Ul
'I
4
U S. J. ROW.
CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 13, I860.
VOL. 12.-1VO. 14.
J i
-MiMnnFTIIEJOl'RSAL. .
Th. Rinses Jocbsal i published on TVed
Si, .t $2.00 per annum in advance.
' rsIDSerUd at SI .50 p square, for three
f.f "insert ions Ten lines (orfess) counting a
" 'Ve 'Tor rer7ddUional insertion 50 cent..
y'dduction will be madejo yearly advertiser!.
xRYIN BROTHERS, Dealers in Square Sawed
lumber Drv Goods, Grocerie lor . r-,
i, , Ac, Burnaide Pa., SepL2''
K .11 kinds of Stone-ware Clearfield Pa. r-insolicited-wbolesale
or retailJan1863
ira.vsTbabrett, VV'vS,""
c
l.. J.CB
JERTJ. WALLACE. Attorney at Law. Clear
.M Pa Office in Shaw's new row. Market
"iJrGLE. Watch and Clock Maker, and
.dealer in Watches. Jewelry, -' ln
.. " - Market street. JJov. 10. .
fcraaam
HorcuER Mwrc, nui uj " -
field Pa Offie in Graham's Row, four doo-s
wertof Graham A Boynton's store. ,. Sot. 10.
t P KR ATZER, dealer in Dry Goods. Cloth-
int Hardware, Queensware, Groceries. Pro
viToi. Front Street, above the Academy,
Clesi field, Pa. - . . . J April-27..
nn.lAnP A . n n n w T AW PicQr.
1T71LIJMF.IRWIN,Marketstreet, Clearfield,
I V P . Dealer in Foreign and Domestic Mer
.handise. Hardware, Queensware, Groceries, and
.family articles generally. Jov. 10.
JOHN GUELICH. Manufacturer of all kind of
Cabinet-ware, Market street. Clearfield. Pa
Ha also makes to order Coffins, on short notice, and
attends funerals with a hearse. ; Aprl0,'59.
DR M. WOOD3, Pr act icrsa Phtsiciax, and
Examining Sorgeon for Pensions. ' ;
Office, South-west corner of Second and Cherry
tret, Clearfield, Pa. January 21, 1863. ;
THOMAS J. M'CULLOCGH, Attorney at Law,
Clearfield, Pa. Office, east of the -Clearfield
eo.Bank. Deeds and other legal instrumentspre
jared with promptness and accuracy. July 3.:
J 8 M"ENA.LLT, Attorney at Law. Clearfield,
. Pa. Practices in Clearfield and adjoining
counties. Office in new brick building of J. Boyn
t.n, 2d street, one door south of Lanich s Hotel.
KICHARD MOSSOP, Dealer in Foreign and Do
mestic Dry Goods, Groceries, Flour, Bacon,
Liquors, Ac. . Room, on Market street, a few doors
west ot JourwlOjJiee, Clearfield. Pa. , Apr27. ,
mHOMAS W. MOORE, Land Surveyor and Con
X vejancer. Office at his residence, i mile east
f Pennvilla. Postoffice address, Grampian Hills.
Deeds and other instruments of writing neatly
executed. ' Jnne 7th, lrt?5-Ir.
"TTM. ALBERT t BKO'S, Dealers in Dry Goods,
t roceries, Hardware, Queensware, Flour,
Bacon, ete.. Woodland, Clearfield county. Penn'a.
Also, extensive dealers in all kinds of sawed lum
ber, shingles, and square timber. Orders sulici
ted. Woodland, Aug. 19th, 1S63.
TR. J. P. BIRCIIFIEJLD, late Surgeon of
U the 83rd Regt Penn'a Vols, having return
ed from the army.' offers bis professional services
to the citiiensof Clearfield, and vicinity. Prof
fessional calls promptly attended to." Office on
South-East corner of 3d and Market streets.
Oct. 4. 185 6m-pd. -
VUCTIOSEER The undersigned baring
been Licensed an Auctioneer, would inform
th citizens of Clearfield county that he will at
tend to calling sales, in any. part of the county,
whenever called upon. Charges moderate'
Address, JOHN M QUILKIN.
