f
BY S. X BOW.
CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1867.
VOL. 13.-NO.
LEABSINO TO WALK.
Only beginning the journey,
Many a mile to go;
Little feet, how they patter.
Wandering to and fro.
Trying again, to bravely.
Laughing in childish glee;
Hiding iti face in mother's Up,
Proud aj a baby cab be.
Taking the oddest language
Erer before was heard ;
But mother you'd hardly think
Understands every word.
Tottering now and falling,
Eyes that are going to cry;
Ki.e and plenty of love-words,
Willing again to try.
Fher of All, O guide them !
The pattering little feet.
While they are treading the np-b.il! road.
BravUg the dust and heat.
Aid them when they grow weary,
Keep them in pathways blest,
Aad when the journey is ended,
0, bavior ! give them re it.
RECONSTRUCTION.
FPEECU OF nONTo. W. SCOFIELD,
OF PENNSYLVANIA,
On January 19. 1867. the House baring under
consideration the bill (II R. No 543) to provide
for restoring to the States lately in insurrection
their full political rights.
Mr. SCOFIELD. Mr. Speaker, as the
confederate population, five or six million in
timbers, i. to remain in this country and to
liome extent shape its destiny, it is all-important
that we so re-construct the Union
that this population may become an element
of strength rather than of weakness to the
Republic. Powerful as we are we can hardly
afiord to allow a population so large, brave,
reckless to settle down into chronic dis
content forever to be to America what Ire
land is to Uieat Britain, Poland to Russia,
or Hungary to Austria an ever-ready ele
meut of revolution. To avoid this result is
the avowed purpose of both political parties;
but strange to say, with the same professed
end iu view, they start out upon paths lead
ing in quite opposite directions. The Re
publican claim th it the Union can be best
preserved by removing the causes of discon
tent and thus extinguishing the motives to
disunion, while the Democrats think the
Union can be best preserved by tolerating,
conciliating, and fostering the errors and
wrongs from which disunion sprang.
For instance, the preservation of slavery
win the original motive for secession. To
destroy this motive the Republicans propose
t i aboiLh and the Democrats to foster slave
ry. Acting upon their theory, and antici
pating the tinai overthrow of the rebellion,
the Republicans began early iu the war the
removal of its cause. Tboy prohibited the
fXiension ot slavery, abolished it in the
District of Columbia, forbade the return of
slaves by the Army, repealed the fugitive
c. tive law, supported Fremont's, Hunter's,
aiil Phelps' partial and Mr. Lincoln's more
rMieml proclamation ot freedom, and finally
i; an amendment of the Constitution pro
hibited it everywhere and forever. Thus it
wj hoped that when the rebellion should
U; tipressed no conflicting interest would
le ieit, about which the North and South
d. uid quarrel. There appeared, however,
to be a lingering hope in the minds of the
Lie masters that in a separate republic the
iuitiiutiun might still be revived in some
uijiiiied loiui and something. at least of
iu-S.r laige investment saved and to this ex
teui the motive to renew the struggle in
more propitious times survived. This hope
mil motive for disunion would grow weaker
aal weaker as the subject-race become more
a J more intelligent, thrifty and self-reliant.
To facilitate this result the civil rights and
I utUiiien'a Bureau, the franchise, and
"iv.y other minor bills of like import were
rasacJ by Congress. The advancement of
t.'ie negro 'was thought to be a greater hin
v!r. ce to the revival of the disunion insti
tution aiid a greater discouragement ot con
t'Mciv.y outbreaks than repealable laws or
ijioaiai'ie constitutions. This was the lle
r uLiican piau of re-union. The Democrats,
t:' g in their th-.ory of fostering and thus
i ii i ting the disturbing elements, oppos
fi U.. measures tor emancipation, and are
o;i wi'jjj bills for the improving the
c!ored race. I do not question their sincer-
Quite likely ttey sincerely thought
iftnt the lest way to unite the North and
atu was to yield to, extend, cherish, and
Miniate the cause of disagreement. But
is passed. The work is nearly accotu-I'!i-hed.aad
I refer to the course of the two
I ::ic j upon it only to illustrate my position,
" :r they eek the preservation ot the Union
- ;:iutattri.''i"y opposite directions.
i' e Republicans had hoped that by the
"'niival ct this original cause of quarrel all
.(.-"itives to disunion would disappear ; but
-1 uie threshold of reconstruction another
"i to some extent an unexpected trouble
; asents itself. The Confederacy had four
id a quarter years of nationality. During
' -.is time vast interests, passions, and resent-
nts grew up under and centered in it.
