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iJr , :
._ DI PLOMATIC . RELATIONS AUSTRIA.
•
SPEECH OF N:" CASS,
i •
.Delive,Senatered - in ' the ,nctte of the gaited
--States,Janunry'ath,jBso, on
lowing "-no ark'ts, .
"Resplved, Thai' th.e Committee on, or:
cign Relations be, ' instructed `Co inquire
.
' into the - expediency of suspending diple.
=tie' relatiOns with' AuSfria." eD
2 • The:reSolution.having been read--
j Mr. CASS, oflllichigan,arose, and ad
dressed' the,Senate as follo ws;
Mr: President:" I do ntitknow that this
resolution will be opposed. It is one ofin.
quiry onlycliot oftietion.F .- But as I.should
notliave introduced it, bad I not intende ' •
to ask the opinion of the Senate upon the
• iubjeet,,w,hatever may be the report of the
Committee;on •POreign Relations, and as
the . measure is not an usual one, I deem
it proper-briefly to state the reasons which
have induced me to propose it. • .
The intercourse subsisting between the
independent nations of the . world, where
not regulated by special Conventional 'ar
rangements, is regulated by each for itself,
subject to the established principles of the
Ityw of nations. The great improvement
in the mechanical arts, and the general
progress of the age, united to that spirit of
enterprise, commercial and scientific, which
was never more active in itself nor more
usefully 'employed than now, have given
increased energy to this intercourse, and,
having in effect bro!--en down the barriers
of space which separated nations, have
opened each to the business end knowledge
of all.
Epsa;
lion.
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This general intercommunication, espe4
cially among the nations of Christendom,
creates a community of interest, and, in
some measure, feeling, which becomes
a bond, however slight, uniting them to
gether into one great political family. Tho
internal agitations or external dangers
which threaten one cannot be indifferent to
the other members of this wide-spread
community. • The age is an inquiring and
an observing"one ; and the facility and ra
pidity of communication, among the proud
est triumphs of human knowidge, come
powerfully in aid of this disposition to judge
and approve or censure passing events, as
their character and circumstances may
justify. This public opinion, imbodied
the press in the daily journal it pours
fourth, is bourne through the civilized
world, pronouncing the' judgment Of..the
present day; and anticipating that of pos
terity. There are none so high as to be
beyond its censure—none so low as not to
be encouraged by its approbation. The
frontiers of a. country may be armed at its
approach. But it will pass them. It may
be checked, but it cannot be stopped. It
is stronger than the bayonet—more vigi
lant than the suspicions of despotism.
The diplomatic relations subsisting be
tween two countries are maintained only
by political agents, such as ambassadors,
ministers, or charges, reciprocally sent for
that purpose. At the commencement of
this government we had but few of these
functionaries, and those we hail \vele con
fined to the principal Europ.: , n
euurt .
They have Leen grailuilly ;!-Pd in
number, till twcnty-seven ofthc'm are now
authorized by the statute book to be em
ployed. Still there are important. coun
tries, even in Europe, where no American
representative has ever been sent, and oth
ers, among which is Austria, where they
have' been cent hut recently. In some ca-
Ses; '(and Indeed they are not few,) this
interchange of diplotnatic agents is rather
a matter of courtesy than of positive utili
ty, either commercial or political. After
a treaty of commerce is formed, or after it
is ascertained that a satisfactory one Can.'
not be fornied, the relations between us
and some of,' those countries would go on,
as indeed they have. gone on, with nothing
to interrupt their harniony and good un
derstanding beettifse the points . or contact
are low and eiPosed 'to few difficultie4.—
Seat is our'condition with , respect to Aus
tria' which has but one port (that of Trieste)
where ,we have any commerce worthy of
the name, the annual value of which I find
is 'about $1,700,000. The aneient Queen
of the Adriatic still lookS•otit upon the mi.'
ters ; but she is herself a'inelaneholy spec
tacle—heeprosperitylaving departed with
her independence: The iron rule of Aus
tria has loft to Venice little but the remem
brance
,of her former and
the oppreSsiVe sense of her 'present degra
dation: :I3ut 'in these ports; and wherever
else, if anywhere, they may, be, : necessary,
consuls;, perform. the,. commercial
functions--their positions not being at all
affeeted by tinji"Clitinge of diphiniatic fele
lions short of re 'state 'of war.
