Democratic banner. (Clearfield, Pa.) 1837-1849, December 21, 1848, Image 2

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    _WV“.“_,‘".‘.‘_'"_“PF "."
“«.fleceivul by the favored t'lu-10l would. Q! a
{til rule. he increaved in proportion to the in“:
[so ot the rain of in: llnpttactl. nml diminisheili
tlimu rim-s were reduced to the revenue stan~L
Ard required try the wants of the guvorntnenL—
i‘he riites required to produce a sufficient rot-nml
no I'urtlu.‘ ordinary expendiLuus of government. for]
iioccrtsary purposes. were not “\iKulZX’ltt'gth) to tho ‘
-_~ private partners "I tliia scheme profits altmctcltl In
satisfy their cupulnv; mid hence n vnrietv ul ex
peilientii and protests were resorted to for the I‘m"
pose «f enlarging Iho expenditures. and thercbfr’
creating n necessity for ket‘plllg,llp a high protec.
iivs tnrifl? The effect of this polle WI“ l 0 “"0"
pose artificial restrictions upon the natural course
ofthe business and trade of the ctiunlry. and to
ndvsm-e tlio interests at tnrgo cniiitfll'F'“ 0"“ "'0
nopolirus. at the expense ot the grout "In“ 0' the
people: whri'i'iero taxed to Increase their wenltli.
Another branch at 1111 l syllem “0' a compre hen
i-ive scheme of internal improvements. cnpnltlo Ol
ltttll'finila enlargement. and sutlictent to susllnw
iipus many millions nnnunlly 11l could be exacted
from the foreign commerce of the country This
was a convenient and necessary “(IJIL'ICI of the
protective inrifl‘. It was to tie the grsntahwrbent
of any surplus which might nt airy liinu utrt'llmth
lalo iii-the treasury. and at the taxes leVicd on the
people, for necessary revenue purposes. but lor
the avowed purpose of affording protection to the
favored classes. f,
Auxiliary to the same end. ifit was not an es~
séntial part at the system itsell. was the scheme
which. at u later period, obtained. lor distributing
the proceeds of the sales of the public landsumong
the Stalea Other expedient! were devised to trike
money out ol the treasury. atidrprevonl its (‘tlntlllg
in from arty other source than the protective "lan
The authors and supporters ofthe system were the
advocates of 'tho largest expenditures. whether for
necessary or uselul purposes or not. because the
larger the expenditures the greater was the pretext
for high taxes in the lorm of protective duties.
‘These severallncasures were sustained by [top
ular names and plausible arguments, by “lllclt
thousands \t’ere deluded. The bank was represen~
ted to be an indispensable fiscal agent lor the guv~
ernment; “as to equalize exchanges. and to rt‘gu~
late and furnish a sound currency. always and as
erywhsra of unitnrm value. The protective thrill
was to give employment to "American luhor" at
advanced prices; us- to protect “home industry.',
and furnish a steady market tor the farmer. ln
ternal improvements “ore to bring trade into eve
ry neighaurhoad and encliance the value of every
nan's property. The distribution of the land mD~
Day was to enrich the States, finish their public
works. plant schools throughout their borders, and
relieve them from taxation. But the fact. that for
every dollar taken out ofthe treasury for these ob
jects a much larger sum nus transferred from the
packets of the people to the favored classes. was
Haréfully concealed. as “as also the tendency if
out the ultimate design at the system to build tip
on aristocracy of wealth. to control the massse 0!
namely. and monopolize the political power of tho
the country.
The several branches 0! this system were so in~
timately blended together. that 11l their operation
each eultained and strengthened the others. 'l‘heir
joint operation wan to add new burdens oftaxalion
and to encourage a lirgelv increased and wasteful
expenditure of public money. it was the Interest
ofthe bank that the revenue collected and the dis
bursements mode by the government should be
ler’ge, became. being the depository ol the public
money. the larger the amount. the greater would
hethe bank'profits by its use. It was the interest
ofthe favored clanee. who were enriched by the
protective Ill‘lfl: to have the rain of that protec
tion as high as possihlo; {or the higher those rates.
the greater would be their advantage. it was the
interest of the people of those BeCllUnl and lore“.
tin who expected to he henefitted by expenditure.
for internal Improvements. that the amountcollec~
ted should be as large as possible. to the end that
the sum dtebursed might. also be the larger. The
State- being the benficiartee in the dt-Irtbutton oi
the lend money, had an Inlarett In hevutg the rates
oft-x imposed by the protective tarifflerge enough
to yield a luflicient revenue tram that source to
meet the wants of the government, so that each of
the branches constituting the system had a com
mon interest in swelling the public expenditures.