- 5e contracted many debts, a debt in bonds
currency to her capitalists, ot damages
' her property-holders, of honor to her sol-
er?, memory to her fallen, and alms to the
-affenng. The dead claim homage; the
' laimed, widowed and orphans, pensions;
? Je impoverished, payment; and,the leaders,
storio honor?. These interests and pas-
- jna embrace all classes and appeal to all
firts within the circumference of confed-'-"Ue
power. This makes a cause stronger
-an slavery. There is more money in it by
-If, and quite as much to awaken resent-
-at or provoke resistance.
If these people come back with these in
' TMta unbarred by a constitutional amend
P rot, how canjthey avoid struggling to sate
-the Union all that was risked in the con-
federacy? If they do notthey must be
worse than men or better than angels. But
these interests are in direct conflict with the
corresponding interests of the Federal Gov
ernment. The reunited nation cannot hon
or Grant for preserving the Union and Lee
for attempting to destroy it. We cannot
mourn for the three hundred thousand U
nion dead and pension the men at whose
hands they fell. It will be another war of
sectional interests to be fought over in the
Halls of Congress, the State Legislature, on
the hustings, rnd then again, if opportunity
presents, on the field of blood. The "lost
cause will take the place of the slave power'
with a larger investment to back it, and a
less repulsive face to defend.
What shall be done with this new clement
of disintegration and strife? The Republi
cans propose to dispose of it as they did
slavery bury it by another amendment of
the Constitution. And why shall not this
be done and the Union thus purified and
harmonized restored at once ? Does Con
gress stand in the way ? No.sir ; for eight
months the two policies Republican surge
ry and Democratic opiates were discussed
and contrasted in these Halls, and almost
everybody here came to the conclusion that
it was better to cure than palliate the disor
der. The amendment was agreed to four to
one. Do the people neglect their duty?
No, sir; the amendment was sent out to
them and for three or four months rediscuss
ed. They approved it, and in twenty-three
of the twenty-six States elected Legisla
tures instructed to adopt it. Do these Leg
islative servants disobey instructions ? No,
sir;
ter
they are now assembling, and btate at
State is recording its verdict. Very
. .1 ci . . 1 -
soon these twenty-tnree ciaies, navmg a
population in 1860 of twenty-one million
five hundred thousand, and not less than
twenty seven million now,, ill send a perfid
ious Secretary the official evidence of the
leople's will. Delaware, three counties
arge,Maryland,betrayed to the confederates
by a servant less treacherous than weak, and
Kentucky, whose patriotism in the great
struggle hardly rose above a dissembling
neutrality, alone give a negative answer.
By the census of 1860 the entire popula
tion of these three States, white and black,
was only l,955,000,and cannot much exceed
those figures now. Who then stands in the
way? Not the Democratic party ; the.
amendment was beyond tueir reacn wnen it
passed Congress and was indorsed by the
people: not the President; the Constitu
tion withholds from him any authority over
the question of amendment. Who, then,
stands in the way ? One old man who is
charged by law with the duty of proclaim
ing the adoption of the amendment, but
who (the Chicago defeat being still una
venged) has determined to incorporate into
the Union the tlebrix of the late Confedera
cy ; to be in place of the "irrepressible con
flict" the breeder of present broils and fu
ture rebellions he stands in the way. He
has contrived a theory of estoppel. The
amendment, he tells us. is void without con
federate sanction. The will of the people
of twenty-three States, nay, tho whole
twenty-six if they had been unanimous,
must go for nothing unless approved by a
few million rebels scattered through the
confedetate States. Having set up his the
ory, he undertakes to procure from these
"misguided people" never more misguid
ed than when led by him an expression
of dissent. His machinations are likely to
be successful.