May 13 Bower Po., Clearfield co.,Pa.
AUCTIONEER. The undersigned having
been Licenced an Auctioneer, would inform
the eititens of Clearfield county that he will at
tend to calling sales, in any art of the county,
whenever called upon. Charges moderate.
Address. NATHANIEL RIS1IEL,
Feb. 22. 1S65. Clearfield. Pa.
C. R. FOSTER, IDV. FIRES, J. D. X GIRK,
W. V WHISHT, W. A. WALLACE, A.K.WRIGHT,
KICHARD SHAW, J AS. T. LEO AED, J AS. B. GRAHAM,
6. L. REED.
Banking and Collection Office
or
FOSTER, PERKS, WRIGHT & CO.,
PuiLtPSBURO. Csstrb Co.. Pa.
-f Bills of Exchange. Notes and Drafts discounted.
Deposit received. Collections made and pro
ceeds promptly remitted. Exchange on the Cities
constantly on hand. The above Banking House
is now open and ready for business.
Philipsbnrg, Centre Co., Pa., Sept. 6. 1865.
nAl'PT & CO., at Milesburg, Pa , continue
to furnish castings of every description at
short notice. They have the best assortment of
patterns in the country for steam and water-mills
of every description. All kinds of machine and
plow eastings furnished. NewWorM and Hatha
way cook-stores always on hand. They make 4
ksrse sweep-power threshing machines, with sha
ker and 50 feet of strap lor SltfO and 2-borse
tread-power machines, with shaker and 30 feet of
strap for S175. Warranted to give satisfaction in
threshing, and kept good to thresh one crop, free
of charge. .. , . June 23. 18t55-y.
Isaac Hacpt, at Bellefonte, continues to take
risks for insurance in an good stock company in
the State. Also in New York: the Royal and' Et
na at Hartford ; and the Liverpool and London,
capital S5,000,000. ; - - .
FIRST NATIONAL BANK or Cpswe.-8-TILLB,
Pa.
Johs Pattob, Pres't. Capital paid in S 75.000
Sam l Absold, Cash. Authorised cap $200,000
DIRECTORS t -
Win. Irvia, John Patttm, Samuel Arnr Id.
r. h. Arnold, t Daniel Famt, E. A. Irvin.
J.F.Irvin, G. H. Lytle, H.P.Thompson
This bank buys and sells all kinds of Govern
ment securities. 7-30 notes always on band and
for sale. Receives money on ieposit. and if left
for a specific time allows ntetest. Buys and sells
drafts and exchange. Notes and bills discounted
at legal rate of interest, and does a general bank
ing business. ... ,
We have recently erected a very substantial
banking house, wita a good vault, burglar safe.
c-' "d will be glad to receive any valuables our
friends and customers may have, that they desire
to leave ftr safe-keeping. - ? - .
e would respectfully soMcit the business of
Merchants, Lumbermen, and others, and will en
deavor to make it their interest to do their bank
ing basiness with us. SAMUEL ARNOLD. .
jCnrwenaviUe, Pa. Oct. 25, 185.- Cashier.
:"R-DSAXD NOTES FOR SALE. The
--' undersigned is prepared ta furnish, to those
seeking investments. Government and county
Bonds. Also five percent Government notes. ,
. ' ' i -J H B. SWOOPE,
. rtwrteM May 4. 4. AH'y at Ui.
. .. ANNUAL MESSAGE OF '-. y
Deliyered, December 4th, 1865.
Felloic Citizens of the Senate and House of
Representatives : . -, - -.