-’l‘hey had a direct interest in maintaining the public
debt unpetd. and increasing its amount. because
this wottld‘produce an annual increased dratu up
on the treesury. to the amount of the interest and
rendereugmented taxes necessary. The operation
and necessary efiect of the whole system were. to
encourage large and extravagant expenditures. and
Iherobyto increase the public patronage. and main
min I’ rich and splendid government at the expense
oi a taxed and imporerilhed people.
’ It in mantfelt that this scheme of enlarged ten
tion and expenditures. had it. continued to prevail.
must noun have converted the government oi the‘
Union. intended bv its framers to he a plain, theap.‘
and simple confederation of States. united together
for common protection. nml charged with a {on
specific dotiev. relating chiefly to our loreign at
‘l'in. into a conroltdated empire. deprivtng the
States of their reserved rights, and the people 01
theirjust power and control in the administration
at their government. in this manner the whole
form and character of the government would be
changed. not by an amendment of the constitution.
but by resorting to an unwarrantahle and unauth~
orized construction of that instrument.
The Indirect mode at levying the taxes by a do
ty on import-. prevent: the man of the people
from roldily perceiving the amount they pay. and
has enabled the few. who are thus enriched, and
who seek": wield the political power o! the coun
try. to deceive and deluda them. Were the taxes
collected by a direct levy upon the people, as u
the case in the States. this could not occur.
The whole system was reel-ted tram its incep
ttonvby many of our übieet statesmen. some. at
whom doubted ite con-tituiunaltty and expectancy,
while others believed it was. in all its branches, n
flagrant and dangerous infraction ofthe conatltu
tion.
. That a nenonel bank. n protective lurifl’, ieVied i
«nol lo mile the rcyeuo needed. but for prolocliun
mqrely. imemel improvemenle, ond lhe dislribu~
«lion olilhe proceeds oflhe sole ofthe public lands.
are measures without lhe woman! of lhe conslilu
lion. Wuu|d, upon lhe matureel connideroiion.aeen
(lo beclear. It is remarkable Ihnl no one ohhene
zueesureldnvoiving such momentous consequen
oesu‘l authorized by any arpreu grant of power in
lhe conllilulion. Nu one of thom is "incident to.
us being necessary and proper for lhe execution of,
4’19 lNific puwere" granted by the constitution.—
A'l‘he luflmily under which it has been aliomplod
4° j‘m”! hob oflhem is derived from inference:
and 000-" union: 0! the con-liluuon which in lo:-
‘ol‘ and “5 Whtle object ond deaign‘o not warrant.
II i' 10 5° “flawed ihnl such Immense powers
woulil‘heve ble" Ml by lhe [rumors of Iho conaliu
euliuhxlo mere infe'mcel nnd doubtful construcr
41011“- “Hid 11, be” nlended lo confer lhem on
Ache-federal aovornmenla is but rcouonebie to con
dudewhet it would have been done by plain and
éhcquivocalsramm 'l‘hm Nu not done; but the
Mholerllruczure of which ‘hW'American nyllem"
cominled. Wfll reared on no olh‘r 0, banner {cum
Million lhen forced implication! ow] inferences of
apowor which its authors assumed _m-‘h: be dedu
iced' byseunetrucnon from lhe commune“
. mu: iches been urged Ihnl n notion; bunk.
Whichflconlliluled so esnonliul :- branch 1 mi,
mbinedeyslem of measurel. Will not 0 now‘f‘eu.
”menu-mu its conomulionuluy had been proq.
addwobncliqned. because u bank had been chnL
It."dlfin;l79ll and had received the official signe
lurebfl’re’sidom WashinglonQ A few facts wiil
chow the just Weigh; la which lhll precedent
should he smiled as bearing upon the question of
t constitutinnslilyo . . , i
i Great divuionot‘ opinion upon the subject est-L
‘, ml in Congress It Is well km???" lhst;Prssldenti
'.thingtun entertained serious doubts both as to
l the constitutionality and expediency of the moas‘
I tire; and “bile the bill was before him for his offi‘
cial approval or disapproval. so great item them
doubts, that he rcqutred "the opinion in writing"
of the members oi his cabinet to aid him in arriv~
ing at a decision. “is cabinet-gave their opinion,
and new divided upon the subject—General Harn
ilton helttg in favor of, and Mr. JefTerson and Mr.