In 1861 the Southern heart was fired by
the taunts and promises of Northern Dem
ocrats. "The election of Lincoln," they
would say, "is an assault upon your in
stitutions and an insult to the South."
They promised in case of trouble to take care
ot the abolitionists. There should be no co
ercion ; but when the trouble came they
shrunk away from the people they had thus
prompted, perhaps unintentionally, to re
resist. A good deal of half-treasonable crit
icism on the action of the Government when
deeply embarrassed and struggling for lite,
a little secret encouragement and silent sym
pathy for the foe were the only noticeable
departures from a strict neutrality. Their
promise was broken. Let me warn these
confederates who have abandoned their
scheme of separation in good faith to beware
of their old advisers and their new leader.
Here, then, arises an intermediate ques
tion, it is not whether confederate assets
shall be buried in the same grave with sla
very as the Republicans propose, nor wheth
er they shall be tenderly taken up and warm
ed into venomous life in the bosom of the
Union as the Democrats propose ; but
whether this question shall be determined
by the States in the Union or by the Con
federate States.
What then is the status of the ten Con
federate States ? Are they States or Terri
tories in the Union? If States, they can
control the other twenty-six on a question
of amendment ; if not, not. They must be
one or the other. Some suppose they strike
intermediate ground by calling them over
thrown, disorganized, or suspended States.
But certainly a State overthrown or suspend
ed is not at present an existing State. nor is a
disorganized an organized State. If they
have no present existence as States they ara
only at the most theoretic States, which are
no States ; or prospective States, which are
Territories. They have certainly not been ;
acting as States during the last six years,
and they are only claimed to be so because
no way for the severance of a State from
the Union is provided in the Constitution.
Once a State, therefore always a State. If
they are States now they have been so .for
the last six years. Look at the consequences.
By article one, section five of the Constitu
tion, no business can be done in the absence
of a quorum, and a quorum is there declar
ed to be a majority of all the members.
Now, if the Confederate States were also
States in the Union for the last six years
this House, consisted of two hundred and
forty -two nrembers, and no business could
be constitutionally done without the pres
ence of one hundred and twenty-two mem
bers. But for all this time we have acted
on the hypothesis that the House was com
posed of only one hundred and eighty-tour
members, deducting titty-eight tor tbe rebel
States and that ninety-three made a quo
rum. The Senate has acted on a similar
presumption, counting twenty-six instead of
thirty-seven as the constitutional quorum.
Probably more than half of our legislation
has been enacted, as will appear ot record,
when either the House had less than one
hundred and twenty-two, or the Senate less
than thirty-seven members present. AH
this must therefore be unconstitutional and
void.
Again, a Presidential election occurred
during the war. If the Confederate States
had not forfeited their privileges as States
in the Union they were entitled to cast
eighty electoral votes. Thest- eighty votes
might have decided the contest, and they
might thus have chosen theCouiniander-in-Chief
of our Army and Navy to conduct
the war against them ; or by casting their
votes for Jefferson Davis they might have
defeated an election by the people and thrown
it into this House. What then ? We vpte
by States, (article two, section seven,) and
two thirds of all the States must be repre
sented. If Kentucky and Missouri had
joined the Confederacy as they attempted to
do and they actually were represented in
it during the entire war more than one
third of the States would have been absent,
and the election of President would have
become impossible. The Senate would have
encountered the same difficulty in the elec
tion of Vice President. To perform this
duty two-thirds of all the Senators must be
present. That number could not be had in
the case supposed, and so we must go with
out Executive officers until the rebel States
choose to relieve us by sending representa
tives to aid in choosing them for us.
Suppose, again, that pending the war it
had become absolutely necessary to amend
the Constitution, that all parties concurred
in its propriety, and the lo3Tal States were
unanimous upon the subject, it could not
have been done without the consent of the
confederate States. Though formed into a
separate republic and conducting a war with
us, not the slightest change in our funda
mental law, however necessary to our salva
tion, could be had without their consent.
