UL
BY S. J. BOW.
CLEAKFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1860.
VOL. 12.-N0. 25.
f I
: 1
II
gtorfncff gircrtorg.
IrVTV BROTHERS, Dealers in Square A Sawed
Lumber, Vrj Good, Groceries, Flour, Gram,
Burngide Pa., Sept. 2, 1363.
H all kinds of Stone-ware Clearfield, Pa. Or
anlicited-wholesale or retail. Jan. 1, 186J
PVfTpaBABKETT' Att0rDeVL13WlSo3ar
. r : : : : : Walter barbett.
v tir a T T rC A ttnrriAV fit. TifLW. CI6&T
field Pa. Office in Shaw'a new row. Market
vfe.tSj?to Nanglo-8 jewelry store JfayS
TTTIFaUGLE, Watch and Clock Maker, and
H. dealer in Watches, Jewelry, Ac Room ,
iriu&ui 8 row, jm.
field. Pa- Office in Graham's Row, fourdoo-8
UrahamABoynton-s store. W-10-
CTTVICK & IRWIN, Dealers in Drugs,
1 V Medicine Paints, Oils, Stationary, Perfume
ia Good, Notions, e., etc., .Market street,
Clearfield, ra. ;
TKR VriER ft SON, dealers in Dry Goods,
O, riothine. Hardware, Queensware, Groce.
- Z. rnl'TV XT orbatotrBpf f!l tfl rfi pld.
AV Pa Dealer in Foreign and Domestic Mer
rhVndi'lUrdware. Queensware, Grocer.es and
fHmily articles generally.
JOUS GVELICll. Manufacturer of all kinds of
Cabinet-ware, Market street, Clearfield, Pa.
lie al.-o makes to order Coffins, on short nonce, and
attends funerals with a hearse. AprlO, 59.
DK M. WOODS, Practicixo Physician, and
Examining Surgeon for Pensions.
5ce, South-west corner of Second and Cherry
tret, Clearfield, Pa. January 21, 1863.
milOMAS J. MCULLOUGII, Attorney at Law,
X Clearfield, Pa. Office, east of the "Clearfield
:.liank. Deedsand other legal instruments pre
pared with promptness and accuracy. July 3.
J
B M EN ALLY, Attorneyat Law, Clearfield,
p lot;. in r.lnnrfiilil and adioininz
CUUUUC9. VIUWWJU ...... . .,
. . : nfl:..;nnaaltiii1r YiiiU.linir nf.I Kflvn-
t n, ZJ streot, one aoor soma vi uuwu
RICHARD MOSSOP, Dealer in Foreign and Do
. rr-o annAa (Jmrprips. Flour. Bacon,
Xiouors. Ac. Room, on Market street, a few doors
west oi journal wjicr, u,
mUOMAS W. MOORE. Land Surveyor and Con
X veyancer. Office at his residence, i mile east
of Penville. Postoffice address, Grampian Ilills
Deed and otier instruments of writing neatly
executed. June 7th, 1865-ly.
17M. ALBERT A BRO'S, Dealers in Dry Goods,
W Crocerieg, Hardware, Queensware, Flour,
Paeon, etc., Woodland, Clearfield county, Penn'a.
Also. extensive dealers in all kindsof sawed lum
ber, shingles, and square ti sober. Orders solici
t-d. Woodland, Ang. ltfr, tS63.
J SLAKE WALTERS. Scriviner and Css
veyancer. and Agent for the purchase and salo
of Lands. Clearfield, Pa. Prompt attention giv
n to all business connected with the county offi
ces. Office with Hon. W. A. Wallace. Jan. 3.
j. r. h mcrray. : : : : saxuei. Mitchell.
""II 'MURRAY & MITCHELL, Dealers in
il Foreign and Dome.'tie Merchandira. Lum
rxa. Floor. Grain, Ac, New Wash ington, Clear
field comnty, Ta. October 25, lS65-lyp.
It. J. P. Bl'RCIIFIELI), late Surgeon of
the H3rd Regt Penn'a Vols, baring return
ti lrom the army, offers his ; professional services
to the eitirensof Clearfield' and vicinity. Prof
frwinnal calls promptly attended to. Office on
Sou;h-East corner of 3d and Market streets.
0:t. 4. 1S6j 6m-pd.