Randolph heing opposed to the constitutionality
and expediency of the bank. lt is well known,
also, that President Washington retained the bill
irom Monday, the fourteenth. when it was presen
led to him, until Friday the twenty-filth of Febru.‘
ary- being the last mortfeiit permitted him by lho‘
coiiutitutinn to deliberate. when he finally yielded
to it his reluctant nssant.eitd gave it his signature.
I! is C(‘l’lflltl that as late ssithe twuiiy~third ol Feb
runry—lieing the ttinth day alter the bill was pre
sented to him—ho had arrived at no satisfactory
conclusion; for (in that day he addressed a note to
General Hamilton, in which he iiilornis him that
"this bill was presented to' me by the Joint com~
mittee of Congress at 19 o'clock oti Monday. the
fourteenth insient ;" and he requested his ()pinluti
"to what preclito period, by legal interpretation of
the constitution. can the President retain it in his
pursue-stun, before it becomes a law by the lapse of
ten days." [I the proper construction was. that
the day on “hirh the bill was presented to the
President. and the day on which his aciinti was had
upon it. were both to be counted inclusive. their
lhotinte allowed him, within which it would be
competent for hint to return it to the House in
Wthll it originated \\ilh his objections. Viould ex
pire on Thursday. the iueittydotirth of February
Gen. Hamilton on the same day returned an em
user. In which he states: "I give it as my opinion
that you have ten days exclusive 0! that on “hich
the bill was delivered to you. and Sundays; hence.
in the present case. if it is returned on Friday. it
Will be in time." By this construction. which the
President adopted. he gained another day for do
liheraltoii. and it was not until the twenty-fifth of
February that he signed the bill; thus aflbrding
conclusive proof that he had at last obtained his
own consent to sign il. not without great and al
‘ most insupcrable difficulty. Additional light has
been recenlly shed upon the serious doubts which
he had on the subject, amounting at one time to a
conviction that it was his duty to withhold his up.
provnl from lhe bill. This is found among the
manusr‘ript papers of Mr. Madison. authorized to
be purchased [or the use of the government by an
act 0! the last session of Congress. and now for the
first time accessible to the public. From these
papers. it appears that President Washington, while
he yet bold the bank bill in his hands. actually re
quested Mr. Madison. at that time a member ofthe
House at Representatives. to prepare the dralt ofa
veto message for him. Mr. Madison. at his rc
quost. did prepare the draft of such a message. and
sent it to him on the twenty first ol February, 1791.
A copy of his original drslt, in Mr. Madison's own
handwriting. was carefully preserved by him. and
is among the papers lately purchased by Congress.
It is preceded by a note. written on the some sheet.
which is also in Mr. Madison's handwriting. and is
an fnllows:
"February 21-t.1791. Copy of a paper made
oul and sent 10 lhe President at hil request, [0 be
ready in case his judgmum nhould finally decide
against Iho bill for incorporating 1: national bank.
the bill being lben belore him."
Among Iho übjocuona assigned in 1111 l paper lo
lhe blll,und which were suhrnilled for the consid
crulion oflhe President. are the following.-
"lobjecl l 0 lhe bill, because it u an cuenliul
prinmplo of lhe government lhn: powerl no! dele
gnled by lhn cumlilmion cunnol be rightfully ex
crrued; because the power proposed by Iho bull
to be exercised I! not clpreuly dolegnlcd. and be
came I cannot nlilfy myuolf lhhl il relulu from
any exprua power by fun and safe rule: ofinlnr
preuuon."
The weight oflhe pruccdenlol Iho bunk 0f1791.
and the Inuclion oflbc great nnmu of Woshmglon
which hm been w alien invoked in ii: support,
aregrcully weakened by Iho developomeul uflhclo
fuels. The oxpovimcnl of that bank unmfied lhe
couniry that it oughl no! to be conlinued. and Lil
lhe end of iwenly yenra Congas: rcluaed lo ro~
chnrler ii. It would have been fnriunnle for Iho
(‘ourilry,and anved thousand: iron) bankruptcy and
rum. had our public men of 1816 resialed lhe lem
porury pro-aura oflhe limes upon our financial and
pecuniary interosll. and roluaod lu charter Iho 10~
cund bunk. Of this Iho couuiry becumo abundunl
ly munfied. and at Iho clone of ii: iweniy yenrn‘
duration. on in the case of lhe fir-l bunk, il also
rented to exist. Under lhe repealed blows ofl’ro
aidenlJucluon. it reeled and fell. and n unblequeni
nliempl L: charter a limllfll‘ innliiuliun was nrres
led by lhe Vale of Preaidenl'l‘ylcr.