To express eratitude to God, in the name
of the People, for the preservation of the
L nited btates, is iny hrst duty m addressing
you. Uur thoughts next revert totneueatii
of the late Presitlent by an act of parricidal
i1! i i i i : c , . : 1 1
trcasuii. x tie gnei 01 n:e uaiiuu is etui
fresh ;. it finds eome solace in the considera
tion that he lived to enjoy the highest proof
of its confidence by entering on the renewed
term.' of the Chiet "-Magistracy, to which he
had been elected ; that he brought the civil
war substantially to a close ; that his loss
was deplored in all parts or the Lmon : ana
that foreign nations have rendered justice
to his nienioryi His removal cast upon me
a heavier weight of cares than eVer devolv
ed upon any one. or his predecessors. To
tulhll my trust 1 need the support ot Gov
ernment, and the support and confidence of
the people.. There is but one way in which
I can hope to gain. their necessary aid ; it is,
to state with frankness the principles which
guide my conduct, and their application to
the present state of affairs, well aware that
the 'efficiency of mv labor will, in a great
.measure, depend on your and their undivid
ed approbation.
The Union of the Uuitcd States of Ameri
ca was intended by its authors to last as long
as the States themselves shall last. -y "The
Union shall be perpetual," are the
words of the Confederation. 'To form a
more perfect Union," by an ordiance of the
people of the United States, is the declared
purpose of the Constitution. The hand of
Divine Providence was never more plainly
visible in the affairs of men than , in the
framing and the adopting of that instrumcnl.
It is, beyond comparison, the greatest event
in American history ; and indeed it is not,
of all events in modern ti nes, the most preg
nant of consequences for every people of the
earth? The members of the Convention
which prepared it, brought to their work
the exjerience of the Confederation, of their
several States, and other Republican Gov
ernments, old and new ; but they needed
and obtained a wisdom superior to experi
ence. And when for its validity it required
the approval of a people that occupied a
large, part of a continent and acted separate
ly in many distinct conventions, what is
more wonderful than that, after earnest con
tention and long discussion, all feelings and
all opinions were ultimately drawn in one
way to its support? ,
The Constitution to which life was thus
imparted contains within itself ample resour
ces for its own preservation., it has power
to enforce the laws, punish treason, and in
sure domestic tranquility. In case of the
usurpation of the Government ot a State by
one man. or an oligarchy, it becomes a duty
of the UnitcdStates to make good the guar
antee to that State of a llepublican form
of government, and so to maintain the h
mogeneousness of a. Does the lapse of
time reveal defects? A simple mode of a
mendment is provided in the Constitution
itself, so that its conditions can always be
made to conform to the requirements ot ad
vancing civilization. .No room is allowed
even for the thought of a possibility of iis
coming to an end. And these jowers of
self preservation have always been asserted
in their complete integrity by every patriot
ic Chief Magistrate by Jefferson and Jack
son, no less than by Washington and by
Madison. The parting advice of the Fath
er of his Country, while yet President, to
the people of the United States, was that
the "free Constitution, which was the worn
of their hand, might be sacredly maintain
ed," and the inaugural words of President
Jefferson held up "the preservation of the
General Government, in its constitutional
vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at
home and safety abroad." The Constitu
tion is the work of "the People of the Uni-
! ted States," and it should be as indestruc-'.11-.,
,
time as tne people.
It is not strange that the framers of the
Constitution, which had no model in the
past, should not have fully comprehended
the excellence of their own work. Fresh
from a struggle against arbitrary power,
many patriots surfered from harrassing fears
of an absorption of the State Governments
by the General Government, and many from
a dread that the States would break away
from their orbits. But the very greatness
of our country hhould allay the apprehen
sions of encroachments by the General Gov
ernment. The subjects that come unques
tionably within its jurisdiction are so nu
merous, that it must ever naturally refuse
to be embarrassed by questions that lie be
yond it. Were it otherwise, the Executive
would sink beneath the burden; the chan
nels ot jus;it-e would be choked; legislation
would be obstructed by excels; so that there
is a greater temptation to exercise some of
the functions of the General Government
through the States than to tresspass on
their rightful sphere. "The absolute ac
quiescence in the decisions ot the majori
ty," was, at the beginning of the century,
enforced by Jefferson "as the vital princi
ple of republics," and the events of the last
four years have established, we will hope
forever, that their lies no appeal to force.