And this state of things would have contin
ued as long as the war continued, even if it
were a quarter of a century : worse than
that, sir, they were States in the Union un
til they were released or expelled by an a
mendnient of the Constitution. Such an
amendment required the consent of all the
States. No matter, then, how the war
should terminate or whether it ter
minated at all, their power over us could
never be severed without their consent. Se
ceding and fighting would not do, you say,
because these were unconstitutional acts.
But whipping us, I would suppose, would
be quite as unconstitutional as fighting. If
they had succeeded in the war and main
tained a separate republic they could then
have run their own government and in part
controlled ours in spite of us. The absurdi
ty ot this hypothesis proves the truth of the
of the other. When a State rebels and lev
ies war against the Union,it thereby forfeits
its privileges as a State, andean only be re
stored by Congress.
Absurd as the other theory is, upon it the
Secretary of State has undertaken to bi ing
back to the Union the confederate popula
tion, freighted with all the belligerent inter
est collected by four and a quarter years of
nationality and war. How ? Not by con
vincing the people ; that has been tried and
tailed. Not by executive patronage, that
has failed also. Not by corrupting Con
gress, for his old lobbyist is powerless here.
No, sir; he meditates the seduction of an
other old man who happens to hold the bal
ance of power in the Supreme Court; vague
rumors of a mission to England are afloat.
The Secretary seems to think that a man
who can betray his constituents and misrep
resent his State will make a good misrepre
sentative of the nation abroad ; and why not
send a second champion of his theory to
flaunt his soiled ermine at the court ot St,
James and negotiate treaties for the paj'
ment of confederate cotton bonds or a re
lease of claims for the piracies of the Ala
bama? But his Judge must have something to
stand upon. The courts follow precedents
and the Rhode Island, case stands in the
way. This question .is there held to be a
political one, to be decided by the political
Government. Eventually he will insist that
this decision has been made and made in
his. favor. To meet this emergency he is
now and has been for some time preparing
his facts. The emancipation amendment
was agreed to by twenty-three States out of
the twenty-five then in the Union many
more than the number required for its a
doption ; but in his proclamation he chose
to omit from Jus count a portion of these
States and add seven confederate communi
ties to make the number required by hy
construction. There is a precedent for his.
Judge. So he submitted without authori
ty to these same communities the amendment
now under consideration to be acted on by
them in the capacity of States. There is
another precedent. The Interior is prompt
ed to issue agricultural land scrip which can
only be given to those States in the Union,
and the Treasury and Post Office Depart
ments are ordered out of their line of duties
to make some small recognition of these
communities as States. These will make so
many more precedents for his judge.
The Secretary first declares they are
States, treats them as States, procures oth
er Executive Departments to do likewise,
and then cites his acts and declarations to ,
enable a willing judge to decide that they
are States, and thus launch into the heart of.
the Republic a confederate shell with fuse
still burning by a single twitch of his gowm.
Mr. COOPER. Mr. Speaker, I simply
wish to ask the honorable gentleman from
Pennsylvania, whether this House did not
adopt resolution making it the duty of Mr.
Mcpherson, its Clerk, to forward the very
constitutional amendment about which he
is arguing to the different States lately in
rebellion before he knew the Secretary of
State had forwarded it?
Mr. SCOFIELD. I do not recollect any
such action of the House. But if sent to
them by .us it was only to allow them an op
portunity to prove their loyalty by giving it
their assent. In the preamble to the bill re
admitting Tenuessee their assent to this a
mendment is recited, among other things, as
evidence of the loyalty of the government
rfaco,and as a reason for legitimatizing it
and admitting it into the Un.on. For this
purpose we ot course desired th.m to have
a copy, but, unlike the Secretary of State,
we did not expect that the assent of these
communities would fastea this amendment
upon the country without the concurrence
of three-fourths of the adhering States, nor
that their dissent would defeat it if that con
currence was had..