Mr. Madison, in yielding hia lignnlura lo lhe
churler 011816. did :0 upon the ground or lhe re~
lpct‘l due to precedenll; and, as ho lubacqllomlv
declared, "Iho Hunk ol lhe United Slnleu, lhuuglh
on lho uriginnlqueslion, held lo be uncunllilulion'
nl. received lho Exerum‘o nunclion."
II is probable that neither the hunk of 17!“. "0f
Ihnl oflBl6. would have been chartered but for
Ilia cmberrassmenm o! the government in its finan
cos. the derangement ol the currency and the pe
cuniary pressure \'\ htch existed—the first the Con.
sequence at the war of the revolution, and the |B~
cond the consequence of the war of 131?. 301“
were resorted to in the delustve hope that they
would restore public credit, and errd relief to the
government, and lo the business of the rounlry.
Those of our public men who opposed the whole
"Amerimn syslem" nt in commencement. and
throughout Ilr progress, fore-aw ond prßllH‘lPd that
it was fraught with inculculuble mischiefs. and
must result in serious injury to the best interests
of the country For 0 series at years their Wile
counsels were unheeded. and the system was es-
Inblisliod. It was soon epperent thnt 11l pructicnl
operation was unequal and unjust upon difTerent
portions ofthe country. and upon the people enga
ged in different pursuits. All were equally omi
tled lo lhe favor and protection of the government.
It fostered and elevated the money power. and en
riched the favored few by taxing labor. and at the
cinema 01' the many. he effect was to "make the
rich richer. and the poor poorer." lls tendency
WOB 10 ONO“) dialinctions in society based upon
wealth. and to give to the favored classes undue
control and away in our government. It was an
organized money power. which resislod the popu
lnr will. and sought to shape and control the public
policy. ,
Under [£l9 pernicious workings of thts
combined sybteln of measures, the coun
try wormed alternate seasons at tempo
rary apparent prosperity; of nudden and
disastrous commerctal revulsions; of un
precedented fluctuation of prices. and de
pression of the great tnterests‘of agricul
ture, navigation. and commerce; of gen
eral pecuniary suflering. and of final bunk
ruptc'y of thousands. After a cevereptrug
gle 0 Ward} loan a quarter of a century.
thP pyatem " I overthrown. .
The bank h“ 9“" "H‘ceeded by a proc
trcnl system 0‘ finance. ” "meted and
controlled solely by the 9.0”” ""~ The
constitution“ currency hiss beenrento a
the pubtic credit marntulned unimpfli‘mh
hen in a period 0’ "0“9'8“ W'.; “m ' '
wh-le country has become no“??? lhn
‘ banks. natiuml or State. are not necessa
ry in fiscal agents at the government.—
ReVenue duties have taken the place of
the protective tori“. The distribution ol
the money derived from the talent the
i public lands has been nbnodoned. and the
corrupting hystem 0! internal improve
lmentl, it is hoped, has been ellectunlly
checked.
It It; not doubted. that it this whole train
of measures designed to take wealth Irom
the many, and heatuw it upon the lew,
were to prevnil. the efiect would he to
change the entire character of the govern
ment. One only change remains. It ID
i the neductlnns of that branch ot the sys
tem, which coneistu in internal improve
}ments. holding out. as it does, Induce
inenta to’ the people ol particular section:
and localities to embark the government
in them without Itopping to calculate the
inevitable consequencen. This branch oi
the nystem is intimately combined and
linked with the others. thnt I” surely an an
eflect is produced by an udcquade cause.
if It be resuscitated and revived, and firm
ly eatnbliahed, It requires no eegactty to
loresee that it Will necesenrily and speed
ily draw after it the re esinblishment oi n
national bank. the revnval of in protective
tnrilf, the/filiatrlbution ot the land mnnev.
and not only the puatponernent to the dis~
tnnt luture oi the payment oi the present
national debt, but ilsannual Increase.
lentertain the solemn conviction, that
ii the internal impruvement brunch ol the
“American system" be not firmly resisted 1
at this time, the whole series of measures
composing It Will be speedily re-eatublish
ed, and the country be thrown back from
its present high ntate ol prosperity, which
the existing policy has produced. and be
destined again to Witness all the evils.
commercial revulsions, deprcsuion oi pri
ceil. and pecuniary embarrnnuneutl. thro'
which we have passed during the lant twen
ty five years.