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Ido not pretend-to say, by this glance
at our intercourse with
_Austria, that. I,pro.
pose:this measure on the ground that an
Austrian representative is unnecessary at
the'eouit'or Vienna." I trust; if we carry
it to its practical result, that we shall be in
financed by' much higher. considerations.
ftlitttle•lto this topic merely to show that a
jgeat act or- P0 6 900l duty, may,hs : pa rfor,-
oid wit
_out the sacrifice
_of Itny,national
terest - got;
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• igiAlAjohorcofiti44 1 1 3 114: , Pittier , is#Age
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A WEEKLY PAPER: DEVOTED TO LITERATUdtL, APRICULTURE;4IORALITY, AND , } 4 OREIGN . AND'DOMESTIC INTEtLIGENCE.
une
•
considerable portion of tit issions of Eu
rope aro maintained from feelings of ami
ty, arising out of affinity of kindred
governments, and of an indisposition to ex
hibit what is there considered a mark 'of
disrespect for a court, however limited the
spherp of its authority, by excluding it
'from the family of sovereigns associated by
diplomatic representations. The eighteenth
century was prolific in . the personal mem
oirs of active diplomatists ; and no Ameri
can can peruse them without being ama
zed .at,the utter insignificance of the topics
which engaged their attention,
,and which
were swelled into consequence by the pas
sions and interests of the retainers of cor
rupt courts. They are subjects beneath
contempt; and their influence upon the
fate of nations is buried with the men who
game them a facticious importance. Ho
who rises from the perusal of one of these
records or human follies can no longer
wonder at the remark of a Swedish states
man, that it took very little wisdom to go
vern the world—iis the world was then go
verned.
But, sir, while I maintain that the cessa
tion of diplomatic intercourse with Austria,
would give the government of that coun
try no just cause of oflence, I do not seek to
deny or conceal, that the motives for the
adoption of this measure will be unaccept
able and peculiarly abnoxious to the feel
ings of a power proverbially haughty in the
days of its prosperity, and rendered more
susceptible by recent events, which have
destroyed much of its ancient prestige, and
compelled it to call for Russian aid in the
perilous circumstances where the noble
efforts of I-Jung,ary to assert her just rights,
had placed the oppressor. On the contra
the course I propoSe would lose half its
value, were tiny doubts to rest upon the mo
tives that dictate it. And certainly, wore
they not open to the day, I shinild not look
for that cordial approbation which I now
anticipate from the American people, fbr
this first effort to rebuke, by an expression
of public opipion, through an established
government, in the name of a great repub
lic, atrocious acts of despotism by which
human liberty and life has been sacrificed
undercircumstancesof audacious contempt
for the rights of mankind, and the senti
ments of the civilized world, withottt a par
allel, even in ;this ago of warfare, between
the oppressor and the oppressed.
I say Vt4is first effort, for though the
principle of public disapprobation in situa
tions not very dissimilar, may be traced in
the proceedings of.ut least one of the rep
resentative bodies of Europe, I do not rec
ollect that any formal act has been adopt
ed, rendering the censure more signal and
enduring. If we take the first step in this
noble cause, where physical force, with its
flagitious abuse, if not conquered, may be
ultimately restrained by moral considem.-
ations, we shall add to the value or the
lesson of '76, already so important to the
world, and destined to become far more so,
by furnishing one.guaranty more for the
preservation of human rights, where they
exist, and for their recovery where they
are lost.
. Mr. President : Ido not mistake the true
position of my country, nor do I seek to
exaggerate her importance by these sug
gestions. 'I am perfectly aware, that what
ever
we may do or say, the immediate
march of Austria will be onward in the
course of Despotism, with a step feebler
or firmer, as •resistance may appear near
or remote, till she is stayed by one of
those upheavings of the 'people, which is
as sure to come, as that man longs for free
dom, and longs to strike the blow which
shall make itbis: Pride is blind and pow,
er tenacious ; and Austria's pride and pow- ;
er, though they may quail before the signs ,
of the times—before barricades andfrater.l
9tizatio2l, by which streets are made for•
tresses and armies revolutionists, new and
mighty , engines in popular warkire—will
hold out in their citadel till the last extre
mity.