The Secretary is clever in work of this
kind. An English nobleman was at one
time exhibiting his kennel to an American
friend, and passing by many of his showiest
bloods they came upon one that seemed
nearly used up. "This," said the noble
man, "is the most valuable animal in the
pack although he is old, lame, blind, and
dvaf." "How is that ?" inquired the vis
itor. The nobleman explained : "His edu
cation was good, to begin with, and his
wonderful sense of smell is still uuimpaired.
We only take hiui out to catch the scent and
put the puppios on the ttack and then re
turn hiui to the kennel." Do not suppose
that I intend any comparison between the
Secretary of State and that veteran hunter.
Such a comparison would be neither digni
fied nor truthful, because the Englishman
went on to say : "I have owned that dog for
thirteen years, and hard as he looks he
never bit the hand that fed him, nor barked
on a false trail." Laughter and applause
on the floor amd in the galleries, promptly
checked by the Speaker. J
I would inquire of the Chair if my time
has expired.
The SPEAKER. It has not.
Mr. STEVENS, (in his seat.) The chair
relied - you to order tor doing injustioe to
the dog. Renewed laughter.
Mr. SCOFIELD. I mistook the fall of
the hammer for a notice to quit. However,
I have but little more to add. The charge!
is often made here and elsewhere that the
Republican policy of reconstruction leads to
disintegration rather than reunion. In re
ply to the charge I am endeavoring tc show
that its tendency is to harmonize and cement
the Union. I follow this narrow line of ai
gument because it has fallen to others to
discuss that policy in connection with the
abstract principles of republican govern
ment, justice, religion, humanity, and civ
ilisation already.
When interrupted I was going on to say
that the Secretary, in his efforts to baffle
the Union policy of the Republican party,
will even claim that his guerrilla govern
ments have the implied sanction of Con
gress. For more than a year these organiza
tions have usurped the control of public af
fairs in their several localities and systemat
ically oppressed and persecuted the Union
people there. For more than a year we
have been inactive, if not silent witnesses
of these usurpations. We have taken no
steps to suppress them nor to provide the
people with constitutional governments.
The existing ones are only the confederate
governments revived more oppressive, ma
lignant, and resentful, under the feeble re
straints of a cowed opponent, than under
the iron rule of the confederate president
himself. The despotism and barbarities of
Davis were not wanton. They had a pur
pose the success of the confederate cause.
The "stern statesman" allowed no further
license; but under the Seward dynasty
lynching and murder has become a pastime.
Better by far for the Union men of the
South if their governments were again placed
under the restraining despotism of Jefferson
Davis. At least he would not allow help
less and unoffending people to be mobbed
and murdered for no confederate or public
purpose.
How much longer shall we turn a deaf ear
to the cry of the oppressed ? How much
longer shall we stand here and see the brave
men who for four years, amid obliquy, per
secution, imprisonment, and torture, refused
to forswear the flag, now when that flag is
triumphant, in part through their suffer
ings, driven from their homes and shot
down in the street like dogs ? If we thus
meanly desert our friends the rebels them
selves will despise us. But how about the
Secretary, his cunning, his precedents, and
his judges? They are not to be feared.
They may protract our national trouble and
delay the restoration ot the Union a little
longer ; but that is all. The people have
concluded that the best way to harmonize
and cement the Union is to bury whatever
is left of slavery and confederate nationality
in a common grave ; and it will be done.
The Nile mav be damned with bulrushes,
but the just, benignant, and well-considered
purpose of a forty-million nation cannot be
turned aside by the tinkle of one old man's
bell nor the rustle of another's gown. For
one I am ready for the vote.
l-UO mOffl IWIBl 5"UI
the great famine in India,
T- U . 4t .
of this century is
InOrissa.it is re-
"people have ptrithrd vnthxn- tlu last fit rnoruht
from, starvation. Before this terrible calamity
even ottr awful war seems Insignificant.
Dennis, did you hear it thunder last night?'
No, Pat; did it reilly thunder?' -Yea, it thun
dered as if hiren and erth would come together.
'Why in the divil, thin, didn't ye wake me, for ye
mow l can t slape wnm n
Read Mr. Scofield's speech.