To guard against conquuemea no rain
ous. is an object of high national import
ance, involving in my judgment the con
tinued pro9perity ol the country.
lhave lelt it to be an imperative obliga
tion to wtthhold my constitutional panc
tion from two bill» which had passed the
too houses ol Congress. involvmg the prin
ciple ol the Internal improvement brunchi
ol the “American ayetrtn." and cottiiict»l
ing in their provmom with the views here
expressed.
This putt er conlerred upon the Presi
dent by the constitution. l have on three
occasions. during my administration ol the
:execultvedeporttnenl ol the government.
deemed it my duty to exercise; and on
ltliis last occasion ol msltingto Congress
an annual communication "at the slau- at
the Union.” it is not deemed inappropriate
to review the principle-i and considerations
which have governed my action. 1 deem
this the more necessary, because, alter the
lapse of nearly sixty years since the adop
tion of the constitution. the propriety of
the exeicne ol this undoubted constitu
tional power by the President has {or the
first time been drawn seriously in question
by ii portion of my fellow-Citizens.
The constitution provides that 'everv bill
which shall have passer] the House 0! Rep
resentatives & the Senate shall, belore it
become s law. be presented to the Presl—
dent of the United States: il heapproVe.he
shall sign it. but it not, he shall return it
with his objections, to that house in which
it shall have originated, who shall enter
the objections at large open their journal}
and proceed to reconsider it."
The preservation ol the constitution
l'roin inlraction is the President’s highest
duty. He in bound to ditchsrge thnt du
ly, at whatever hazard ol incurring the
displeasure of those who may difler with
him in opinion. He is bound to discharge
it, its well by his obligations to the people
who have clothed hiiri with his exalted
trust. as by his oath ol ollice. which he
may not disregard. "'Nor are the obliga
tions of the President in anv degree left
sPnHl by the prevalence oliiews dille
rent from his own in one or both houses
ul Congress. It in not alone hasty and
inconsiderate legislation that he in requir
ed to check ; but il~ iit any time Congress
shall. alter apparently lull deliberation,
resolve on measures which he deems sub
versive ol the Ctitisltlullon, or ol the Vllfll
interests ol the country. it is his solemn
duty to stand in the breach and resist
them. The President ts bound to tap
prove, or disapprove, etery bill which
passes Congress and is presented to him
lor his signature. The. constitution makes
this ll” duty. and he cannot escape it il
he Would. He has no election. In deci
ding upon any bill presented to him, he
must exercise his own best judgment. ll
he cannot approve. the constitution com»
moods him to return the bill to the House
in which it originated, with his objections;
and if he tail to do this within ten days."
(Sundays excepted.) it shall become a law
without his signature. Right or wrong.
he may be overruled by: a vote of two
thirds 0! each House ; and. in that event.
the bill becomes a" low Wlllttlul his sanc
tion. If his objections be not thus over
ruled. the subject is only'pustponed. and
is referred to the States and the people lur
their consideration and decision. The
President’s power is negative merely. and
not aflirmalive. He can enact no law.—
The only etl'ect. therefore. of his withhol
ding his approval ol 3 bill passed by Con
gress. is to sufler the existing laws to re‘
main unchsnged, and the delay occasion
ed is’ionly that required to enable the
States and the people to consider and act
upon the subject in the election of public
agents who will carry out their wishes and
“tructions. Any attempt to coerce the
uresfwnt to yield but sanction to mess.
violation ol r-nnnot Ipprove, Would be a
i ‘ 'fit of the constitution.
palpable nml flagrant; and If succesulut.
would break down the independence 0!
the executive department, and make lhe
President. elt‘cted by the people, and cln
thed by the cnmtitutiun with power tude
lend their rlghts.tlwnwu~ Inalrumrnl ul'n
majority ‘ol Congresu A purtender. on
his purl,'nf the pnwcrs‘ Wth which ”lhe
cnnslttulion has invested his nfficv. wnuld
eflt'cl u [)HIC!IC.I|~MIL‘IMinn of lhul Inslru
ment. wnhnut rt'smtlng tn lhl‘ pvuscribed
process at amendment.
With the molives or cmmideratium
which may induce Congress In [mu any
bl”, lhe Prealdenl cnn have nothing In (In.
He must presume lhem IU he as pure M
hia own, and look nn|_v In the praclica|
cflec'. of (heir measures «hen cumpured
wnh lhe cumuluxiun or lhe public gum].