I CT10'EER. The undersigned having
been Licensed an Auctioneer, would inform
thecitiiens of Clearfield county that he will at
tend to calling sales, in any part of the county,
whenever called upon. Charges moderate
Address, JOHN M'QUILKIN,
May 13 Bower Po., Clearfield eo., Pa.
VICTIONEER. The undersigned having
been Licenced an Auctioneer, would inform
the eititers of Clearfield county that he will at
tend to calling sales, in any part of the county,
whenever tailed upon. Charges moderate.
Address. NATHANIEL RISHEL,
Feb. 22. 1865. Clearfield, Pa.
flUIE MASON & HAMLIN CAKINET
X 011UA! Forty different styles, adapted
to facred and secular music, for SS0 to S600 each
FIFTY-0XE i;0LD or SILVER MEDALS, or oth
er first premiums awarded them. Illustrated Cat
alogues free. Address, MASON A HAMLIN, Bos
ton or MASON BROTHERS, New York.
Sew York, November 29, 1865-ly
fllO HORSE OWNERS. The undersigned
X having recently discovered an infallible and
cimple cure for that annoying malady in horses,
known as' Hoof-bound." Any person sending SI
in a letter, will receive by return mail a recipe
giving proper directions as to the necessary treat
ment. Address, JACOB IRWIN,
September 21, lS64-tf. Clearfield. Pa.
RATES OP SUBSCRIPTION, ADVERTISING
AND JOBBING.
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Adm'rs and Ex'rs notices, each, 6 times,
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Transient Advertising, per square of 10
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For each subsequent insertion,
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Professional A business cards, S lines, 1 y.
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Yearly Advertising, one square, : : :
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Jtw 25 of each of above, at proportionate rates.
- Wagoos, far sale by MERRBLL A BKLH
EW FURNITURE ROOMS 1
ROBERT M'CORKLE,
Respectfully informs the citizens of Clearfield
and vicinity, that he has commenced the manu
facture of all kinds of Furniture, in the shop on
Market street, adjoining the ioundry, where lie
is prepared to make to order such furniture as
may be wanted, in good style and finish, to wit:
BUREAUS AN'I SIDEBOARDS,
Wardrobesand Pook-cases of all kinds; Bed
steads of every description ; Sofas, Work-stands,
Hat-racks, Wash. stands, etc. And will furn
ish to order Rocking and Arm chair?,and
Parlor, common, and other chairs.
The above, and many other articles are furnish
ed to customers at fair prices for cash, or exchang
ed for approved country produce. Cherry. Pop
lar, Maple, Lin-wood, and other Lumber suitsrble
for Furniture will be taken in exchange for work.
Remember, the shop adjoins the Foundry.
December 13. 1SG5. R. M'CORKLE.
C
JL. O T 3HL I 3NT G- II!
GOOD AND CHEAP :::
Men, Youths and Boys can bo Juplpied with full
suits of seasonable and fashionable clothing at
UE1ZENSTEIN BROS' St CO.,
where it is sold at prices that will induce their
purchase. The universal satisfaction which has
been given, has induced them to increase their
stock, which is now not surpassed by any estab
lishment of the kind in this part of the State.
Ileizenstein Bro's & Co.,
Sell goods at a very small profit, for cash ;
Their goods are well made and fashionable.
They give every one the worth of his money.
They treat their customers alf alike.
They sell cheaper than every body else.
Their store is conveniently situated.
They having purchased their stock 1 1 reduced
prices they can sell cheaper tl an others.
For these and other reasons persons should buy
their clothing at
REIZENSTEtX BtlO'S A CO.
Produce of every kind taken at the highest
market prices. - May IS, 1SG1.
Q 11 O V E S T E E N & CO.,
Piano Forte Manufacturers,
499 BROADWAY, NEW YORK.
The attention of the public and the trade is i n-
vited to our New Scale 7 Octave Rosewood Piano
Fortes, which for voliuno and puritv of tone are
unrivalled, by any other hitherto offered in this
market. They contain all the modern improve
ments, French, Orand Action, Harp Pedel, Iron
Frame, overstrung Bass. etc.. and each instru
ment being made under the personal supervision
of Mr J. II. (irovesteen, who lias had a practical
experience of over 3 year in their inanutacture.
is fully warrauted in every particular.
The ''Grovesteen Piano Fortes" re
ceived the invaivl of merit over all
others at the celehratetl WorM's Fair.