~13ut many old things aro passing
away'; and Austrian despotism will passe.
way its turn. Its bulwarks will be sha
ken by the rushing.of mighty winds—by
the,' voice of the world, whenever its indig
nant expressipn is not restrained by the
kindred Sympathies of arbitrary 'power..
' I 'desire; Sir, not to be misunderstood. • I
do.nbt , mean that in 'all the revolutionary
struggles which political contests bring on,
it
,%yould be expedient for
. other govern
thents.to,express. their feelings of interest
or 'sympathy: I think they should not',
for there are obvitius considerations which
forbid such action, and the value 'of this
1044 of. moral interposition would be (4.
tpinished by its too frequent rectitrprice.
It shOuld be reserved for' great, events—
events 'Marked by great crimes' and op:
pression on the one side, and great exer
tions: and ; misfortunes , on, the other,' and
under. circtimStance.s which, carry with
them the sympathies of the..world,—like
the Partition •OfPolalidttrid the subjugation
of Hungary:- We can' 'offer -pbblic con
gratulations, .as viie , rhavo done, .to people
crowned by success in. ,their struggle for
freedom, . Ye,eatt offer . ctur_recognition of
theli;indepeiadence to others,, as. we have
Actie,4lille . Yet the eflhrt'Wad'
I•Flaiiii . we nyinptithonly fir; the fortunatol
A- 4 4,, is &wins - less sacred dearrbef
.o4ttse it is. Pr41,5400-,1131)4?4,4iu5t Py.,the
1 foot of power? 'Let the noble sentiments
Of-Washington, in his spirit-stirring reply
to the French minister, answer these ques
tions; "Born in a land of liberty,, my anx
ious. recollections, my sympathetic feel
ings, and my beSt wishes, aro irresistibly
excited, whensoever, in any country, I see
an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of
freedom.",
I freely' confess that I shall hail the day
with pleasure when this government, re
flecting the true sentiments of the people,
shall express its sympathy for struggling
millions, seeking, in circumstances of per
il and oppression, that liberty which was
given to them by God, but has been wres
ted from them by man. Ido not see any
danger to the true independence of nations
by such a course; and indeed I am by no
means certain that the free interchange of
public views in this solemn manner would
not go far towards checking the progress
of oppression and the tendency of war.—
Why,
sir, the very discussion in high Oa
ces and free places—and here is one of
them—even when discussion is followed by
no act—is itself a greats clement of retrib
utive justice to punish it when an atrocious
deed is done, and a great element of mor
al power to restrain it when such a deed
is contemplated. I claim for our country
no exemption from the decrees of these
high tribunals ; and when wo are guilty of
a tithe of the oppression and cruelty which
have made the Austrian name a name of
reproach through the world, I hope we
shall receive, as we shall well merit, the
reprobation of mankind.
I anticipate with confidence the cordial
support of the distinguished senator from
Kentucky in this effort. I will not doubt
it; though I urn afraid, from a somewhat
playful remark he made the other day, that
he is a more zealous disciple of the stand
still school than he was some years since,
when he proved himself the noble advo
cate of South American and Grecian free
dom. I have' just renewed my recollec
tion of what the honorable senator said
and did upon those memorable occasions ;
tl.ough, indeed, both the one and the other
wore deeply imprinted upon my memory,
as they are yet upon the hearts of his coun
trymen. Among the many splendid efforts,
both as an orator and, a statesman, by
which he will go down to posterity. honor-
C 4 and applauded, there arc none. higher
or holier than these :
"1 have 'no commiseration for princes,"
was his characteristic declaration. "My
sympathies are reserved for the great mass
of Mankind.' "Self-government is the
natural government of man."
"It ought to animate us," he said upon
another occasion, "to desire the redemp
tion of the minds and bodies of unborn
millions from the brutalizing eflbcts of a
system whose tendency is to stifle the fa
culties of the soul, and to degrade a man
to the level of the beasts."
"Everywhere," he says at another time,
"the interest in the Grecian cause is felt
with the deepest intensity, expressed in ev
ery form, and increase with every new day
and passing hour ;" and he puts an em
phatic question emphatically, which I re
peat to him, and to every one, it there is
any one who hesitates to keep "on a line,"
RS Mr. Canning said; with the opinions of
his countrymen : "And are the represen
tatives of the people alone to b insulated
from the common moral atmosphere of the
world?"