But it Ms been urged by thine \thu tit)-
ject to the exercise ot !hi< undoub'ed con
stitutional power. that it assailed the repre
sentative principle and the cupucrty ol the
people to govern themselve-; thut there IS
greiter safety in a tiutnerou‘ reprencntzi
live body than in ihl‘ single Exei'ti'ive
created by the t‘onfi'itu'ion, and that the
executive veto is .'i "one-mon power.” tie
‘IPUIIC in It‘ character. To eXpose the
tallncy of this objection. it H only neces
sary to cniisrder tlie lrnme and true chur
ncter ul our system. Ours ii not a con
antidoted empire, but a Conledeinted Un
ion. The States, belore the adoption til
the constitution, were ctr-ordinate, co
cqual. and separate independent sover
eignties, and by ll! adoption they did not
lone [hill character. They clothed the
letlr'rdl gnVerninent with certain pnwere.
and reserved all others, including their
own novereignty, to theiiiselvevr. They
guarded their ohn righta {h Slater and the
rights oi the people, by the very liniita
HUM which they incorporated Into the
lederal constitution. wherebv the tilllerent
departments 0' the general government
Were checks upon eiicli o'her. 'I that the
majority should got/urn. is a general prin
cipic, controvcried by none; but they
must govern according to the commotion.
and not according to an undefined uiii‘.
unrestrained tlisc.etion, whereby they may
oppress the minority. '
The people oi the United Stnte~ are not
blind to the lact lhul they may lie lr-niptr
verily mlsit‘ti, and that their representri
tives, legialaiive and executive. may be
mistiikcii or influenced in their action by
improper motives. They have Ilierelme
interposed between tlieinp‘elses and the
laws which may be paucd by their publlc
agentr, various representations. such as
assemblies, sennlen. and gnvvlnnrs In then
several States; a Hutu-e ol Rt‘preheritn ‘
lives, a Senate, and a PlPlithlil oi the U
nited States. l'he people can by their
own direct agency make no law; nor can
the House at Representatives immediately
elected by them; nor can the Senate ;
nor can both together. wi'hout the concur
rence of the I’re-iderit. or a vote ol ttim
third: of both huures.
Happily {or thenmelvcs. Ihp people, in
(raming uur admiralflc system of guvmn
ment, wete conscious of lhe Infirmilll'fl «If
|he|r represenlallvou; and, In drh‘guun:
lu lhem lhe power n! leglslulmn. they lmvr
lenced lhem aruuml with checks, In guard
against the «fleet: n! hust nrlmn. ul cum,
ul combination, and U! pus-ume cnnuplmn.
Eltor, srlfishnrn. and lnclmn han- nllrn
wughl lo reml usumler lhn uebu! check.
and huhjecl lhe gnvcrnmem to the ('uranl
of fnnauc and swish-r influcnrn; bul
lhese elfurls haw only pallafiml llw prnp'e
of the wisdom of the checks “him [hey
have Impuaed. nml ul lhe net-run] 0! pre
uervmg lhem unimpalled.
The line th'iiry iil our “stem H nut to
gun-in by the acts iir iler'ee. ul any (Illt‘
set nl rl‘lllf~(’nlflllVl'u. The Curhlllullittt
‘tnlerpunn check-i upnn all branch?» til
the goveinincnt, in under to give time lnr
error to be corrected. and L't'lullllll to pan.
ntvgtipi=rluil il lhe penple kettle dtmn tntn a
firm ciinii'f‘ctiot: ililfeieni lroin that ii! iheir
‘t'epreseiitntives. they give ellei't to their
{uniniuns by changing their public servants.
;The checks which the iienple itiipmed on
iheir public iieriziiits in the iiilnntiuii or
[the conalitution. me the be~t evidence iil
'lht‘il’ Cupuctty lor sell-iin'eininent. litiey
Iknuw that the men “hum they elei‘l in
lpublic slulinm me nl like iiifirniilieu iinil
ipasntnns will) themselves, and not in be
lirusted nithnut beingieatiicteil by Co‘nr
ilinate authorities and constitutional li.nil
alionu. Who llHll has witnessed the Mg
I‘ifllll)" ol Cnngreu for [tie last 30 years.
Wlll may that he knows of no inntunce in
“lliCh measures not demanded by the pub
lic good, have bin-n carried? \Vlin will
deny that in the State giiierniiients. by
combinations 0! individuals and acciiniis.
in derogation of the general interest, bnnkai
have been chartered. bynlelni nl iiiieinut
Improvement adopted. and debiii eniuiled
upon the people. depressing their growth.
Cb'nd impairing their energies for yeiiiii lu‘
come?
Alter so much experience, it cannot be
said that abnolule unchecked puwcr is sale
In lhe hands «I any one set of represrnla
lives. or \hal lhe cnpucny of the people lor
self-government, Whlch is admitted in its
broadest extent. is a conclusive argument
to prove the prudence. wisdom. and inn-g
-rily of lhenr represenlnlives.