The maintainance of the Union brings
with it "the support of the State Govern
ments in all their rights ;" but it is uot one
of the rights of any State Government to
renounce its own : place in the Union, or to
nullify the laws of the Union. The largest
liberty is to be maintained in the discussion
of the acts of the Federal Government but
there is no appeal from its laws, except to
the Various branches of that Government
itself, or to the people,, who grant to the
members of the Legislative and of the Exe
cutive Departments no tenure but a liniited
one, and in that manner always retain the
power of redress. . . : v '
."The sovereignty of the States!' is the
language of the Confederacy, and not the
language of the Constitution. The latter
contains the emphatic words: "The Con
stitution and the laws of the United States
which shall be made in pursuance thereof,
and all treaties made or w hich shall Le made
under the authority of the United States,
shall be the supreme law of the land ; . and
the judges in every State shall be bound
thereby, anything in the constitution or laws'
of any Srcfte to the contrary notwithstanding-"
. ' ' . ' . j
Certainly the Government of the United ;
States is a limited government, and so is!
every State government a limited govern- j
ment. Witu us, this idea of limitation
spreads through every form of administra
tion, general State, and municipal, and rests
on the great distinguishing principle of tha
recognition ot the rights of man. The an
cieut republics absorbed the individual in
the State, prescribed his religion, and con
trolled his activity. The American system
rests on the assertion of the equal right of
every man to life, liberty, and the pursuit j
of happiness; to freedom of conscience, to
the culture and exercise of all his faculties.
As a consequence, the State Government is
limited.' as to the Genera Government in
the interest, of Union, as to the individual
citizen in the interest of freedom.
States, with proper limitations of power,
are essential to the existence of the Consti
tution of the United States. At the very
commencement, when we assumed a place
among the powers ot the earth, the Decla
ration of . Independence was adopted by
States ; so also were the Articles ot Confed
eration ; and when "the people of the United
States" ordained and established the Con
stitution, it was the assent of the States,
one by one, which gave it vitality. In the
event, too, of any amendment to the Con
stitution, the proposition of Congress needs
the confirmation of States. Witl out States,
one great branch of the legislative govern
ment would be wanting. And. if we look
beyond the letter of the Constilutiun to the
character of our country, its capacity for
comprehending within its jurisdiction a vast
continental empire is due to the system of
States, The best security for the perpetu
al existence of the States is the "supreme
authority" of the Constitution of the Uni
ted States. The perpetuity of the Consti
tution brings witk it t).ie perpetuity. of, the
States; their mutual relation makes us what
we are, and in our political system their
connection is indissoluble. The whole can
not exist without the" part-, nor the parts
without the whole. So long as the Consti
tution of the United States endures, the
States will endure ; the destruction of the
one is the distruction of the other; the pres
ervation of the one is the preservation of
the other.
I Lave thus explained mj- views of the
mutal relations of the Constitution and the
States, because they unfold the principles
on which I have sought to solve the nie
mcntous questions and overcome the appall
ing difficulties that met me at the very com
mencement of my administration. It has
been my steadfast object to esc-ipe from the
sway of momentary passions, and to derive
a healing policy from the fundamental and
unchanging principles of the Constitution.
I found t! e States suffering from the cf
f cts of a-civil war. Resistance to the Gen
era! Government appeared to have exhaust
ed itseif. The United States had recovered
possession of their forts and arsenals; and
their armies were in the occupation of every
State which had attempted to secede.
Whether the territory within the- limits of
those States should be held as conquered
territory, under military authority emanat
ing from the Pre.-ident as the head of the
army, was the fiit question that presented
itself for decision.
Now, military governments, established
for an indefinite period, wo dd have afforded
no security for the early depression of dis
content; would have divided the people in
to the vanquishers and vanquished ; and
would have envenomed hatred, rather than
have restored affection. Once establi.-hed,
no precise limit to the continuance was con
ceivable. They would have occasioned an
incalculable and exhaustingexpense. Peace
ful emigration lo and from that portion of
th? country is one of the best means that
can be thought of for the restoration of! ar
mony ; and that emigration would have been
prevented ; for what emigrant from abroad,
what industrious citizen at home, would
place himself willingly under military rule?