. These sentiments have no con
nection with ,the recognition of indepen
dence, nor is their expression claimed as
the right or the consequence of a mere po
litical act. They belong to inan, wherev
er he may be placed
The honorable senater describes in bur
ning words the cruelties of Spanish a: - ;d
Turkish warfare ; and in Murillo we have
the very prototype of Haynau ; and recent
Austrian enormities may be read in the
enormities powerfully portrayed almost
thirty' yeaas ago ; and this apostrophe
comes to dose the recapitulation : "Arc
we so mean, so base, so' #spicable,: that
we may not attempt to express,Our horror
and Otte indignation nt the most brutal, and
atrocious war that ever stained the earth
or.shocked high heaven V'
And I, tun happy, also, •to anticipate the
cordial ce-operation of the distinguished
senator i from MaSsachusetts, who, upon
recent,occdsion, 'expressed his syinpatby
for . 'down-trodden Hungary, sand his ab
horrence ef.despotic, Sway", in a strain of
indignant, 'eloquence, which would have
done honor, to the older Pitt, in ths:bright
eat,dayS of his intellect. ' "We have' had
all our sympathies much interested," he
truly said, "in the Hungarian eirert for lib
erty. We hays all wept at its failure.--
We thought saw
,a More rational. hope
of establishing independence in Hubgary
thait in any other part Of, Europe Where
the question has been in agitation, within
the last twelve months;
_but despotic power
from abroad has intervened to suppress it."
And the hendrable senator, in scathing
.terms' ,which will tough l y. cord in the hearts
Of all his,: conntrymen,, rebukes ,the
sinn,Emperpr for his- insolent'. -dem,and Of
the fugitives ; who had sought range:within
the,Turkish,frentier,: , • •
"!Geri'detn' en;.' ; (he says,) ,thereiSsOrne
-'"4,iips_eit earth 'greater than *EirbiteO•sr or
-
fAespotie'POwer.:.,. The jightning tis
qower ;and tho whirlwind,line,nlpoWer;
' and the earthqnake has' its . power ; •but.
Clearfield,' Pa., January 25111350.
there is something aniong men !more ea
' pable. i of shaking despotic power than
lightmng, whirlwind or earthquake.—
' That is the threatened indignation of the
whole civilized world."
"The whole world will be the tribunal to
try him, [the Russian Emperor,] and he
must appear before it, and hold up his
hand and plead, and abide its judgment."
"Nor let him, nor let any ono imagine,
that mere force on subdue the general
sentiment of mankind ; it is much more
likely to extend that sentiment, and to
destroy that power which he most desires
to establish and,secure."
"And now, gentlemen, let us do our
part ; let us understand the position in
which we stand, as the great republic of
the world,. at the most interesting era of
the world ; let us consider the mission
and the destiny which Providence.seems
to have designed us for; and let us take
care of our own conduct, that, with irre
proachable hands and hearts, void of of
fence, we may stand up, whenever and
wherever called upon, and, with a yoke
not to be disregarded, say, This shall not
be done—at least not without our pro.
test."
These were noble words, and nobly
spoken ; and Im who does not feel his blood
course more rapidly through his veins as
he reads them, has little in common with
the freemen of this broad land. Well was
the honorable senator saluted with "tre
mendous chcerings," for he. spoke to the
hearts of his auditors when he said: "For
my part, at this moment, I feel more in
dignant at recent events connected with
Hungary than at all those which have pas-,
sed in her struggle for liberty. I see that
the Emperor of Russia demands ofTurkey
that the, noble Kossuth and his companions
shall be given up, and I see that this de
mand is made in derision of the law of riti
tions."