A Heavt Income Tax Pater. The
man who drew the Chicago Opera House,
says the Lancaster Express, may probably
find himself in the same unhappy condition
as the man who won the elephant. The
prize, as it now stands, is a gain or profit for
the year 1867, and will be subject to the U
nited States income tax, which is upon sums
between $600 and $5,000, at the rate of five
percent: above $5,000, ten percent As
suming the va:ue of the Opera House to be
$600,000, as averred in the distribution
scheme, the tax to the United States upon
this gain will be $61,600. Add to that ten
per cent on $30,000 the reported value of
the rents for a year, and this lucky fellow will
have to put his wits to work to raise $64,
000, as a taxation upon his good fortune for
the first year. Now, to a poor man, the ef
fort to raise this snui will be a considerable
strain, and puzzle hi financial abilities
greatly. Should he be compelled to sell his
prize to raise the money, his income tax
may not be so great, but all that he gains in
that way will be nothing to the depreciation
in value consequent upon a forced sale. He
may not be able to get more than $300,
000 for his property, and then there will be
a loss so serious as to make many weep.
w
ALTER BARRETT, Attorney at Law, Clear
field, fsk. May is, i&o.j.
IRVIN BROTHERS, Dealers in Square A Sawed
Lumber. Drj Goods, Groceries, Flour, Grain,
i, s ,4c, Burnside Pa., Sept 23, 1S63.
TERRELL A BIGLER. Dealers in Hardware
IVH and manufacturers of Tin and Sheet-iron
rare. Second Street, Clearfield, Pa. June '66.
FREDERICK LEITZINGER. Manufacturer of
-11 kinds of Stone-ware. Clearfield, Pa. Or
ders solicited wholesale or retail. Jan. 1,1863
HF. NAUGLE, AVatch and Clock Maker, and
. dealer in Watches, Jewelry. Ac. Room in
Graham's row, Market street. Nov. 10.
HBUCHER SWOOPE. Attorney at Law,Clear
. field. Pa. Office inGraham'a Row, fourdoo s
west of Graham A Boynton's store. Nor. 10.
FORCEY A GRAHAM, Dealers in Square and
Sawed Lumber, Dry-Goods, Queensware, Gro
ceries, Flour. Grain, Feed, Baoon, Ac, Ac., Gra
hamton, Clearfield oonnty. Pa. Oct 10.
TP. KRATZER, Dealer in Dry-Goods. Clothing,
lUnlwnrA On AAnswnre. Groceries. Provi
sions, eto., Market Street, nearly opposite the
. ... 1-. ot
Uourt liouse, uienrneia, ra. juno, ioiu.
HARTSWICK A IRWIN. Dealers in Drugs,
Medicines. Paints. Oils. Stationary, Perfume
ry . Fancy Goods, Notions, etc., etc., Market street,
Clearfield, Pa Dee. 6, 1865.
(" KRATZER A SON, dealers in Dry Goods,
j. Clothing, Hardware. Queensware, Groce
ries. Provisions. Ae., Front Street, (above the A
cademy,) Cleai field, Pa. Dee 27,1865.
WILLIAM F. IRWIN, Mark etstreet, Clearfield,
Pa., Dealer in Foreign and Domestic Mer
han lise. Hardware, Queensware, Groceries, and
family articles generally. Nov. 10.
JOHN GTJELICH, Manufacturer of all kinds of
Cabinet-ware, Market street, Clearfield, Pa
He also makes to order Coffins, on short notice, and
attends funerals with a bearse. Aprl0,'59.
a THOMAS J. M'CULLOUGn, Attorney at Law.
Clearfield, Pa. Office, east of the ' Clearfield
o Bank. Deeds ana otneriegai insiruniBnijrB
kiared with promptness and accuracy. July 3.
JB M'EN ALLY, Attorney at Law. Clearfield,
, Pa. Practices in Clearfield and adjoining
jounties. Office in new brick building of J . Boyn
t m, 2d street, one door south of Lanich's Hotel.
RICHARD MOSSOP, Dealer in Foreign and Do
mestie Dry Goods, Groceries, Flour, Bacon,
Liquors, Ae. Room, on Market street, a few doors
west ot Journal OJfic, Clearfield. Pa. " Apr27.