Where were exhibited instruments from the
best makers in London, Paris. Germany Philadel
phia. Baltimore. Boston, and New York . and also
at the American Institute for five successive years,
the gold and silver medals from both of which
can be seen at our ware-room
By the introduction of improvements we make
a still more perfect Piano Forte, and by manufac
turing larsely, with a strictly cash system, are
enabled to offer these instruments at a price which
will preclude all competition.
Pkicrs No. 1, Seven Octave, round corners,
Rosewood plain case ?275.
No- 2, Seven Oetave. round corners, Rose
wood heavy moulding 6:500.
No. 3, Seven Octave, round corners, Rose
wood Louis XIV style 5323.
Terms : Net cash in current Funds. Descrip
tive circulars sent free. uov2a'65-Um aac
rp II E N E W YORK
WEEKLY MAGAZINE
OF
48 PAGES, 48 PAGES,
Is published in season to he received in nearly
all parts of the United States East of the Rocky
Mountains, on every Saturday of its date. It
will be devoted to Popnlar Literature, Science
and Art
It will contain the best Popular Ta'es, the best
Domestic Stories, the best Sketches of Travel, the
best Papers on Popular Science, the best hort
Popular Essays, the best Poems, Biographies, Ac.
It gives More and Better for the Money than
any other Magazine ever published. Its selec
tions embrace the best articles from Dickens
Chambers The Cornhill and other leading for
eign Magazines, published fresh .on the ' arrival
of each steamer, and a great variety of original
matter by the. best authors. Was begun Jan. 13,
Bow I Made a Fortune in Wall Street,
and How I Got Married.
A splendid, original and true story, written ex
pressly for the Nsw York Weeklt Magazine, by
a gentleman of great experience, who knows all
the ins and outs, and who will give more infor
mation abont the straight and crooked ways of
that celebrated street that has been ever publish
ed. To be completed in a few weeks. As the
Magazine is stereotyped, back numbers can be
supplied at ten cents each. All news dealers
should have the Magazine, but when they are
not accessible, we have the following cash in ad
vance TERMS : One copy, one year$4,00; One copy,
three months, $1,00 ; Two copies, one year, S7,00 ;
Five copies, one year, and one extra to agents.
520,00. Specimen copies sent by mail on receipt
of ten cents.
BriTS Success. This Magazine has so exact
ly met a great public want, that 20,000 Copies are
now Printed, with every prospect with a vastly
greater edition as soon as the public is generally
aware of its merits. Address,
O. H. BAILEY A CO..
Ptblishers N. Y. Weekxt Magazine
. , No. 7 Beekman St. New York.
PULLEY BLOCKS of various sizes, to be
had at MERRELL A BKJ LER'S
c
ABLE CriAINSavg6od article, on hand
and for sale by MERRELL A BIG LER
FODDER CUTTERS of a superior make
for sale at reasonaVIe prices, a MERRELL
and BIG LER'S, Clearfiei, Pa
FLOUR. A large quantity Extra Family
Flour, in Barrels, fcaek's and i Sacks for
sale fcy Job. UWt-i . if. ibwui
VETO MESSAGE.
Andrew Johnson Eefases to Approve the
Freedmen's Bureau Bill.
To the Senate of the United States :
I have examined with care the bill which
has been passed by the two Houses of Con
gress to amend an act entitled An
act to establish a bureau for the relief of freed
men and refugees, and tor other purposes.
Having with much regret come to the con
clusion that it would not be consistent with
the public welfare to give my approval to
the measure, I return the bill to the Senate,
with my objections to it becoming a law. I
might call to mind in advance to these objec
tions, that there is no immediate necessity
for the proposed measure.
The act to establish a bureau for the relief
of frecdmenand refugees, which was approv
in the month of March last, has not yet ex
pired. It wus thought stringent and ex
treme enough for the purpose in view in
time of war. Before it ceases to have effect,
further experience may assist to guide us to
a wise conclusion as to the policy to be adopt
ed in time of peace. I share with Congress
the fctrongest desire to secure to the freed
men the full enjoyment of their freedom and
their prosperity, and their entire indepen
dence and equality in making coutracts for
their labor; but the bill before me contains
provisions which, in my opinion, are not
warranted by the Constitution, and are not
well suited to accomplish the end in view.
1 he bill proposes to establish by authori
ty of Congress military jurisdiction overall
parts of the United States containing refu
gees and freedmen. It would by its very
nature apply with the most force to most
parts of the United States iu which the freed
men most abound, and it expressly extends
the existing temporary jurisdiction of the
freedoieu's bureau, with greatly enlarged
powers, over those States in which the ordi
nary course of judicial proceeding has been
interrupted by the rebellion.