Ikre comes another epistle in the story
a this flagitious abuse of power. Kossutb,
the Washington of Hungary, is ono of
thoSe men whose great qualities arc bro . 't
out by perilous times. He learned to hate
oppression in an Austrian dungeon, where,
while he lost his health ; he learned also to
prize the value of liberty, and in the soli
tude of his cell to devote himself to her
cause ; and nobly did he fulfil himself his
mission, till domestic treachery and Russian
power prostrated the hopes of freedom, and
he was driven to seek shelter from the ven
geance of Christian powers within the do
minion of the successor of the impostor of
Mecca. And then was exhibited that con
temptuous disregard of the feelings of the
world, so poweililly described by the sen
ator from Massachusetts, in the demand
upon an independent nation that the expa
triated leader, with his little band of faith
ful followers, should be surrendered to the
enemies of his country, a holocaust upon
the altar of despotism. The civilized world
watched with anxious suspense the pro
gress and issue of this demand—as inso
lent as it was wicked—upon the Turkish
government. It is twelve years since I
saw the present Sultan then a lad, sitting
by the side of his father, the great Qsmau
; lis reformer, crossing IL Bosphorus in a
splendid calque, surrounded with all the
imposing pageantry of eastern mag,nifi
, ecnce. Little did I then anticipate that
tho lovers of freedom through the world
would ever lee& to the heir of the Otomans
to save Christian patriots from the fangs
of Christian monarchs. We do not know
the threats that were menaced, nor the in
ducements offered ;' but both the one and
the other were no' doubt proportioned to
the intensity of the passions to be glutted by
the surrender of the victims. But the ef
fort was vain. The Divan, faithfull to the
traditions of Eastern hospitality, if not to
the obligations of the law of nations, firmly
refused the delivery of the fugitives, and
thus spared another "deluge of blood," to
use the words of the great Roman histori
an, in this sad drama of a nation's over
throw. The latest accounts We have from
the East inform us that this extraordinary
contest between Russian arrogance and
Turkish inflexibility was yetgoing, on with
no prospect of an amicable solution oithe
question ; this wanton violation of the most
sacred 'rights may yet furnish 'a pretext for
the march of another Russian army, and
of another attempt to drive the Turks from
Europe' and, to seize ConstantinOple. The
Maheinettin has shown himself a better
Chrikian than the RuSsian, and has won
the approbation of an' 'enlightened age.-
Success be with hiM in such a warfare
But, sir,' with their powerful sympathies
for human , suffering; the people of this
country,, though ardently attached 'to the
Principles °National liberty, are no'politierd
,prepagandists. They do not undertake to
judge What forms of government .tire best
adapted to the Condition Of the 'ether na
tions oldie carth,'aud, least of all, to at
,teniPt 'the establishment elsewhere of their
ovy'n. To Maintain that practical freedom
cannot lie 'enjoyed under a
,censtitutienal
'monarchy; Would . be to contradict our. Own
obseivation and the.experienCe' of some of
the . most ;enlightened .natkins''of the earth.
'We:kno* that a reptiblie best for US, and
,t)ifiFccOrd* - 71100 it. r. ''Let '',thoSd . wliO'
be
liove,
ficsf 'for theiWeoiq j
any other , pd• Wei.. But betiven
Number 31.
.
governments like these, and the despotism
which overshadows, over Whelms, I may
say, Some of the fairest portiOns,of the Old
World,---Where power is the. only rule of
right for the' governors, hmtobedieace the
only resource for the governed—there is
a difference as marked .and as wide as is
the difference in their . 'effects upon the
character, and progreSs, and prosperity of
man. The former, when they fulfil their
legitimate duties,- commend themselves to
our good wishes.and respect. There is no
American, true to the political faith of our
fathers, who does not.' sincerely ( desire the
renovation of the latter, and the restora
tion of the oppressed masses to ,the rights
and dignity of human nature._
Here is an empire of freemen; separa
ted by the broad Atlantic from the con
tests of force and opinion, which seem to
succeed each other like waves of the o
cean in the mighty changes going 7on in
Europe—twenty millions of people enjoy
ing a Measure ofprosperity which God, in
liisTrovidence, has granted to no other na
tion of the earth. With no interest to
warp their judgment; with neither preju
dice nor animosity to . excite them; and
with a public opinion as free as the air
they breathe, they can survey these events
as dispassionately as is compatible with
that natural sympathy for the oppressed
which is implanted in the human breast.