DR J. P. BURCHFIELD Late Surgeon of the
83d Reg't Penn'a Vols., having returned
from the army, offers his professional services to
the citisens of Clearfield and vicinity. Profes
sional calls promptly wttendad to. Office on
8outh-East corner of 3d and Market Streets.
Oct. 4. 1S65 6mp.
FURNITURE ROOMS.
JOHN GUELICII,
Desires to Inform his old friends and customers
that, having enlarged his shop and increased bis
facilities for manufacturing, ne is now prepared
to make to order such furniture a may be desir
ed, in good style and at cheap rates for cash. He
mostly has on hand at his -Furniture Rooms,"
a varied assortment of furniture, among which is,
BUREAUS AND SIDEBOARDS,
Wardrobes and Book-oases; Centre, Sofa, Parfor,
Breakfast and Dining extension Tables.
Common, French-posts, Cottage, Jenny-
J-iind and other Bedsteads.
SOFAS OF ALL KINDS. WORK-STANDS, HAT
RACKS, WASH-STANDS, Ac.
Spring-seat. Cain-bottom, and Parlor Chairs;
And common and other Chairs.
LOOKING-GLASSES
Of every description on hand, and new gla fcr
eld frames, which will be put in pn very
rSG2ble terms, on rnort notice.
He also keeps on hacd. or furnishes order, Hair,
Corn-husk, Hair and Cotton top Mattresses.
COFFINS, OF EVERY KIND,
Made to order, and funerals attended with a
Hearse, whenever desirable.
Also, House painting done to order.
The above, and many other articles are furnished
to customers cheap for cash or exchanged for ap
proved country produce. Cherry. Maple. Poplar,
Lin-wood and other Lumber suitable for the busi
ness, taken in exchange for furniture.
Remember the shop is on Marxet street, Clear
field, and nearly opposite the -Old Jew Store."
December 4. 1861 JOHN GUELICII.
SWAIM'8 PANACEA, Kennedy's Medical Dis
covery, Hembold's Buehu, Bake'a Cod Liver
Oil, Jayne's and Ayer's Medicines, for sale by
jan.iu HAUiswitKCinnia.
BUFFALO OVER SHOES.50 pairs.best quality,
just received nd for sale at $ a pair-at
December li. IStHJ. J-
is
ALT a good article, and very cheap at in
..... w vr k i- 1 CI I
store of w. r. ittWA. m.
T? A O .L HOTEL,
CURWENSVILLE, PENN'A.
LEWIS W. TEN EYCK, PaoPKirro. .
Having leased and refitted the above hotel, he
is now ready to accommodate the travelling pmb
lie His bar contains the choicest brands of liq
aora. He solicits a share of publie patronage.
July Uth, 1S66.
SOMETHING NEW in CLEARFIELD.
Carriage and Wagon Shop,
Immediately in rear of Machine shop.
Tbe undersigned would respectfully inform the
citisens of Clearfield, and the public in general.
that be is prepared to do all Kinds tr won on
carriages, buggies, wagons, sleigns, sieas, o., on
short notice and in s workmanlike manner. Or
ders promptly attended to. WM. M KNIGHT.
Ulearneld, Feb. 7, l60-y.
C C O T T HOUSE;
MAIN STREET, JOHSSTOWN, PA.
A. ROW & CO., RROPUlETOliS.
Ibis house having been refitted and elegantly
furnished, is now open for the reception and en
tertainment of guests. The proprietors by long
experience in hotel keeping, feel confident tbey
can satisfy a discriminating publio Their bar is
supplied with the choicest orands of 1 quors antl
wine. July 4th. 166.-
Lumber -crrr races again v.
K I R K & SPENCER .
KEEP THE INSIDE TRACE!
Their celebrated thorough bred Steed, 'THiirEst
for cash," the Peoples' favorite!
Remember this and when in want of ssfto!4-
BLK GOODS, AT THC Yt-RV LOW It ST P0S81BLB CAHlt
prick, call at the store of Kirk A Spkbcbr, in
Lumber City. You will not fail to be suited.