The people. by lhe comtilutinn, have
commanded lhe Preaident. as much no
they haw: commanded the legislative
branch nl lhe government. lnrxecule their
will. They have annl m him in the cone
slllulion. which they requile he shall lake
a solemn oath In support, that '1! Congress
pass any 'blll Which he cannot approve,
“he shall return it lo lhe House in Which
it origlnuled. wilh IHS objeclinns." In
withholding Hum it his approval and pig.
mlure, he Is executing lhe will of lhe peo
ple consmutionally expressed. on much as
the Congress \hnt passed il. No «bill ls
presumed to be in accordance with the
pnpular “ill until il shall have passed th,’
all [he branches of lhe government requi.
red by lhe COBblllUllul. In make it a law.
A bill which pnnws lhl‘ Home ul Repre-
H'nlulivcs may be n-jo-clwl by lhe Senate;
and so a bill pus-ed by lhe Srnatc mav be
:ejvcu-d by me Hum-w. In each case'lhe
respective houses exermse lhe \eto poWer
or. lhe other.
(,‘unurv-s. nml vmh “MIN! 0! Congrcag.
hold umler th' cnvmmmun'u check upon
the [’realdrnl,lunl hr. by Ihc [lunar ul lhe
quahfiml vvln‘ a (hmk upon Congress.—
Win-u Ihc l’.:«ulrul rurmmnends meas
ure» «0 Cnngrow.‘ he mums. in lhe moat
~nll'llln hum, hi- upininns. gives his volce
11l (heir lavur, and plodgm him-elf in ml
mncc In uppmve lhmn il passed by Cun
gresa. ll hc flcla ui'lmul ‘luy (‘nllaldt‘ffl
mm. or h.” boon inlluvnrml'l h_v imprnpvr
ur cmrupl muluvvh—nr If lrmn nnv "HIPI‘
came (Jungrwa. or rilhrr lmmg ...I can.
arc». hhdH duller \HHI him In uplnluu,
mcv echm- I/m'r veto Upun hm Iccum
(lnel-Idnlmns, un-i vrjml lhr-m; und lhmc
i~ no appa-al [tum lhvir llf‘Ciph‘ll, but In
lhe [lt‘nplt‘ u! the hnl'ul-bnx. 'l'hmu- are
[)vnper checks upon ”I? Executive. wisely
Inlrlplln‘d by the cullslllulinn. Nonqwill
Ue lound lu uhjrcl lu me. or In nigh
them n-mnvmi. II vs equally unpurlnnt
thnt lhe cummullonnl checks 0! lhe Ex
eculivc- up-vn (he legidallve branch ihould
be present-d.
H ll be sun! Ihnl lhe rnprcgenmtiveq In
lhe pupular branch I»! Cnngrrsg we chose"
dlrvcfly by lhe people, i| Is answered, the
people Flt’Cl lhe Pvewh-nt. ”bolh hous
es rvawnl lhe SHIle- and Im- people. 30
Anon lhe PICBHJUHI. ’l'ne Pu-sident rep
:eaema In lhe rxetullve drpmlmcnl lhe
whale [H'uplv o! Ihc Unilml Slates, us each
member ul Ihc lq'fllsluhve (lUPJHHH‘DI rep
w-vnls purlums o! lhem.
The llnrmne u! rn-strlclinnpupon lvgii
lullw and ('Xt'CU‘HK‘ [lumen while a hell
selllrul public uplulun i.» ernublrd u‘llhlu a
(”gamble lune In nccwnp'hh its ends.
hih mhdr nur (Gunny what «I Is, and has
upenml to m u (mt-er ul glury and happi
nc-s In uhith ull ulhcr nations have been
mur-gem
In lhl' rxelcuo (II the power u! the veto.
Ihc l’nwulrht 1- lea-pnuslble nnl "My" ‘0
an (‘nllgHH‘lH'd ;:übllc Hp'nlon, bul luvthc
[Wuplt‘ ul lhe “hole Union, Mm elecH-d
hm... :1,- lhe rrpn-scnlallves 11l lhe legisin-
Ilve brunch", who ullfiey ullh hnn innpiu
lot), are newmmbie In lhe pvnplc of par
lnulur Slain, or IJI‘HICM, who compose
lht‘lr rt’npeclih‘. cunmxurnrirs. Tu deny
lo the Pun-idem lhe (‘Xt'lflht‘ ul lhn; puw
w, wou'nl be (0 lt’pr’tfl Ihnl provmnn u!
the cunsmulmn M-u h umlus u ulmu hm».