The source from which this military juris
diction is to emanate is none other than the
President of the United States, titling
through the War Department and the Com
missoner of the freedmen's bureau. The
agents to carry out this n ilitary jurisdiction
are to be selected either from the army or
from civil life, the country is to bo divided
into districts and sub-districts, and the num
ber of salaried agents to be employed . may
be equal to the number of counties or par
ishes in all the United States where freed
men or refugees are to be found. '
The subject over which this military ju
risdiction is to extend in every part of the
United States includes protection to all em
ployees, agents and officers of this bureau in
the exercise of the duties imposed upon
them by the bill in eleven States. It is fur-
ther to extetxl over all cases affecting freed
men and refugees discriminated against by
local laws, custom or prejudice. In these
eleven States the bill subjects any white per
son who may be charged with depriving a
freedman of any civil rights or immunities
belonging to white persons to imprisonment
or line, or both, without, however, denning
the civil rights and immunities which are
thus to be secured to the freedmen by mili
tary law.
This military jurisdiction also extends to
all questions that may arise respecting con
tracts. The agent who is thus to exercise
the office of a judge may be a stranger en
tirely ignorant of the laws of the place, and
exposed to the errors of judgment to which
all men are liable. The exercise of power,
over which there is no legal supervision, by
so vast a number of agents as iscomtcnipla
ted by this bill, must, by the very nature of
man, be attended by acts of caprice, injus
tice and passion. The trials having their
origin under this bill, are to take place with
out the intervention of a jury, and without
any fixed rules of law or evidence. The rules
on which otleuees are to be heard and de
termined by the numerous agents, are such
rules and regulations as the President,
through the "War Department, shall pre
scribe. No previous pesentmcnt is required nor
any indictment charging the commission of a
crime against the laws, but the trial must
proceed on charges and specifications. The
punishment will be, not what the law de
clares, but as a court-martial may think
proper; and from these arbitrary tribunals
there lies no appeal, no writ of eiror to any
of the courts in which the Constitution of
the United States vests exclusively the ju
dicial power of the country. While the
territory and the classes of action and offen
ces that are made subject to this measure
are so extensive, the bill itself, should it be
come a law, will have no limitation in point
of time, but will form part of the permanent
legislation of the country.
I cannot conceive a system of military ju
risdiction of this kind with the words of the
Constitution, which declare that "no person
shall be held to answer for a capital or oth
erwise infamous crime unless on a present
ment or indictment of a grand jury, except
in cases arising in the land and naval forces,
or in the military when in service in time of
public danger," and that "in all criminal
nrnnoil incs the neensfid shall eniov the right
to a speedy and public trial by an impartial
jury of the State or district wherein the
Dnina tlioll liirp Lppn onm miffed
The safeguards which the experience and
wisdom of ages taught our fathers to estab
lish as securities for the protection of the
innocent, the punishment of the guilty, and
the equal administration of justice, are
tr l Kft. asiif: and for the sake of a more
vigorous interposition in behalf of justice,
we are to tako the risk of the many acts ot
injustice that would necessarily tallow ironi
or. olmiiit f-mntlr number of asrents estab-;
lished in everv parish or county in nearly a
tnira oi cne ciuies ui iuc
decision? there is to be no supervision orcou
The power that would bo thus plaoed m
the hands of the President is such a3 in
time of peace certainly ought never to be
entrusted to any one man. If it be asked
whether the creation of such a tribunal in
a State was warranted as a measure of war,
the question immediately presents itself
whether we are still engaged in war. Let
us not unnecessarily disturb the commerce
and credit and industry of the country, by
declaring to the American people and to the
wsrld that the United State are still in a
condition of civil war. At present there is
no part of our country in which the aut hor
ity of the United States is disputed. Offen
ces that may be committed by individuals
should not work a forfeiture of the rights of
wholecommunities. The community has re
turned or is leturniug to a state of peace and
industry. The rebellion is at an end. The
measure, therefore, seems to be as inconsis
tent with the actual condition of the coun
try as it is at "variance with the Constitu
tion of the United States.
If, passing from general considerations,
we examine the bill in detail, it is open to
weighty objections. In time of war, it was
eminently proper that we should provide for
those who were passing suddenly from a con
dition of bondage to a state of freedom; but
this bill proposes to make the freedmen's
bureau, established by the act of 18K5, as
one of the many great and extraordinary
military measures to surpress a formidable
rebellion, a permanent branch of the public
administration, with its powers greatly enlarged.