Dress Goods and Notions in great vatiety,
We Btudy to please.
KIRK A SPENCER.
Lumber City, Pa.. July 1, 1865.
JJEW STORE AT MARYSVILLE
CLEARFIELD COUNTY, PA.
The undersigned would respectfully announce
to the citizens of Clearfield county, that be baa
opened a now store in Marysvilie, and that be 1
now receiving a large and splendid assortment of
seasonable goods, such as
DRY-GOODS A1TD NOTIONS,
Hard-ware, Queens-ware, Groceries,
Drugs, Oils", Paints and Glass, Boots. Shoes, Hats
and Caps. Clothiavg, and Stationary
and in fact a general assortment of goods, such
as are generally kept in a country store.
Desirous of pleasing the public, he will use his
best endesvors to keep on band tbe best of goods,
and thereby hopes to merit a liberal share of pat
ronage. Call before purchasing elsewhere. as I am
determined to sell goods at moderate prices for
cseh, or exchange them for every description
of Lumber, ai market prices.
Sept. 27, 1865. STACY W. THOMPSON.
E W WINTER GOODS.
C. KRATZER & SON,
Are just opening at the Old Stand above tbe
Academy,
A large and splendid assortment of Fall Goods,
which they are selling at greatly reduced prices.
Particularatteniion is invited to their stock of
CARPETS,
(Cottage, common Ingrains, and superior Eng
lish Ingrains, and Brussels.) Floor and Table Oil
cloths, Window Shades and Wall Papers
Especial pains has been taken in the selection
of Ladies' Dress Goods, White Goods, Embroide
ries and Millinery goods.
They have also a large stock of Ready-made
clothing, and Boots and Shoe?, which they will
sell at a small advance on city cost.
Flour, Bacon, Fish. Salt and Plaster, Apples,
Peaches and Prunes kept constantly on hand.
Also, some pure Brandy. Whiskey and Wines
for medicinal uses
Also in store a quantity of large and small
clover seed.
We intend to make it an object for Farmers
and Mechanics to buy from us. becane we will
sell our goods as low as tbey can be bought in
the county; and will pay the very highest price
for all kinds of country produce. We will lie
exchange goods for School, Uoad rnd County or
ders ; Shingles, Boards and every kind of manu
factured Lumber. March 14, 18ft.
R I G II T & FLANIOA N,
CLEARFIELD, PA.,
Have just received another supply of
Fall and Winter Goods.
Having just returned from the eastern cities
we are now opening a full s toe it of seasonable
goods, at our rooms on Second street, to wh ion
they respectfully invite the attention of the pub
lic generally. Our assortment is unsurpassed
in this section, and is being aold very low for
cash. Tbe nock consists in part of
DRY GOODS
of the best quality, such as Prints. Delaines.Alpa
eaa. Merinos. Ginghams ; Muslins, bleached and
unbleached ; Drillings Tickings, cotton and woo!
Flannels, Cassimers, Ladies' Shawls, Coats, Nu
bias. Hoods, Hoop skirts, Balmorals, Ae.. Ao.. all
of wMch will be sold low ton cash. Also, fine
assortment of the best of
MENS' WEAR,
consisting of Drawers and Shirts, Hats and Caps,
Boots and Shoes, Handkerchieftt eravats, etc.
Also, Raft Rope. Dog Rope, Raltina Augurs
and Axes. Nails and Spikes, Tinware, Lamps and
Lamp wicks and chimneys, etej, ete
Also, Queensware. Glassware, Hardware, Groce
ries, and spices of all kinds. In short, general
assortment of every thing usually kept ia a retail
store, aft eheap for rath, or approved country
produce.
Nov. 2S-jalO WRIGHT A FLANIQAN.
TEAS. Imperial, Young Hyson, Japan. Vo
long, Hyson.Twankay good tea for St. 35 per
pound, at J. P. KRATZER S
B
LACKSMITnS can save money by getting
their horse shoes and nails at
Jan. 9, 1967. J. P. KRATZER S,
if-
7TT