'l'uchurgc lhul Ila rxn-tnw undulyv run-
Hula lhr lng-lmwc will, In to complain uf
lhe cousulmiun H-ell.
If the [.l‘nidenhal veln be ohjvc'cd In
upon the gruund (ha! I! (heck: S; llmmH'
1h: "übllc “111, upon llu- ~umc pnnuplc
[he equa-Hy of n'pH-s‘vmahon M the Slaw-e.
111 Ihr Srnulc slmul‘l be sun-kw: mu 0! lhn
('nnsulullun. The wte ul 3: Srnulm hum
leuuute has equal “ugh! In (lvculmg ur
nu 'lu' mu~l inupmlaul Int-.nurva Mrh (ln
um- M u Sewn-r lnnm New York; :Iqu
yet the one 't’plt‘n'uls :1 512119 cunlamlng.
acculdln: (u lln‘ rxulm: uppwrllunmcul of
wpzesenlnllves m Hu- ”HUN" nl lhpvem -
IBHVL'P. bul ume. Ihnl) lnurlh part 0! lie
pnpulallun u! Ihc mhrr, I'ny (he Cumulu-
Hunal cunulumuun ul lhe S-‘nnlr, a mnjur-
My u! Ihnl hotly (mm ch smaller Slate!
H‘plt'nm [Pas Ihnl) mw-luuvlh nf lhe peo
ple u! the Ulllull. There we 30 S awe;
and, uudet the rxmwg uppurliunuu-ul ul
rrprcwulnlnm, there are lwu humllml &
lhlll_\r llH'thM‘ls Ir. lln- Huu~c ul Helm-sen
lulu”
Sxxhcn ul l‘u- “nah-I hum-sane
rrpreachlt-(l In In.“ “nun- UV hm filly
mrmUus ; .HH! H-l lllv‘ Sw-u'uw hum lhem
smm L‘Ulh'llu’l: u umj-uuy ul (hr Swan.
S.» that Ihc Pmmlcnl may lucuumueml n
menmr Iu Unngwn. um! It may Marne
lhr mnulmu and npptovul "I lllule Hmn
lhrer-luurlm H! the llnuw n 9 chu‘senla
llVL‘d. nml u! all lhs- Hunnhu llum lhe
largo Sinus. C(HIInllIlL; murr lhun (lum
hmlHH of the whuh- pupululiun ul' Ihc U
nllcd Siulcn‘; and Hal Hn- memulc may he
«leleuu‘d UV lhe mics n! (In: Srnuturs hum
(he smalle} Slate» Nov c. His pleuumed,
can be lound wudy m chang- the (H'gdllh
I.3hun 0| lhe Srllule nn Huh nccuunl, or In
strike Jha: body prucucnily uul ul um.-
tence. by n-qumng Hun IN action shall be
cunlmmablc in (he will)! the more nu~
mrrnua brunch.
Upon lln- snnn: pllllL'lpld llml llnc voln
nl lne l’resltlrnl shuulll be plut‘licnlly a
bolished. the puwvr nl Ihc Vice l’ueaideut
In 2W9 llw (ailing; vn'v upon unequal (ll
vislon nl Ihr Scnwe. ahnu‘d bl' nbnllnhml
also. The Vice l’resulent rxercuses Ihc
vein power as ellecluull) by rejL-cllng n
bill by Ins casting Vule. as the l’rcsulenl
does bv relusnng In appruve and sign it.
This puwcr llu!‘ been rxercuscxl by lhe Vice
President In u lew inslnncemlhe most im
porlanl of which Was the rejection ol the
bill In rechnrter lhe Bank ul the United
States In 1811. Il may happen Ihal a bill
may be passed by u large mujmily of the
House of Represenlnlives. and may be
supported by lhe Sennmrs from the larger
Slales. and the Vice President mav re
ject ll by giving his vote with the Sena
lors lrmn lhe axnnllcr Slalrs; & ye! none.
i! j: presumed. me prepared lu «leny (u
him the exercise 0! this rnwor under the
constilulion.
But it Is. in point n! fact, untrue that
an not passed by Congress is conclusive
cvulence Hm! it is an elmmnlion of lhe
pupulun Will. A majomy ol (he whole
number elected lo each House of Con
gleau cunalilules u quorum. and n majori
ty of that quorum is compeleut to pass
laws. It ought happen lhal nquorum o!
lhe House of Represengalivem consisting
of a single member more than half of (he