I have no reason to suppose, and I do not
understand it to be alleged, that the act of
Marcu, 1865, has proved deficient for the
purpose for which it was passed, although
at that time, and for a considerable period
thereafter, the Government of the United
States remained unacknowledged in most of
the States whose inhabitants had been in
volved in the rebellion. The institution of
slavery, for the military destruction of which
the freedmen s bureau was called into exis
tence as an auxiliary, has been already ef
fectually and finally abrogated throughout
the whole country by an amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, and prac
tically its eradication has received the assent
and concurrence of most of those States in
which it at any time had an existence. I
am not, tnereiore, aoie to aisccrn in tne
condition of the country anything to justify
an apprehension that the powers and agen
cies ot the rreeamen s ourcau, wnicn were
effective for the protection of freedmen and
refugees during the actual continuance of
imsuuties, -wui now, in a time ot peace and
after the abolition ot slavery, prove inade
quate to the same proper ends. If I am
correct in these views, there can be no ne
cessity for the enlargement of the powers of
the bureau for which provision La made in
the bill.
The third section of tae bill authorizes a
general and unlimited grant of support to
the destitute and suhenng refugees and
freedmen, their wives and children. Suc
ceeding sections make provisions for the rent
or purchase ot landed estates for freedmen
and for the erection for their benefit of suit
able buildings for asylums and schools, the
expenses to be defrayed from the treasury
of the whole people.
I lie Congress ot the united btates has
never heretofore thought itself empowered
to establish asylums beyond the limits of the
District of Columbia, except for the benefit
of our disabled soldiers and sailors. It has
never founded schools for any class of our
own people, not even for the orphans of
those who have fallen in the defence of the
Union, but has left the care of their educa
tion to the much more competent and effi
cient control of the States, of communities,
of private associations andot individuals.
It lias never deemed itself authorized to ex
pend the public money for the rent or pur
chase of houses for the thousands, not to say
milions of the white race who are honestly
toiling from day to day for their subsistence.
A system for the support of indigent per
sons in the United States was never con
templated by the authors of the Constitu
tion. Nor can any good reason be advanced
why, as a permanent establishment it should
be founded for one class or color of our peo
ple more than for another. Pending the
war, many refugees and freedmen received
support from the Government, but it was
never intended that they should henceforth
be fed, clothed, educated and sheltered by
the United States. The idea on which the
slaves were assisted to freedom was that, on
becoming free, they would be a self-sustaining
population, and any legislation that shall
imply that they are not expected to attain a
self-sustaining condition, must have a ten
dency injurious alike to their character and
their rrnsTipritV.
The appiontment of an agent for every
county and parish will create an immense
patronage, and the expense of the numerous
officers and their clerks to be appointed by
the President, will be great in the beginning,
with a tendency steadily to increase. ? The
arjnroDriations asked by the Freedmen's bu
reau as nnw established for the year 1SG6,
amount to SI 1.745,000, and it, may be safely
estimated that the cost to be incurred under
the pending bill will require double that
amount,, more than the entire sum expended
in any one year under the administration of
the spcnnri Adams.
If the presence of agents in every parish
and county is to be considered as a war mea
sure, onnosition. or even resistance, might
be provoked, so that, to give effect to their
jurisdiction, troops would nave to De station
ed within reach of every one of them, and
thus a large standing force be rendered ne
cessary. Large appropriations would, there
fore, be required to maintain and eniorco
ish fmm th Potomac to the Rio Grande.
The condition of our fiscal affairs is en
in nnipr to sustain the pres
ent measure of puhlic confidence, it is neces
sary that we practice, not merely customary
economy, but, ae far aa possible, severe re
trenchment. In addition to the objections
already stated, the fifth section of the bill
proposes to take away land from its former
owners, without any legal proceedings being
first had, contrary to that provision of the
Constitution which declares that no person
shalLbe deprived of life, liberty or property,
without due process of law.
It does not appear that a part of the lands
to which this section refers, may not be own
ed by minors or persons ot unsound mind.or
by those who have ben faithful to all
their obligations as citizens of the United
States. If any portion of the land is held
by such persons, it is not coiunetent for anv
authority to deprive them of it. If, on th
other hand, it be found that the property is
liable to confiscation, even then it cannot be
appropriated to the public purposes until bv
due process of law it shall have been declar
ed forfeited to the Government.