The chief persons who would have followed
in the train of the army would have been
dependents on the General Government, or
men who expected profit from the miseries
of their erring fellow-citizens. The powers
of patronage aud rule which would : have
been exercised, under the President, over a
vast, and populous and naturally wealthy
region, are greater than, unless under ex
treme uecessity, I should be willing to en
trust to anj one man ; they are such as, for
myself, I could never, uuless on occasions of
great emergency, consent to exercise. The
wilful use of such powers, if continued
throuph a period of years, would have en
dangered the purity of the general adminis
tration and the liberties of the States which
remained loyaL ,
Besides, the policy of military rule oyer
a conquered territory would have implied
that the States whose inhabitants may have
taken part in the rebellion had, by the act
of those inhabitants, teased to exist. But
the true theory is, that all pretended acts of
secession were, from the begiriing, null and
void.. The States cannot commit treason,
nor screen the individual citizens who may
have committed treason, . any more than
they can make valid treaties or engage in
lawful commerce with any foreign Power.
The States attempting to secede placed
themselves in a condition where their vitali
ty was im paired.but not extinguished their
functions suspended, but not destroyed.
But if any State refuses or neglects to per
form its offices, there is the more need that
the General Government should maintain all
its authority, and, as soon as practicable, re
sunie the exercise of all its functions; On
this principal I have acted, and have gradu
ally and quietly, and by almost impercepti
ble steps, sought to restore the rightfnl en
ergy of the General Government and of the
States, To that end, Provisional Govern
ors have been appointed for the States, Con
ver.tions called. Governors elected, Legisla
tures assembled, and Senators and Repre
sentatives chosen to the Congress of the Un
ited States. At the same time, the Courts
of the United States.as far as could be done,
have been re-opened, .so that the laws of the
United States may be enforced through
their agency. The blockade has been re
moved and the custom houses re-e.stalished
in ports of entry, so that the revenue of the
United States may be collected. ' The Post
Office Department renews its ceaseless activ
ity, and the General Government is thereby
enabled to communicate promptly with its
officers aud agents. The courts bring secu
rity to persons and property; the opening
of the ports invites the restoration ot indus
try aud commerce ; the postoffice renews the
facilities of social intercourse and business.
And is it not happy for us all that the resto
ration of each one cf thes functions of the
General Government brings with it a .bles
sing to the States over which they are ex
tended?' Is it not a sure promise of har
mony and renewed attachment to the Union
that, after all that has happened, the return
of the General Government is known only
as a beneficence ?
I know very well that this policy is atten
ded with some risk; that for its success it
requires fit least the acquiesce nse of the
States which it concerns ; that it implies aa
invitation to thoi.e S;ates. by renewing their
allegiance to the United States: to resume
their functions as States to the Union. But
it is a risk that must be taken ; in the choice
of difficulties, it is the smallest risk ; and to
diminish, aud, if possible, to remove all
danger, I have felt it incumbent on me to
as-ert one other power of the General Cov
en ment the power of par Jon. As no
State can throw a defence over the crime of
treason, the power of pardon is exclusively
vested in the Executive Government of the
United States. In exercising that power, I
have taken every precaution to connect it
wjth the cleare&t recognition of the binding
fdi3'of' the laws of the United Ste, and
an unqualified acknowledgment of the great
social change of condition in regard to sla
very which has grown out of the war.
1 he next step which I have taken to re
store the constitutional relations of the States
has been an invitation to them to partici
pate in the high office of amending the Con
stitution. Every patriot must wish for a
general amnesty at the earliest eporh con
sistent with publie safety. For this great
end there is need ot a concurrence ot all
opinions, and the spirit of mutual concilia
tion. All parties in the late terrible con
flict must work together'in harmony. It is
too much to ask, in the name of the whole
people, that, on the one side, the plan of
restoration shall proceed in conformity with
a willingness to cast the disorders of the
past into oblivion ; and that, on the other,
the evidence of sincerity in the future main
tenance of the Union shall be put beyond
any doubt by the ratification of the propos
ed amendment to the Constitution, whic h
provides fir the abolition of slavery forev
er within the limits of our country. So long
as the adoption of this amendment is delay
ed, so long v ill doubt and jealously, and
uncertainty prevail. This is the measure
which will efface the sad memory of the
pn-t ; this is the measure which will most
certainly call population, and capital, and
security to those parts of the Union that
need them most. Indeed, it is not too much
to ask of the States which are now resuaiing
their places in the family of the Union to
give this pledsre of perpetual loyalty and
peace. Until it is done, the past, however
much w.- may desire it, will not be forgot
ten. The adoption of the amendment reu
nites us beyond all power of disruption. Id
heals the "wound that is still imperfectly
closed ; it removes slavery, the element
which has so long perplexed and divided
the country ; it makes of us once more a uni
ted people, renewed and strengthened,
bound more than ever to mutual affection
and support.