Think you not, sir, that their voice, sent
from these distant shores, would cheer the
-unfortunate onward in their work—would
encourage them while bearing their evils
to bear them bravely as men who hope—
and when driven to resist by a pressure
no longer to bo borne, to exert themselves
as men who peril all upon the effort? But
where no demonstration of interest on the.
part ofa government is called for by cir
cumstances, a sound public opinion is rea
dy to proclaim its sentiments, and no re
serve is imposed upon their expression.—
It is common to this country, and to' eve
ry country where liberal institutions pre
vail, and it is as powerful and es power
fully exerted in France and in England as
in the United States. Its effects may not
be immediate or immediately visible. But
they ere sure to come, and to come in ;
power.' Its 2 voicc is louder than the boom
ing of cannon; and it, is heard on the very
confines of civilization.. Our declaration
of independence has laid the foundation of
mightier changes in the world than any
event since the spirit Of the. Crusades pre;
cipitated Europe. upon Asia with zealous
but mistaken views of religious duty.
Tho very last packet has brought us
the London Times of December 7, which
contains an address to Lord John Russell
and to Lord Palmerston from eighty-three
members of the English House of Lords
and Commons, requesting the interference
of the British Government to endeavor to
restrain that of Austria from further butch
ery; for that, in plain worth, is the design
of tho' Movement. I beg leave to read
this paper, which, though drawn with some
reserve, the better probably to attain the
object, leaves no doubt of the opinion of'
the signers respecting the condition of
Hungary and the character of the events
which placed her there:
" We, the undersigned, desire to express
to your lordships, and through your lord
ships to the rest of her Majesty's confi
dential servants, the deep interest which
we have taken in the contest which has
been recently carried on between the
Hungarian nation and the Emperor of
Austria. Not less deep is the interest
which we now take in the final settlement
ofthe question at issue between them, &
in the permanent pacification of that great
country. Sincerely attached to the lib
erties
of our own country, the final es
tablishment of which is due to the suc-
cesful termination of struggles annla-
goes to those which have been made frm
time to time in Hungary—with equal
sincerity desirous of maintaining the
peace of Europe—we are fully sensible
of the great importance that the settle
ment of the questions nt issue should be
effected in a manner and upon terms sat
isfactory to the Hungarian nation; not
only hr the sake of Hungary herself, but
because we apprehend that a settlement
unsatisfactory to the country will sow
the seed of renewed discontent, may lead
to fresh local disturbaticca, and, by the
local disturbance of So large an element
of the European system, may endanger
the tranquillity of the whole.
."The objects of the undersigned are,
internal liberty, national independence,
European peace. For the attainment of
objects, we trust the court of Vien
'haswill bear in mind that the satisfaction
'rind contentment of Hungary
: will afford
the greatest . aecurity: Considering, how
'ever, the Means by which the authority
''Of the House . of itapsburg has• been' re
established, the undersigned are Of.opin
ion that the occasion permits, even if it
6 does not call .for, the interlicntion Of Greta
',Britain in counselling the . Austrian gov
ernMent respecting the exercise' of its re
',stored execunvepewer. With respect to
6 t he• mode and • opportunity;of interfering,
6. the 'undersigned !Offer no stiecift6 ()Pinion;
6 f . bafwe hope' that her Majesty's . geverti.
iftant 'shrink - frorn , suggesting to
Three- Austria, -that,'! since:! republican
eFrtinee has . abolished.ctipital panishinent
S I I ER IFFSt--SA
I. 'V cisme of n 11 ri I ,of tett Filents.' NOUN/ out
r:"T i tja us 1. o-Cum ton..gionl—ot,clqutEripld
espo•ted la
1, fp:, 3 tnonths::'' s he' borough of
r"' ' 1 6 '• , , : - ...tir,ogry
. 1 do: l• 12 month. #., ' 7 vu
-2,d0 , 3 Months c . , • .
2do 6 stiOnth; 8 (Al
2 do 12 months * 10 00
9 do •3 months . • - 1 6OD
3 do
3 do
5 do
6 do
10 do
10 do
6 monthg
12 monair.' . • •
or half a Column, 6 months
or half a column. 12 Months
or one column, 6 months
or one column, 12 nip.nthfi
.. Books, Jobs and Blanks •
Of every description, piloted In die. very best style,
and on the shortest notice, ca the . COUNTRY DOL•'
GAR Once. . ••:• . • • • • •'* • -.`•••
4 " for 'political offences, it:will not be
'to allow u.contrast to - he drawn unfairo-m
-' ble to the clemency of monarchical Ott::
' ernment." • ;,
Signed by 83 members, Peer; and corn.
moners.