Ihere is still further objection to the bill.
on grounds seriously affecting the class of
persons to whom it is designed to bring re
lief. It will tend to steep the mind ot the
freedman in a state of uncertain expectation
and restlessness, while to those among whom
he lives it will be a source of constant and
vague apprehension.
Undoubtedly the freedman should be pro
tected ; but he should be protected by the
civil authorities, and especially by the exer
cise ot all the constitutional powers of the
courts of the United States and of the States.
His condition is not so exposed as may at
first be imagined. He is in a portion of the
country where his labor cannot be well snar
ed. Competition for his services from plan
ters, from those who are constructing or re
pairing railroads, and from capitalists in his
vicinage or from other States, will enable
him to command almost ls own terms.
He also possesses a perfect right to change
his place of abode; and if, therefore,he does
not find in one community or State a mode
of life suited to his desires, or proper remu
neration for his labor, he can move to anoth
er, where that labor is more esteemed and
better rewarded. .
In truth, however, each Gtate, induced
by its own wants and interests, will do what
is necessary and proper to retain within its
borders all the labor that is needed for the
development of its resources. The laws that
regulate supply and demand will maintain
their force, and the wages of the laborer will
be regulated thereby. There is no danger
that the exceedingly great demand Pr labor
will not operate in favor of the laborer, nei
ther is sufficient consideration given to the
avidity of the freedmen to protect and take
care of themselves.
It is no more than justice to them to be
lieve that aa they have received their free
dom with moderation and forbearance, so
they will distinguish themselves by their in
dustry and thrift, and soon show the world
that in a condition of freedom they are self
sustaining, capable of selecting their own
employment and their own places of abode,
of insisting for themselves on a proper re
muneration, and of establishing and main
taining their own asylums and schools. It
is earnestly hoped that instead of wasting
away they will, by their own efforts, estab
lish for themselves a condition of respecta
bility and prosperity. It is certain that they
can attain to that condition only through
their own merits and actions.
In this connection the query presents it
self, whether the system proposed by-thebill
will not, when put into complete operation,
practically transfer the entire care, support
and control ot four millions of emancipated
slaves to agents, observers or task masters,
who, appointed at Washington, are to be lo
cated in every county or parish throughout
the United States, containing freedmen and
refugees. Such a system would inevitably
tend to a concentration of power in the Ex
ecutive, which would enable him, if so dis
posed, to control the action of this numer
ous class, and use them for the attainment
of his own political ends.
I cannot but add another very grave ob
jection to the bill. The Constitution imper
atively declares, in connection with taxation,
that each State shall have at least one repre
sentative, and -fixes the rule for the number
to which in future times each State shall be
entitled; it also provides that the Senate of
the United States shall be composed of two
Senators from each State, and adds, with
peculiar force, that no State, without its
consent, shall be deprived of its equal suf
frage in the Senate. The original act was
necessarily passed in the absence of the
States chiefly to be affected, because their
people were then contumaciously engaged
in the rebellion.
Now the case is changed, and some, at
least, of all the States, are attending Con
gress by loyal representation, soliciting the
allowance of the Constitutional right or rep
resentation. At the time, however, of the
consideration and the passing of this bill,
there was no Senator or Representative in
Congress from the eleven States which are
to be mainly affected by its provisions. The
very fact that reports were and are made
against the good disposition of the country
is an additional reason why they need and
should have representation in Congress, to
explain their condition, reply to accusations,
and assist by their local knowledge in per
fecting measures immediately affecting them
selves ; while the liberty of deliberation
would then be free and Congress have full
power to decide according to its iudgment,
there could be no objection urged that the
States most interested had not been permit
ted to be heard. The principle is firmly
fixed in the minds of the American people
that there should be no taxation without
representation. Great burdens have now
to be borne by all the country, and we may
best demand that they shall be borne with
out murmur when they are voted by a ma
jority of the repreentatives of all the peo
ple. I would not interfere with the unques
tionable right of Congress to judge and act
for itself of the elections, returns and quali
fications of its own member, but that au
thority cannot be construed as including the
right to shut out, in time of peace, any State
from representation to which it is entitled
by the Constitution. At present all the peo
ple of eleven States are excluded ; Jhose
who were most faithful duriDg the war not
less than others. The State of Tennessee,
for instance, whose authorities engaged in re
bellion was restored to all her constitution
al relations to the Union by the patriotism
and energy of her injured and betrayed peo
ple. Before the W3r was brought to a ter
mination they had placed themselves in re
lation with the General Government; had
established & State Government of their
own, and as they were not included in the
emancipation proclamation, they, by their
act, had amended their Constitution bo as
to abolish sUvery within the limits of their
State.