The amendment to the constitution being
adopted, it would remain for the States,
whose pswers have been so long in abey
ance, to resume their plans in the two bran
ches of the National Legislature, and there
by complete the work of restoration. Here
it is for you, fellow-citizens of the Senate,
and for you, fellow-citizens of the Ilouse of
Representatives, to judge, each of you for
yourselves, of the elections, returns, and
quaifications of your own members.
The full assertion of the powers of the
General Government requires the holding
of Circuit Courts of the United States with
in the districts where their authority has
been interrupted. In the present posture
of our public affairs, strong objections have
urged to holding those courts in any of the
States where the rebellion has existed; and
it was ascertained, by inquiry, that the Cir
cuit Court of the-United States would not
be held within the District of Virginia dur
ing the autumn or early winter, nor until
Congress should have "an opportunity to
consider an act on the whole subject." To
your deliberations the restoration of this
branch ot the civil authority of the United
States is threfore necessarily referred, with
the hope that early provision will be made
for the resumition of all its functions. It
is manifest that treason, most flagrant m
character, has been committed. T50?
who are charged with its commission shot.Kl
have fair and impartial trials in thej highest
civil tribunals of the country, in order that
the Constitution and the laws may be fully
vindicated; the truth clearly-established
and affirmed that treason is a crime, , that
traitors should be punished and the offense
made infamous ; and, at the same time, that
the question may be judicially settled, final
ly and forever, that no State of its own will
has the right to renounce its place in the
Union. - " - " -' - ' ' -
The relations of the General Government
towards the four millions of inhabitants
whom the war has called into freedom, have
engaged my most serious consideration. On
the propriety of attempting ' to make the
freedmeu electors by the proclamation of the
Executive, I took for my counsel the Con
stitution itself, the interpretations of that '
instrument by its authors and their cotem
porarics, and recent legislation by Congress.
When, at the first movement towards inde
pendence, the Congress of .the Uuited States
instructed the several States to institute
governments of their own,' they left each
State to decide for itself the conditions for
the enjoyment of the elective " franchise.
During the period of the Confederacy,
there continued to exist a very great diver
sity in the qualifications of electors in the
several States, and even within a State a
distinction of qualifications prevailed with
regard to the officers who were to be chosen.
The Constitution of the United States re
coguizes these diversities when it enjoins
that, in the choice of members of the House
of Representatives of t lie United States,
"the electors in each State shall have the
qualifications requisite for e:.e;:tors of the
most numerous banches of the State Leg
islature." After the formation of the
Constitution, it remained,, as before, the
uniform usage for each State to enlarire
the - body of its "electors,5 according to
its own judgment ; and, under this system,
one State, after another has proceeded to in
crease the number of its electors, - until now
universal suffrage,-or something very near
it. is the general rule. So fixed was this
reservation of power in the habits' of the
people, aud so unquestioned has . been ' the
interpretation of the Constitution.; thatdur
ing the civil war the late President never
harbored the purpose certainly never
avowed the purpose cf disregarding it;
and iu the acts of Congress during that pe
riod, nothing can be found which, during
the continuance of hostilities, much less af
ter their close, would have sanctioned any
departure 1 y the Executive from a policy
which has so uniformly obtained. More
over, a concession of the elective franchise
to the freedmen,by act of the President of the
United States, mut have been extended to
all colored men, wherever found, and so
must have established a change of suffrage
in the Northern, Middle, and Western
States, not less than in the Southern and
Southwestern. Such and would have created
a new class of voters,and would have been an
assumption of power by the President a hich
nothing in the Constitution of laws or the
United States would have warranted.
