to protect ourselves against designs
inimical to - oer form of government. The United
States desire to act in the future as they have
ever acted heretofore; they never will bedriven
from that course but by tfill,aggression of. Euro
pean powers; and we rely on the wisdom and
_justice of those Powers to respect the system of
non-interference which has so long been sanction- -
ed by-time, and which, by its good results, has
approved itself to both continents.
The correspondence between the United States
and France, in reference to questions which have
become subjects of discussion between the two
Governments, will, at a proper time, be laid be
fore
Congress.
When,on the organization of our Government,
under th Constitution, the President of the Uni
ted States delivered his -inaugural address to the
two Houses of Congress, he said to them, and
through -them •to _the country and to mankind,
that " the preservation of the sacred fire of liber
ty and the destiny of the republican model of
government are justly considered as deeply, per
haps as finally staked on the experiment intrus
ted to the American people." And the House of
Representatives aawered Washington by the
voice of Madison : "We adore the invisible hand
Which4as led the American people, through so
many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsi
bility for the destiny of republican liberty."-More
than seventy-six years have glided may since
these words were awoken ; the United States
have passed through severer trials than were
foreseen ; and now, at this new epoch in our ex
istence as one nation, with our Union periled by
sorrows, and strengthed by confiictoind estab
lished by the virtue of the people, the greatness
of the occasion invites us once more to repeat,
with solemnity, the pledges of our fathers to hold
ourselves answerable before our fellowmen for
the ituccess of the republican form of government.
Experience has proved its sufficiency in peace
and in war ; it has vindicated its authority through
dangers, and afflictions, and sudden and terrible
emergencies, which would have crushed any SYS
tem that hadeleen less firmly fixed in the heart
of the people. At the inauguration of Washing
ton the foreign relations of the country were few,
and its trade was repressed by hostile regulations;
now all the civilized nations of the globe welcome
our commerce, and their Governments profess to
wards us amity. Then our country felt its way
hesitatingly alonwan untried path, with,States so
little bound together by rapid means of commu
nication as to be hardly known to one another,
and with historic traditions extending over very
few years ; now intercourse between the States
is swift and intimate ; the experience of centuries ,
has been crowded into a few generations, andhas
created an intense, indestructible nationality..
Then our jurisdiction did not reach beyond the
inconvenient boundaries of the territory which
had achieved independence ; now, through ces
sions of lands, first colonizedby Spain and France,
the country has acquired a more complex eharac- •
ter, and has for its natural limits the chain of
Lakes, the Gulf of Mexico, and ,on the east and
the west the two great oceans: Other nations
were wasted by civil wars for ages before they
could establish for themselves the necessary de
gree of unity; the latent conviction that our form
of government is the best ever known-to the world
has enabled us to emerge from civil war within
four years, with a complete findietition of the
- constitutional authority of the General Goiern- .
ment, and with our local liberties and State in
stitutions unimpaired. The throngs of emigrants
that crowd to our shores are witnesses of the.
confidence of all people in our permanence.—
Here is the griat land of free labor, where indus
try is blessed With =exampled rewards, and the
bread of the workingman is sweetened by the
consciousness that the cause of the country is
Ves a za r ttrAill i c7e a oY n acStq'ast i effurttlt.
Here, under the combined influence of frui ul
soil, genial climes, and happy institutions, pope
lation has increased fifteen-told within a century.
Here, through the easy development of boundless
resources, wealth has increased with two-fold
greater rapidity than numbers, so that we have
become secure against the financial vicissitudes
of other countries, and alike in business and in
opinion, are self-centred and truly independent.
Here more and tare is given to provide edu
cation for every one born on our soil. Here reli
gion, released from political. connection with the •
civil government, refuses to subserve the craft of
statesmen, and becomes, in its independence, the
spiritual life of the people: Here toleration is ex
tended to every opinion, in :the- quiet certainty
that truth needs only a fair field to secure the
victory. Here the human mind goes forth un
shackled in the pursuit of science, to collect
stores of knowledge and acquire an ever-in
creasing mastery over the:lon:ea of nature.—
Here the national domain -is uffered anti held in
millions of separate freeholds, so that our fellow
citizens, beyond the occupants of any other part
of the earth, constitute in reality a people. Here
exisfs the democratic term of government; sad
that form of government, by the confession of
European statesman," gives a power of which
no other form is capale, because it incorporat&
every man with the titate, and arouses every thing
that belongs to the soul."
Where, in past history, does a parallel exist to
the public happiness which is within the-reach of
the people of the United stateg? Where, in any
part of the globe, can institutions be found so suit
ed to their habits or so entitled to their love as
their own free Constitution? Every one of them,
then, in whatever part of the land he has his home,
must wish its perpetnity. Who of them will not
acknowledge, in the words of Washington, that
"every step by which the people of the United
States have advanced to the character of an inde
pendent nation, seems to have been distinguished
by some token of Providential agency V Who
will not join - with me in the prayer, that the
invisible hand which Las led us through the
clouds that gloomed around our path ! , will so
guide us onward to a perfect restoration of
fraternal affection, that we of this maybe.
able to transmit our great I nheritance , of State
Governments in all their rights, of the General
Government in its *hole constitutional vigor & to
our posterity, and they to theirs -through count=
less generations ? ANDREW JOHNSON.
w.tenurcioN, December 4, 1865.
SCENE AT THE FUNERAL OF A PUGILIST.—
The London correspondent of the New York
Times, says :—" The funeral of Tom_ Sayers,
though by no means equal to some memorable
obsequies in News York, was still something of a
spectacle. Crowds of the roughest kinds of roughs
gathered early in the streets a Camden Town,
the suburb of his residence. The public houses
-were draped in mourning, and drove a roaring
trade. Convivial parties drank their gin and beer
at the open windows, sang songs and shouted
choruses. It was the next thing to a banging in
front of Newgate. While waiting for the hearse
the crowd in the street was entertained by bands
-.of negro minstrels. The chief mourner was a
brown dog, his collar trimmed with black crape.
There were thirty thousand people who preceded
or followed the mortal remains to Highgate—a
large portion of them the bullet-headed, big jawed
fighting men, and boys, who do not work, nor as
yet vote, for a living, and yet manage to have
enough to eat, and more than enough to drink.
These, yelling and swearing, swarmed into the
. beautiful Highgate Cemetery, playing leap-frog
over the tombstones. They climbed the trees,
and squatted on monuments, to get a good sight
of
"The grate where their hero was buried."
The service was read, and then with cat.calra,
oaths and yells they rolled oft to thinearest pub•
lie house to drown their sorrows. Sayers died of
consumption, at forty, caused purely by bard
drinking. Of the large sums of money he has re
ceived since his fight with Heenan, he leaves but
twenty or thirty thousand dollar!! to his children."
HE TWO. STANDARDS.— . 4,II)Orty'a standard
sheet, the star-epangled bauherLand America's
standard perfume, Phalon'a "Blooming Ce-
MAIL" Wherever the one Boob': ult the air, so
does the other. Sold everywhere,
THERE is both a Spanish and French proverb
which says: "A melon and a woman are hard to
choose." . _