I know no reason why the State of Ten
nessee, for axample, should not fully enjoy
all her constitutional relations, to the U
nited States. The President of the United
States stands towards tbfc country in a some
what different attitude from that of any
member of Congress chosen from a single
district or State. The President is chosen
by the people of all the States. Eleven
States are not at this tltao represented in
either branch of Congress; it would seem to
be his duty, on all proper occasions, to pre
sent their just claims to Congress.
There always will be difference of opinion
in the community, and individuals may bo
guilty of transgressions of the law; but
these do not constitute valid objection8
against the right of a State to representa
tion,and would ia nowise interfere with the
discretion of Congress with regard to the
Salifications of members ; but I hold it my
uty to recommend to you in the interests of
peacej and in the interests of the Union,
the admission of every State to its 6hare in
public legislation when, however insubordi
nate, insurgent or rebellious its people may
have been, it presents itself not ony in an
attitude of loyality and harmony, but in the
persons of representatives whose loyalty can
not be questioned under any existing con
stitutional or legal test.
It is plain that an indefinite or perma
nent exclusion of any part of the country
from representation must be attended by a
spirit of disquiet and complaint. It is un
wise and dangerous to pursue a course of
measures which will unite a very largo sec
tion of the country, however much the latter
may preponderate. The courae of emigra
tion, the development of industry and busi
ness, and natural causes will raise up at the
South men as devoted to the Union as thoso
of any other part of the land. But if they
are excluded from Congress, if in a perma
nent statute they are declared not to be in
full constitutional relations to the country,
they may think they have cause to become
a unit in feeling and sentiment against the
Government Under the political educa
tion of the American people the idea is in
herent and ineradicable that the consent of
the majority of the whole people, is necessa
ry to secure a willing acquiescence in Legis
lation. The bill under consideration refers to cer
tain of the States as though they had "been
fully restored in all their constitutional rela
tions to the United States." If they had
not let us at once act together to lecure that
desirable end at the earliest possible moment.
It is hardly necessary forme to inform Con
gress that in my own judgment most of those
States, so far at least dependent on their
own action, have already been fully restored,
and are to be deemed as entitled to enjoy
their constitutional rights as members of the
Union.
Reasoning from the Constitution itself,
and from the actual situation of the country,
I feel not only entitled but bound to assume
that, with the Federal courts restored, and
those of the several States in the full exer
cise of their functions, the rights and inter
ests of all classes of the people will, with the
aid of the military in cases of resistance to
the law, be essentially protected against un
constitutional infringement and violation.
Should this expectation unhappily fail,
which I do not anticipate, then the Execu
tive is already fully armed with the powers
conferred by the act of March, 18G5, estab
lishing the freedmen's bureau, and here- .
after, as heretofore, he can employ the land
and naval forces of the country to suppress
insurrection or to overcome obstructions to
the laws, in accordance with the Constitu
tion. I return the bill to the Senate in the earn
est hope that a measure involving questions
and interests bo important to the country
will not become a law, unless upon deliber
ate consideration by the people it shall re
ceive the sanction of an enlightened public
judgment. Andrew JonxsoN.
Washington, D. C, Feb. 19, IS66.
An Irishman recently stopped at a hotel
in Des Moines, Iowa, where pretty high
bills were charged. In the morning tno
landlord made out the amount of damages
and presented it to Pat After he had glanc
ed over it the latter looked the landlord in
the face and exclaimed :
"Ye put me in mind of a snipe'
"Why?" asked the landlord. m o
"Because ye'ro very nigh all bilL
A story is told of an inveterate drinker
who signed the temperance pledge, but was
found soon after imbibing as often aa ever.
To his friends who remonstrated with him,
he replied that the documentjwhich, he had
signed was invalid, because it had no inter
nal revenue stamp. " V
A civil court in Ilouston, Texas, recently
fined a restaurant-keeper fifty dollars, and
bound him over in one thousand dollars, for
floggiog a negro waiter.
Dry goods at Galveston, Texas, are selling
at fifteen per cent, below New York prices,
and boots and shoes are .sellimj at teas than
first prices.
nr