Oo the other hand, every danger of con
flict is avoided when the settlement of the
qu33tion is referred to the several' States.
They c?.n, each for itself, decide on the
measure, 2nd whether it is to be adopted at
onee and absolutely, or introduced gradually
and with conditions, In my judgment,
the frcedmen, if they show patience and
manly virtues, will sooner obtciu a partici
pation in the elective franchise through the
States than through the General Govern
ment, even if it had power to iutervene.
Whenthe tumult ot emotioos that have been
rai-cd by the suddenness of the social change
shall have subsided, it may prove that they
wY:S receive the kin-iliest usage from some
of those on whom they have heretofore most
closely depended.
But while I have no doubt thatuow.after
the close of the war, is it uot competent for
the General Government to extend the elec
tive franchise in the sevral States.it is eqnal
ly clear that1 good faith requires the security
of the freedmeu in their liberty and proper
ty, their right to labor, and their rit;t to
claim the just return of their labor. 1 can
not too strongly urge a dispassionate treat
ment of this subject, which should be carefully
kept aloof from all party stvile. We must
equally avoid hasty assumptions of any nat
ural impossibility for the two races to live
side by side, in a state cf mutual benefit and
good will. The experiment involves us in
no inconsistency ; let us then, go and make
that experiment in good faith, and not be
too easily disheartened. The country is in
need of labor, aud the freedmen are in need
of employment, culture, and protection.
Whilejtheir, right of voluntary migration and
expatriation is not to be questioned, I would
not advise their forced removal and coloniza
tion. Let us rather encourage them to hon
orable and useful industry, where it may be
beneficial to themselves and to the country ;
and instead of hasty anticipations of the cer
tainty of failure,let there be cotihng wanting
to the fair trial of the experiment The
change in their condition is the substitution
or labor by contract for the status of slavery.
The freedmen cannot fairly be accused of un
willingness to work, so long as a doubt re
mains about his freedom of choice in his
pursuits, and the certainty of his recover
ing his stipulated wages. In this the inter,
ests of the employer and the employed coin
cide. The employer desires in his workmen
spirit and alacrity, and these can be perma
nently secured in no other way. And if one
ought to be able to enforce the contract, so
ought the other. The public interest will be
best promoted if the several States will pro
vide adequate protection and remedies for
the freedmen. Until this is, in some way
accomplished, there is no chance for the ad
vrntageous use of their labor; and the
blame of ill-success will not rest on them.
I know that sincere philanthrophy is ear
nest for the immediate realization of its re
motest aims ; but time is always an element
in reform. It is one of the greatest acts on
recoord to have brouel tfour millions of peo
ple into freedom. The career of free indus
try must be fairly opened to them, and then
their future prosperity and condition must,
after alLrest mainly on themselves. If they
fail, and so perish away, let us be careful
that the failure shall not be attributable to
any denial ot justice.. ; In all that relates to
the destiny of the freedmen, we need not be
too anxious to read the future; many inci
dents which from a speculative ' point of
view, might rai.se alarm, will quietly setth
themselves, - ;
Now that slavery is at an cn 3, or , near its
end, the greatness of its evil, iu the point of
view of public economy, becomes more and
more apparent. Slavery was essentially a
monopoly of labor, and of such locked the
States where it prevailed against the incom
ing of free industry. Where lalnir was the
property of the capitalist, the white ' man
was excluded from employment, or had but
the second best chance of finding it ; and
the foreign emigrant turned away from the
region where his condition would be so pre
carious. With the distruction of the mon
opoly, free labor will hasten from all parts
of the civilized world to assist iu developing
various iiiimea.-urab'e resources which have
hitherto lain dormant.' The eight or nine
States nearest the Gulf of Mexico have a
soil of exhuberant fertility, a climate friend
ly to long life, and can sustain a denser pop
ulation than is found as yet in any part of
our country. And the future influx of imp
utation into them will be mainly from the
North, or frtuu the most cultivated nations
in Europe. From the sufferings that have
attended them during our late struggle, let
us look a fay to the future, which is sure to
be laden for them with greater prosperity
than has ever before been known. The re
moval of the monopoly of slave labor is a
pledge that those regions will be peopled by
a numerous and enterprising population,
which will vie with any in the Union in
compactness, inventive genius, wealth and
industry. .