_
The allusion "to the ?newts by which
the • authority.qf the :Elbuse • of Hapsburg:
has - been re-established," • and to
. the occa.
szon„ if not the duty of intervcnticyz by
Great Britain.. is., significant enough, of
the deep feeling of : indignntion at the cry.
cities of the Austrian government, and of
the anxiety among the English Impale that
they should .6e pievented. We also, do.
sire the same result for tho ftiturei'butwo
believe that that result would be best
by the world's censure of the
. past.
What then, sir, are the circumstanced
in, the conduct of the Austrian governinenf
which have brought.down upon it the rep;
robation of the civilized world? .The
tory of the Hungarian effort, and its
rabic result; are, too recent and wide.
spread, and have awakened too, deep an
-interest in our whole country, to render-a
detailed review necessary upon this occa
sion. I shall - merely glance at some of
the more prominent facts, lint,. enough to
give the true character of one of the most
atrocious politicaLacts moderii:timeS.
Hungary was an independent - nation,
having no political 'connexion at, all with
Austria, except: in the : person of. the soya.
reign, who was - conirrion to both: Tho
reigning Austrian:ft - tinily:was called to the
Hungarian throne by election, sonie three
centuries ago; and we are told by a''stand
ard review—a high and neutral authoritY
—that "the pedigree of their immunities,
during that long space, continued. unim
paired." Tho compact between the Hun . -
garian people 'and their monarch declaies,
that "Hungary is a country free. and iiide
pendent in her entire system-oflegialation
and government ; that she
,any
not stibjeet
to any other . pcople,. or
,arty
bin that she shank! "vivo her own separate
existence and her
.own constitution; and
should be governedad
by kings - crowned a
cording !oher national laws and customs'."
This article the Austrian Emperor swore
to preserve, as all his Tredecessors'.had
done; and us late us the 11th' &April,
1848, he solemnly renewed lii.4.adliesion
to it,
.with the guarahtee of a ministry, re
sponsible to the Dietifthat plan,. of Eng
lish origin, by which EarOpean
iticians seek to reconcile'the dogma-ofthe
personal independence of the sovereign
with the direction of public affairs - in con
formity with the will of'the nation.. ThiS
waa the constitution of Hungary, and thin;
was it secured. It guarantied national - in.-
dependence, Hungarian laws and offieere,
and Hungarian administration of tlie -af
fairs of the country. In these days of the
violation of the most sacred rights, there
has . been no_ violation more signal or a.
tro6i6Us than the annihilation of the ihts
of this high-spirited people, once thebttl
wark of Dhristendorn. A charte octrOjeil,
the work of an Austrian cabinet, 'slruck
down their liberties at one stroke, and left
them (as a kindred expedient—kindred-in
its objects, though not in its form—left our
&tilers) no choice but submission or resist
:
a lice.
These chartes netroyee are becorning
quite fitshionable in the world of arbitrary
power, awakened fro'm its long slumber
by the thunder of pOpular indignation and
particularly since the restoration Of' the
Bourbons—that family which was the ve
ry impersonation of the doctrine•of the di
vine right of kings; and they mark signifi
cantly the utter contempt for the sove
reignty of the people, which is engraved
upon the hearts of all the lovers of the
good old times, when there were but two
classes in the world—those born to gov
ern, and those horn to be- governed. We
first heard of them es the foundation of
national freedom, when the declaration of
rights proposed by the provisional govern.
ment of France, on the overthrow of:Na
polcon, was presented to Louis .XVlll'for
Ida solemn adhesion.. 'lle rejected this
act of popular power, holding .on to 'his
divine right; butns the restotafon would
have been place. ,in hazard without some
security for the liberties of the Ft ench.peo
ple, 'this plan Of a citarte octroycc was re
sorted to—a charter granted by the sove
reign, emanating frombis gracious benev
olence, and giving to the nation certain
rights, not becauseit.was entitled to_claim
them, but because he was kindly disposed
to limit his own hereditary autlio*Y, and
to allow his beloved people to.bo a little
-less oppressed .than they, had been in the
good old days of arbitrary, power. And.
this is a charte.mtroyee, by which, when
the fears of kings prompt them to
concessions to popular movements, their
right is reserved for future use, and
the sovereignty of:the _Teeple . 'ffaa.d4a ll Y
rebuked and denied . , , The leSsenw--
precious to be lost, aii44 16 71 0 '
States have followed."" --
man right
as the
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