Our Government springs from and was
made for the people not the people for the
Government. To them it owes allegiance;
from them it must derive its Courage,
strength and wisdom. ' But, while the Gov
ernment is thus bound to defer to the peo
ple, friu whom it derives its existence, it
hou;J. from the very consideration of its
origin, be strong in its power of resistance
to the establishment of inequalities. Mon
opolies, perpetuities, aud class legislation,
are contrary to the penius of free govern
ment, and ought not to be allowed. Here,
there is no room tor favored classes or mon
opolies; the principle of our Government is
that of equal laws and freedom of industry.
Wherever monopoly attains a foothold, it is
sure to be a source of danger, discord, and
trouble. We hbull but tulhll our duties as
legislators by according "equal and exact
justice to all n en," special privilges to none,
The Goveir ment is subordinate to the peo
ple ; but, as the agent and representative of
the people, it must be held superior to mon
opolies, which iu themselves, ought neve to
be granted, and which, where they exist,
must be subordinate, and yield to the Government.-1
The Constitution confers on Congress the
right to regulate commerce among the sev
eral States. It is of the first necessit', lor
the maintenance of the Union, that that
commerce should be free and unobstructed.
No Statu can Le justified in any device to
tax the transit of travel and commerce be
tween States. The position of many States
Is such that, if they were allowed to take
advantage of it for purposes of local reve
nue:, the commerce between States might
be injuriously burdened, or even virtually
prohibited. It is best, while the country is
still young,- and while the tendency to dan
gerous monopolies of this kind is still fee
ble, to use the power of Congress so as to
prevent, any selfish impediment to the free
circulation of men and merchandise. A
tax on travel and merchandise, in their tran
sit constitutes one of the worst forms of
monupoiy, and the evil is increased if cou
pled with a denial of the choice ot route.
When the vast extent of our country is con
sidered, it is plain that every obstacle to the
lree circulation of commerce between the
Slates ought to be sternly guarded against
by appropriate legislation, within the limits
of the Constitution.
The report of the Secretary of the Inte
rior explains the condition of the public
lauds, the transactions of the Patent office
and Pension Bureau, the management of
our Indian affairs, the progress made in the
constructions of our Pacific railroad, and
tarnishes information in reference to mat
ters of local interest in the District of Co
lumbia. It also presents evidence of the
successful operation ot the Homestead Act,
under the provisions of which 1,100,533
acres ot the public lands were entered dur
ing the last fiscal year more than one-fourth
ot the whole number of acres sold or other
wise disjtoscd of during that period. It is
estimated that the receipts derived from
this source are sufficient to cover the ex
penses incident to the survey and disposal
ot the lands entered under this act, and
that payments in cash to the extent of from
forty to fifty per cent, will be made by set
tlers, who may thus at any time acquire
title before the expiration of the period at
which it would otherwise vest. The home
stead policy was established only after long
and earnest resistance ; experience proves
its wisdom. The lands, in the hands of in
dustrious settlers, whose labor creates wealth
and contributes to the public resources, are
worth more to the United States than if
they had been reserved as a Eolitude for fu
ture purchasers. . - .. . . -
The lamentable events of the last four
yeara. and the sacrifices made by the gallant
men of our Army and Navy, have swelled
the records of the Pensions Bureau to an
unprecedented extent. On the 30th day of
June last, the total number of pensioners
was 85,986, requiring for their annual pay,
exclusive of expenses, the sum of $8,023,
445. The number of applications that have
teen allowed since that date will require a
large increase of this amount for the next
fiscal year. ; The means for the payment of
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